Transcending Gender: Assimilation, Identity, and Roman Imperial Portraits

Author(s): Eric R. Varner

Source: Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome. Supplementary Volumes , 2008,
Vol. 7, Role Models in the Roman World. Identity and Assimilation (2008), pp. 185-205
Published by: University of Michigan Press for the American Academy in Rome

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 9 ♦ TRANSCENDING GENDER: ASSIMILATION,
IDENTITY, AND ROMAN IMPERIAL PORTRAITS

Eric R. Varner

had a richly allusive array of visual models from which to choose in fashioning their
artistic identities in portraiture. Assimilation through attributes, costumes, and body types con-
firmed the social positions and civic, heroic, or divine aspirations of Roman patrons, both men and
women. While male and female societal roles were more diachronically defined, portrait identities
and the concomitant role models they established were not conceived around binary opposition
of gender. Indeed, the resulting images could in fact be quite fluid and confidently transgendered,
consciously hybridizing elements of traditional male and female categorizations.
Assimilation required that visually literate Roman audiences recognize a complex system of
reference and counterreference that lies at the heart of Roman portrait production. Recent assess-
ments, however, by Marianne Bergmann, R. R. R. Smith, and Fred Albertson, of the Colossus of
Nero have called into serious question long-held assumptions about theomorphic assimilation
and imperial identity.1 Often interpreted as an intended representation of Nero in the guise of Sol
Apollo, the Colossus may have been precisely the conceptual reverse, an image of the sun god with
Neronian attributes. Thus, the Colossus can be read as a particularly imperial incarnation of the
deity Sol Augustus.2

Gender Blending: Emperors and Goddesses

While such public linkages of gods and emperors are not surprising, assimilative images of deities
imbued with individualized imperial physiognomy are not gender specific. Ultimately, the mixture of
human and divine, male and female, in assimilative imperial portraits intentionally blurs traditional
taxonomic categories and unequivocally asserts the transcendence of imperial authority over prescribed
gender roles. Beginning with Augustus, male rulers and goddesses were also visually conjoined. A
reverse of a denarius, minted by C. Marius in 13 B.C., depicts the goddess Diana with Augustus's
masculine physiognomy; Augustus's own profile appears for ready comparison on the obverse.3

1 Bergmann 1998, 189-201, fig. 3; Smith 2000, 532-38;Nero's fourth and final portrait type, in use between a.d.
Albertson2001. 64 and 68.
Unfinished at the time of Nero's suicide on 9 June a.d. 68,
2 An altar commissioned by Eumolpus, who was slave in the Colossus was finally dedicated in a.d. 75 under Vespasian,
charge of furnishings at the Domus Aurea, presents im- minus any of the intended Neronian references. The Colos-
portant visual evidence for the contemporary reception ofsus continued to be an enduring symbol of the aeternitas of
this concