Case 2.3 Toward Revitalization of New Towns in Egypt

IJSBE 21 No.
of Pages 9
6 August 2013
International Journal of Sustainable Built Environment (2013) xxx, xxx–xxx

1
Gulf Organisation for Research and Development
International Journal of Sustainable Built Environment

ScienceDirect
www.sciencedirect.com
2 Original Article
3 Toward revitalization of new towns in Egypt case study:

4 Q1 Sixth of October
5 Q2 Ibrahim Rizk Hegazy ⇑, Wael Seddik Moustafa
6 Department of Architecture, Faculty of Engineering, Mansoura University, Mansoura, Egypt
7 Received 6 May 2013; accepted 20 July 2013
8
9 Abstract
10 Egypt adapted many experiments by establishment of new towns and urban settlements in the desert areas. These experiments aim to
11 achieve developmental strategic aspects in the fields of urbanization, environmental, economic, and social. However, there is severe lim-
12 itation in the achievement of the requirement rates either in the demographic growth rates, or in the economic growth rates, or in the
13 urban development rates. Therefore, it should be evaluated either from the theoretical aspect or the executive one. Thus, the aim of this
14 paper is to investigate Egypt’s new town policy, a central pillar of the nation’s urban development strategy over the last 30 years. The
15 history and growth of new towns are reviewed; challenges as well as achievements are identified. Sixth of October new town is chosen as a
16 case study, to delve into the details of development issues in one of the largest new towns. Finally, policy implications for improving the
17 performance of Sixth of October and other new towns are suggested.
18 Ó 2013 The Gulf Organisation for Research and Development. Production and hosting by Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.
19 Keywords: New towns; Urban development strategy; Sixth of October new town; Egypt
20
21 1. Introduction The establishment of new towns in the desert is of the 29

most important experience which aims to develop desert 30
22 The development of the Egyptian desert has faced by regions in Egypt. In order to investigate this experience, 31
23 many challenges that have not been taken into account by it should firstly study the historical evolution of new town 32
24 criticism or evaluation. It is argued that the weaknesses experience and track the establishment of new towns and 33
25 and failures of new towns in Egypt have primarily resulted communities in the Egyptian desert. It is also essential to 34
26 from the absence of understanding the holistic nature of the monitor the most significant problems associated with 35
27 desert environment and the nature of the interconnections planning processes, especially in Sixth of October new 36
28 with social, economic and political systems (Ali, 2003). town as a case study and one of the largest new towns in 37
order to stand on the potential proposals that may support 38
and promote the achievement of urban development goals 39
Q3 ⇑ Corresponding author. Tel.: +20 101 6060 100; fax: +20 502349966. in the Sixth of October and other new towns. 40
E-mail address: i.hegazy@ymail.com (I.R. Hegazy). The current research methodology includes interviewing 41
Peer review under responsibility of The Gulf Organization for Research members of academic staff. The opinions provide valuable 42
and Development.
input for the evaluation process. Interviewees included pro- 43
fessional planners and university staff. Given the particular 44
aim of this research, semi-structured interviews including 45
Production and hosting by Elsevier
open-ended questions were considered the logical choice. 46
2212-6090/$ - see front matter Ó 2013 The Gulf Organisation for Research and Development. Production and hosting by Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.
http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ijsbe.2013.07.002
Q1 Please cite this article in press as: Hegazy, I.R., Moustafa, W.S. Toward revitalization of new towns in Egypt case study: Sixth of October. Inter-
national Journal of Sustainable Built Environment (2013), http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ijsbe.2013.07.002
IJSBE 21 No. of Pages 9
6 August 2013
2 I.R. Hegazy, W.S. Moustafa / International Journal of Sustainable Built Environment xxx (2013) xxx–xxx
47 The current research will investigate the following ques- have to exploit their desert regions in order to achieve more 62
48 tions in order to examine Sixth of October development sustainable development. The aim of the new towns was to 63
49 issues and obstacles: attract population, create an industrial base outside the 64
valley, and attract public and private investments (Aafify, 65
50 What are the significant challenges facing sustainable 1999). 66
51 development of Sixth of October? The first new town venture began in 1976 with the dec- 67
52 What are the potential actions and strategies for revi- laration by President Sadat to establish, Tenth of Ramadan 68
53 talizing Sixth of October in order to achieve urban new town, a new totally self-sufficient town at a desert loca- 69
54 sustainability within the Egyptian context? tion about halfway between Cairo and Ismailia. This new 70
55 city has a solid economic foundation based on the industry 71
56 (Ali, 2003). 72
Even while Tenth of Ramadan was still on the drawing 73
57 2. Egypt’s new town initiative: history and planning boards, other new town schemes, each having a significant 74
industrial base, were announced. These are now considered 75
58 The new town policy was launched in 1970s as an official the “first generation” of new towns (see Fig. 1). These new 76
59 recognition by the Government of Egypt (GOE) that the towns (Sixth of October, El-Sadat, El-Obour, 15th of May, 77
60 old inhabited areas along the Nile valley are no longer able and New Domiat) were planned to be geographically and 78
61 to absorb the increasing population and that Egyptians economically independent of major cities, each with their 79
Mediterranean Sea
Alexandria New Domiat
Borg El-Arab El-Obour th

ShikZaied 10 of Ramadan
El-Sadat Badr
th Cairo El-Shrouk
6 of October th
15 of May
Sinai
New Fayom
New Bani-suief
New Elminia
New Assuit
New Akhmem
Red Sea
New Sowhag
New Qina
New Tibba
New Aswan
Aswan
Exisng Cies
st
1 generaon
nd
2 generaon
rd
3 generaon
Figure 1. The three generations of new towns in Egypt.
6 August 2013
I.R. Hegazy, W.S. Moustafa / International Journal of Sustainable Built Environment xxx (2013) xxx–xxx 3
80 own industrial base and large target populations of 2003; El-Nhas, 2006; El-Laham, 2011; Sayed, 2008) which 135
81 between 250,000 and 500,000. overall was set to be 5 million inhabitants by 2005. In 2006 136
82 The legislative and institutional frameworks for the new the Census enumerated only 766,000 inhabitants in all the 137
83 towns were formalized with the promulgation of the New new towns extant at that time, or 2.45% of the 2006 official 138
84 Communities Law (No. 59 of 1979). It created the New urban population and a tiny 1.06% of the national 139
85 Urban Communities Authority (NUCA) within the Minis- population. 140
86 try of Housing, which was designated as the sole body Problems commonly identified with the new towns could 141
87 responsible for establishing new communities, including be summarized as follows (Abo El-atta and Rabee, 1998; 142
88 the identification of sites, provision of onsite and offsite Ali, 2003, 2007; El-Zaafrany and Aabas, 2007; Sayed, 143
89 infrastructure, setting standards, construction of housing 2008; Ali and Abd El-Galeel, 2009): 144
90 and services, and distribution of land for investors (WB,
91 2008). The Law 59/1979 also gave it the right to declare – New towns have been developed through typical pro- 145
92 special development zones on governmental desert. Law cesses, with little consideration of location dynamics, target 146
93 59/1979 stipulated that each new town would be managed beneficiaries, the economic underpinning of new towns, 147
94 by a town development agency under NUCA, but that and effective market incentives. 148
95 once developed the new towns were to revert to standard 149
96 municipal local administration under the relevant gover- – Creating new towns is an expensive endeavor, since all 150
97 norate (WB, 2008). basic infrastructures must be provided from scratch. 151
98 By the mid-1980s the “second generation” was launched – The new towns over-rely on governmental investments, 152
99 in the desert around Greater Cairo. These new towns (El- and their continued development will require even greater 153
100 Shrouk, El-Obour, Badr and Shik Zaied) were planned to budgetary commitments. 154
101 absorb the population increase in Cairo. In parallel, a – In some cases proper soil and other studies were not 155
102 “third generation” of new towns was established in the near undertaken, and designated lands could not be developed. 156
103 desert as sister towns or twins to existing cities (Ali, 2003). In this context, there remains a lack of clarity about the 157
104 Examples include New Assiut, New Thebes, New Minia, constraints, potentials, and opportunities of the environ- 158
105 New Aswan, etc. At present there are a total of 20 new mental and physical characteristics of the selected sites such 159
106 towns which are functioning or under construction and as the topography and soil characteristics of the areas and 160
107 more than 40 new cities and communities are on the draw- storm water issues. 161
108 ing boards. – Although the new communities law envisioned the even- 162
109 In the early 1990s there was a significant shift in the con- tual handing over of new towns to the respective local gov- 163
110 cept of new towns and the associated land management ernment authorities, this has not occurred, because either 164
111 policy. Up until this time new towns were mainly developed (1) local authorities are perceived as not having the man- 165
112 to attract the working classes through the construction of agement capacities to maintain the high standards of the 166
113 government subsidized low-cost housing units. new towns, or (2) because local authorities cannot assume 167
114 With increasing criticism of the quality social housing, a the service debts and liabilities associated with these new 168
115 much more “capitalist” mode of development was applied. towns. 169
116 The boundaries of existing new towns and settlements were – Many private sector developers hurried to develop up- 170
117 rearranged and dramatically extended, particularly in those market sites without regard for market demand, leading 171
118 cities around Cairo which were considered to have develop- many schemes to fail. 172
119 ment potential. Those cities were merged and boundaries
– Many new towns, especially those with industrial areas, 173
120 were extended to create New Cairo in the desert east of
are experiencing severe environmental problems. 174
121 the metropolis and have a target population of 2 million.
– Despite various studies conducted to inform the choice 175
122 It should be pointed out that urban development in the
of the new locations, there remains a lack of clarity about 176
123 desert is not limited to new towns created under Law 59
the constraints, potentials, and opportunities of the envi- 177
124 of 1979. Other government entities have also developed res-
ronmental and physical characteristics of the selected sites 178
125 idential subdivisions, industrial zones, and housing estates.
such as the topography and soil characteristics of the areas 179
126 A recent study by the General Organization of Physical
and storm water issues. Many have argued that the choice 180
127 Planning has identified more than 11 large desert sites which
of locations is in many instances not valid at all for the 181
128 are currently under development (WB, 2008). In total they
establishment of urban communities because of the under- 182
129 extend over 280 km2 and are expected to eventually accom-
lying environmental characteristics (Ali, 2003). 183
130 modate a population of more than 3 million inhabitants.
Over the last three decades there have been numerous 184
131 3. Current problems and criticisms of the new town criticisms of new towns from various quarters. One signif- 185
icant criticism is that new towns are too expensive for aver- 186
132 The main criticism of the new towns, readily acknowl- age citizens. This is attributed to the high cost of housing 187
133 edged by the Ministry of Housing, is that they are not units, the poorly developed shopping sector and the need 188
134 attracting anywhere near the planned populations (Ali, for adequate, affordable, and efficient public transportation 189
6 August 2013
190 systems. Also, the level of services (schools, health services, subdivisions to the east, and a central commercial spine 215
191 and entertainment facilities) is considered less than ade- to interconnect the city (NUCA, 2012). It is located about 216
192 quate (Ali, 2000). For most critics the answer to these crit- 35 km west of central Cairo (the original plan covered a 217
193 icisms is, simply, that the government must provide more gross area of 3500 hectares – see Fig. 2). Although con- 218
194 housing, cheaper and improved transport, and better ser- struction began in the 1980s build-out and population 219
195 vices and public facilities. growth have been disappointing, even though hundreds 220
196 However, the concept of the new towns itself has rarely of public and private sector factories quickly located and 221
197 been questioned. Solutions to the problems are typically even though tremendous public investments have been 222
198 simply more governmental investments, more private sec- made in the town. 223
199 tor and public private partnership applications, better In the early 1990s Sixth of October began to undergo 224
200 coordination, and “integrated” approaches. fundamental changes. Boundaries of the new town were 225
201 In effect, the new towns have been created with spatial greatly expanded into the surrounding desert, and large 226
202 supply-driven policies and wholesale land distribution atti- blocks of land began to be allocated to private developers 227
203 tudes which, in spite of the best of intentions, simply do not as well as more plot allocations to individuals in huge sub- 228
204 begin to fit with or stimulate the urban processes and mar- divisions. Attempts were made to attract flagship invest- 229
205 kets that have dominated the dynamics of urbanization in ments and signature brands, such as amusement parks, 230
206 Egypt and which to continue to replicate them in existing private universities, and Media Production City. 231
207 agglomerations. By 1996 the population had reached 35,000 and by 2006 232
the Census registered 157,000 inhabitants, making Sixth of 233
208 4. Case study – Sixth of October city: background and October the largest new town in population terms. Accord- 234
209 history ing to the Census, 53,000 dwelling units in Sixth of October 235
were recorded in 1996, and this jumped to 126,000 in 2006. 236
210 Sixth of October new town, announced in 1979, was Although the increase in housing unites was more impres- 237
211 planned to have an ultimate population of 500,000. Like sive, the occupancy of these units was extremely low. 238
212 other first generation new towns, its original economic base Regarding planners’ opinions, all interviewees argued 239
213 was an industrial city with a large industrial zone to the that Sixth of October is considered as one of the relatively 240
214 west, a mix of public housing and individual housing more successful cities in Egypt. This relative success relates 241
To Alexandria
To Central Cairo
Boundaries 2008
To Pyramids &
Giza
Original Boundaries
1981
To the Fayoum
Figure 2. Sixth of October master plan showing original and extended boundaries.
6 August 2013
242 to a number of factors. They are (a) location within the thousands of hectares of land in Sixth of October have 293
243 capital region where so much of the nation’s economic been allocated for projects and sold to individuals and 294
244 activities take place, (b) favored target for large subsidized investors. In the early years, land prices were purely nom- 295
245 public housing programs, (c) large industrial area with inal, although recently land prices have been set to 296
246 both public sector industries and private factories enjoying recover (at least partially) infrastructure costs or are sold 297
247 considerable incentives, and (d) attractiveness for flagship through closed-envelope auctions. Terms of payment are 298
248 public and private investments and signature brands. very convenient, usually 10% down and the rest paid in 299
equal installments over 10 years, without interest. 300
249 5. Unfulfilled promise and continued criticisms Although sale contracts stipulate that a project or venture 301
must be built within a set period (usually 3 years) or the 302
250 Despite the tremendous scale of investments, both pub- site is repossessed, this condition is only very rarely 303
251 lic and private, plus the city’s huge governmental land enforced. In fact, very few if any land allocations, whether 304
252 resource and strategic location within Greater Cairo, Sixth to corporations or individuals, have been taken back 305
253 of October has refused to meet its promise. This section through the city’s history. In this regard, it is clear from 306
254 provides the analysis of interviews’ results; it interprets the interviewees’ comments that this not only represents Q5 307
255 the interviews and identifies interviewees’ critical opinions a huge economic cost (in underutilized land and associ- 308
256 toward new town policy and practice in one of the largest ated infrastructure), but also it is hardly the image that 309
257 new towns, in order to investigate its development issues Sixth of October is trying to project to visitors and poten- 310
258 and obstacles. The following paragraphs summarize the tial investors. 311
259 main weaknesses, as interviewees noted, that have led to In parallel, large parcels in Sixth of October have been 312
260 the present state, and which are still prevalent. (and continue to be) allocated at no cost for government 313
and public sector uses. Most of these lands have been used 314
261 5.1. No logical sequencing of development for the construction of public housing estates. Once built, 315
these neighborhoods at least give the appearance of being 316
262 All interviewees noted that lands in the original core of fully developed, but vacancies are very high. 317
263 Sixth of October were all rapidly allocated in the 1980s,
264 practically once-off. There was no attempt to stage the 5.3. Extremely poor take-up on individual plot subdivisions 318
265 development. In the same way, one of the interviewees
266 commented that “Build-out proved very slow and irregular, Large blocks of Sixth of October have been designed as 319
267 and in instead of trying to densify and restructure the core residential subdivisions with individual plots in the 300– 320
268 areas, in the early 1990s NUCA officials began to design 500 m2 range for multi-story structures and large land for 321
269 Q4 vast new areas”(in particular the “tourist”zone directly east open spaces and public services. These were and continue 322
270 of the core city with an area of 1400 hectares) which were to be distributed under an application system where plots 323
271 parceled for individual plots and for tourism projects are allocated by lots if demand exceeds supply. In the same 324
272 (mostly residential compounds)”. Lands in these areas way, one of the interviewees, who concurred with the obser- 325
273 were allocated in a wholesale fashion without any staging vations of several others, commented that “of the different 326
274 and this has resulted in a more irregular development types of residential land development, these subdivisions have 327
275 with the odd successful project intermixed with massive proven to be the most disappointing, at least in build-out and 328
276 empty spaces and stalled subdivisions. In this regard, occupancy terms”. In this context, Table 1 identifies three 329
277 one interviewee emphasized that “such leap-frogging design main examples. 330
278 of additional enormous city sectors and their wholesale land As can be seen, even the earlier subdivisions, which date 331
279 allocation has continued into the 2000s”. back more than 25 years, are still sparsely settled, and the 332
280 In this context, most interviewees argued that to develop more recent ones are largely an assembly of empty lots. 333
281 any city, even a new, it is essential to be developed progres- Such stalled developments are extreme impediments to 334
282 sively out from its core. City managers know that as devel- Sixth of October’s success. They project a negative image, 335
283 opment occurs, immediate fringe sites gain in value and, if and they create gaping “holes” in the city’s overall urban 336
284 well planned, a rolling program of radiating land market- fabric. 337
285 ing will both maximize financial returns and promote dense
286 and logical development. Such a logic has, unfortunately, 5.4. Lacking public transport and poor accessibility 338
287 been totally lacking in strategies to develop Sixth of
288 October. Most of interviewees claimed that poor public trans- 339
port services have for years been identified as one of the 340
289 5.2. Wasteful land allocations which remain dormant obstacles to the development of Sixth of October. At 341
some 35 km from central Cairo, rapid and affordable pub- 342
290 Sixth of October, like all new towns, is characterized lic transport is needed for the city to become fully linked 343
291 by empty lots, stalled construction, huge empty conces- to the metropolitan area. Although the 26 July Street 344
292 sions, and skeletal subdivisions. Thousands and Extension was built in 1999 specifically to improve the 345
6 August 2013
Table 1
Examples of individual subdivisions.
Districts Two, Three, and Four
Total area: 580 hectares
Started: 1985
35% built on and
completed (but occupancy low)
35% under construction
or stalled
30% remain empty
Date: June 2012
District One
Started: 1990
20% built on and completed
(but occupancy practically nil)
30% under construction or stalled
50% remain empty
Date: June 2012
Tourist Area
Started: 1995
10% built on and completed
(but occupancy practically nil)
15% of plots under construction
75% remain empty
Date: June 2012
346 Sixth of October’s road links to Cairo, and even though - From recent public housing to the commercial spine 362
347 private minibuses now serve the city on a regular basis, varies from 2 to 5 km in distance. 363
348 inter-city public transit remains a problem. - From the furthest factory location in the industrial area 364
349 Interviewees advocated that better means of public to the nearest point on the central spine is 6 km. 365
350 transport within and around Sixth of October is needed. 366
351 Even if transport services to the city are vastly improved, Such huge distances within Sixth of October would 367
352 it remains problematic how passengers are to reach their not be problematic if everyone could rely on the private 368
353 ultimate destinations. The problem is one of distance, as car. Certainly those who live in the residential com- 369
354 the following illustrate: pounds will own vehicles, but the same cannot be 370
assumed for those of more modest incomes. 371
355 - The distance between the present boundaries of Sixth of
356 October measures 20 km in an east–west direction and 5.5. High standards and prohibited uses 372
357 23 km in a north–south direction.
358 - The commercial spine of the core city is itself 7 km in As in all new towns, in Sixth of October allowed plot 373
359 length. exploitation and building standards are extremely strict, 374
360 - From the eastern part of the tourist area to the begin- which, combined with the large unit sizes, makes develop- 375
361 ning of the commercial spine is 5 km in length. ment of residential units expensive and difficult to market. 376
6 August 2013
377 One interviewee argued that “ virtually all privately-built tive intent and at the same encouraging serious investors. 428
378 housing units available on the market are completely unaf- Certainly there must be some mechanisms, as identified 429
379 fordable to the large majority of Cairo’s households, even by interviewees, which will, at least, dampen the speculative 430
380 if finance were to be available”. In the same way, another intent. These mechanisms could be some of the following 431
381 interviewee emphasized that “public housing units are com- approaches: 432
382 monly resold in Sixth of October, but even these smaller units
383 fetch prices that exclude the majority”. - First of all, end the distribution of building lots in subdivi- 433
384 Furthermore, one interviewee noted that “one of the chal- sions by raffling. In this respect, one interviewee argued 434
385 lenges facing limited income people to live in Sixth of Octo- that “this form of land disposal to individuals has had such 435
386 ber is that it is prohibited in most buildings to open retail a damaging effect on the city’s fabric and growth that its 436
387 shops, services, or offices. Workshops and repair shops are continuation, without incentives and penalties in place to 437
388 unknown, and even kiosks are discouraged”. He, moreover, ensure rapid build-out and occupancy, will be disastrous”. 438
389 claimed that “these prohibited uses are precisely those which In the same way, another interviewee claimed that “more 439
390 generate so much employment and so many business oppor- efforts should be put in attracting small and medium sized 440
391 tunities in Cairo proper”. In effect, the vast micro and small private developers which would put up apartment blocks 441
392 informal business sector, which generates jobs for over 60% for rent or sale. These developers should have every incen- 442
393 of urban Egypt, is excluded from Sixth of October. tive to quickly generate revenues to cover their bank 443
loans”. 444
394 5.6. A single, and shrinking, revenue base (land) 445
- End installment payments for land purchase. This policy, 446
395 It is noted that revenues generated in Sixth of October more than any other, attracts those who have no 447
396 come almost exclusively from land sales. The continuous intent to invest seriously. In this respect, one intervie- 448
397 expansion of the city’s boundaries and subdivision and sale wee noted that “The people who simply hope to get in 449
398 of massive new areas have, especially in the 1993–2007 per- “on the ground floor”of a land release scheme, aiming 450
399 iod, generated very significantly. Nevertheless, this land to capture a windfall profit through resell with the 451
400 revenue base is nearly exhausted since land sales are smallest of equity contributions (normally 10–30% of 452
401 allowed in installment payments. the land price)”. Instead, full payment for the land 453
402 In this respect, all interviewees claimed that there is vir- should be required, and perhaps in addition a surety 454
403 tually no financial independence of the Sixth of October payment should be mandated, to be refunded upon 455
404 Agency. Virtually all land sales revenues revert directly to completion of the project or at least the first phase 456
405 NUCA and MHUUD, and budgeting of investments in of that project. 457
406 Sixth of October is also a totally centralized decision. - Consider contracting out land sales. Interviewees noted 458
407 The Sixth of October Agency operates on annual bud- that the current system of land release is quite opaque, 459
408 get allocations from NUCA. Thus even were better land whether for individuals or for developers. It seems that 460
409 management and a “developer” philosophy to prevail insider knowledge of upcoming release counts for a 461
410 within Sixth of October, there is no institutional frame- lot. Moreover, land release is almost always wholesale, 462
411 work which would allow this to work. involving hundreds of parcels and hundreds of feddans. 463
In this respect, one interviewee argued that “land parcels 464
412 6. Suggested actions for revitalizing Sixth of October should be vigorously marketed through all means and lots 465
should be released in small batches, with sales taking place 466
413 In the following paragraphs a number of actions, sug- on site if possible”. Most interviewees raised the point 467
414 gested in interviews, are presented which may tackle some that if NUCA cannot reform itself to act as a true land 468
415 of the intractable problems facing Sixth of October. These developer, then consideration should be given to con- 469
416 suggestions all presume that the requisite political will is in tracting out land marketing and sales to private compa- 470
417 place. nies, with their profits coming not only from a 471
percentage of the sale price, but also from incentives 472
418 6.1. Combat the speculative intent in land disposal for finding serious investors. 473
- Consider land leasing instead of purchase. One intervie- 474
419 Any city land disposal mechanism must combat the wee advocated that “a system of conditional land sales, 475
420 speculative intent which drives so much of current land whereby the investor operates under a rent arrangement 476
421 purchase and property investment. This is not a problem for a number of years or until a project (or a project 477
422 only to Sixth of October; it also bedevils all new town phase) is completed, with eventual with option to buy, 478
423 development. NUCA is well aware of the challenge, and should be considered as an alternative to the present 479
424 it has begun to impose tough conditions on the disposal installment purchase contracts”. In this way the legal 480
425 of the remaining lands in the Sixth of October’s industrial force of ownership (and the implied right of reposses- 481
426 park (by requiring bank guarantees, etc.). However, it is sion) would be retained by the Government until perfor- 482
427 difficult to strike a balance between weeding out specula- mance is guaranteed. 483
6 August 2013
484 6.2. Reclaim and recycle previous land allocations and 6.4. Rethink the balanced community objective 538
485 density of the city core
The multiple difficulties faced by those of limited income 539
486 Even if more rational and productive land disposal sys- to live in Sixth of October and other new towns have been 540
487 tems can be put in place for the small amounts of land still discussed previously. However, the costs of attracting the 541
488 unallocated in Sixth of October, as suggested above, most working class are very high and require continued subsidies, 542
489 interviewees claimed that the huge problems associated and there is a very good chance that even these measures will 543
490 with failed and stalled development elsewhere in the city not succeed. On the other hand, the kinds of skilled jobs and 544
491 will remain. These problems are fundamental and if not high-value businesses expected to be created in Sixth of 545
492 redressed, will condemn Sixth of October to a patchy and October will attract mainly the middle classes. So why not 546
493 discontinuous urban fabric devoid of most city life. simply go with the city’s expected comparative advantages? 547
494 Two approaches are identified to redress these problems; In this respect, one interviewee advocated that “ there is 548
495 the first one is to repossess vacant land parcels and resell already a huge and largely vacant stock of subsidized public 549
496 them under improved land release mechanisms as suggested housing in Sixth of October, and more is being built (e.g. the 550
497 above. One interviewee argued that “it is ironic that, although Ibni Beitak program). This stock will be more than sufficient 551
498 all land allocations stipulate that sales contracts are void if to house the working classes required for existing industry 552
499 development does not occur within a set period (usually and for low-paying service jobs to be created in the city”. 553
500 3 years), this condition is hardly ever applied”. Moreover,
501 he advocated that “it is very simply such a repossession cam- 6.5. Position of Sixth of October as the anchor for western 554
502 paign, staffed with a team of lawyers, is long overdue, and it development of Greater Cairo 555
503 should be applied to unfinished structures as well as vacant land
504 parcels”. The development of Sixth of October should not be seen 556
505 The second approach as identified by interviewees is to in isolation of its surroundings. In this context, all 557
506 allow re-planning of certain core areas of the city, espe- interviewees noted that the whole desert west of Cairo is 558
507 cially to rezone lands which were designated as open spaces being rapidly subdivided and sold for various urban pro- 559
508 and boulevard reserves. Much of these lands have no hope, jects. The list of such projects is long and growing. In a 560
509 in a harsh desert climate, of ever becoming the verdant way these other projects can be seen as direct competition 561
510 strips envisioned by the original planners. In this respect to Sixth of October, since they mostly offer high-end hous- 562
511 one interviewee claimed that “core areas of the city should ing estates, business, commercial, office space, and indus- 563
512 be rezoned for mixed commercial/residential use and aggres- trial sites. In this respect, one interviewee, who reflected 564
513 sively marketed, with the aim of densifying the core areas of the views of several others, emphasized that “none of other 565
514 the urban fabric, and remarkably improving the city’s finan- subdivisions can create the concentration of development and 566
515 cial profile”. urban weight that Sixth of October can. A strategy would be 567
to go with strengthening and generating developments in 568
516 6.3. Attention to public transport and subsidies in general Sixth of October that can offer higher-order services to these 569
other areas”. 570
517 Q6 The interviewees argued that considerable attention to
518 public transport solutions for Sixth of October, considering 6.6. Finally, avoid wishful thinking and non-transparent 571
519 that an integrated transportation system (combining inter- planning 572
520 city mass transit with a local bus network in a hub and
521 spoke system) is an essential element in any city revitaliza- Most interviewees noted that Sixth of October will not 573
522 tion and should itself be considered one of the city’s flag- benefit from over-optimistic estimates and projections. 574
523 ship projects. In this respect one interviewee claimed that For instance, one of the interviewees noted that “these pro- 575
524 “ creating rapid and high-ridership public transport to link jections have bedeviled the city’s plans in the past and have 576
525 Sixth of October to Greater Cairo, including the profitable produced a negative image of unfulfilled promises”. For 577
526 development of high value land around its stations and termi- example, current population estimates for Sixth of October 578
527 nus is likely a main solution to revitalize the city”. are at least twice the reality, and the target for the 2020 579
528 Moreover, two interviewees noted that the economic real- population of 2.5 million inhabitants is totally unrealistic. 580
529 ities challenge any public transport solutions; it is likely that It is argued that these projections become accepted and 581
530 a significant subsidy will be required. One of them claimed generate erroneous conclusions about the feasibility of a 582
531 that “even if the intercity transportation solution works, public whole range of schemes (for jobs to be created, disposable 583
532 transport within and around Sixth of October will remain income available, and public transport ridership for 584
533 problematic. As mentioned, the city suffers from very low den- example). 585
534 sities and patchy development; in addition, distances within More transparency and information about city plans 586
535 Sixth of October are truly colossal. Offering convenient, fre- would also be welcome as noted by interviewees. Most 587
536 quent, affordable, and safe public transport will simply be interviewees noted that maps of Sixth of October, show- 588
537 impossible without large and recurring operating subsidies”. ing land distributed, serviced, developed and still avail- 589
6 August 2013
590 able, are non-existent (or at least not available to the pub- 8. Uncited references 628
591 lic). It is argued that statistics on city development indica-
592 tors and on sunken public investments need to be Central Agency for Public Mobilization (2006) and 629
593 generated and published. Central Agency for Public Mobilization (1996). Q7 630
594 7. Conclusion References 631
595 It could be believed that the current case-study investi- Aafify, A., 1999. The Philosophy of New Towns and their Evolution – An 632
Analytical Study for Theory and Practice, Seminar: New Towns in the 633
596 gation is considered a significant example for other new
Arab World and their Role in Sustainable Development, Agadeer, 634
597 towns in the Egyptian context. In general terms, it is con- Morocco. Q8 635
598 cluded that there is a wholesale need for reform of the Abo El-atta, T., Rabee, M., 1998. Executive Problems in New Towns – 636
599 development philosophy for new towns, particularly in The Egyptian Experience, New Towns Seminar, Eljobeel, KSA. 637
600 terms of land management. This means that a systemic Ali, E., 2000. Urban Inflation in Egypt and Population Attraction 638
Constraints in New Desert Cities, Seminar: Population explosion in 639
601 reform is needed in the following areas:
Arab Cities and Challenges of 21st Century, Kuwait. 640
Ali, E., 2003. Evaluation of the Egyptian Experiment in Establishing the 641
602 - Rethink what is the economic rationale for each new New Towns in the Desert Areas. J. Eng. Sci. 31 (1), 231–244. 642
603 town, especially in the light of the increasing liberaliza- Ali, S., 2007. Strategies and Frameworks for Developing New Towns in 643
604 tion of Egypt’s economy. Egypt, Al-Azhar Engineering Ninth International Conference, 12–14 644
April. Al-Azar University, Egypt, Cairo. 645
605 - Take a hard look at the location advantages and disad-
Ali, W., Abd El-Galeel, N., 2009. Future Cities Between Ideas and 646
606 vantages of each new town, including proximity to for- Development Frameworks of the Egyptian Urbanism, Conference. 647
607 ward and backward linkages and supply chains. Department of Architecture, Faculty of Engineering, Cairo University, 648
608 - Formulate strategies for better linkages and integration Cairo. 649
609 with existing nearby urban agglomerations. New towns Central Agency for Public Mobilization and Statistics (CAPMS), 1996. 650
Population Census in Egypt. 651
610 cannot be treated as isolated geographic entities.
Central Agency for Public Mobilization and Statistics (CAPMS), 2006. 652
611 - Combat the speculative intent in land disposal. Population Census in Egypt. 653
612 - Reclaim and recycle previous land allocations, densify- El-Laham, N., 2011. Towards Enhanced New Sustainable Towns in 654
613 ing the city cores and re-establishing logical land devel- Egypt, Working Paper Series, No. 24. 24. Information and Decision 655
614 opment sequences. Support Center, Egypt, Cairo. 656
El-Nhas, M., 2006. Factors Towards the Evolution of Urban Environ- 657
615 - Address public transport problems.
ment in New Towns, the 2nd International conference on Contempo- 658
616 rary Environmental Issues and Public Participation, 28–30 March. 659
617 - Avoid or at least rationalize subsidies (which implies South Valley University, Egypt, Qena. 660
618 first identifying them, especially those that are indirect or El-Zaafrany, A., Aabas, M., 2007. Cairo 2050 and the Egyptian New 661
619 hidden). Metropolis: A Future Vision for Urbanism in Egypt and its Metropolis 662
in 21st Century. Information and Decision Support Center, Future 663
620 - Avoid wishful thinking and non-transparent planning.
Studies Center, Cairo, Egypt. 664
621 Implied in these recommendations is the need for an New Urban Community Authority (NUCA) website: <http://www.urban- 665
622 economic feasibility review of all existing new towns, and comm.gov.eg/october.asp> [available September, 2012]. 666
623 a hard look at whether or not any further new towns Sayed, A., 2008. Urban Development and New Towns in Egypt Towards 667
624 should be established. In fact, until Egypt’s new town pol- a Comprehensive Model PhD, University of Newcastle Upon Tyne, 668
UK. 669
625 icy is redirected toward economic realities and justified in
World Bank (WB), 2008. Egypt: Urban Sector Update, vol. 1. World 670
626 terms of economic and locational rationales, a moratorium Bank, Middle East and North Africa Region, Cairo. 671
627 should be put on the creation of any more new towns. 672

Case 2.3 Toward Revitalization of New Towns in Egypt

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Case 2.3 Toward Revitalization of New Towns in Egypt

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IJSBE 21 No.

International Journal of Sustainable Built Environment (2013) xxx, xxx–xxx

Gulf Organisation for Research and Development

International Journal of Sustainable Built Environment

3 Toward revitalization of new towns in Egypt case study:

21 1. Introduction The establishment of new towns in the desert is of the 29

Borg El-Arab El-Obour th

Figure 1. The three generations of new towns in Egypt.

594 7. Conclusion References 631

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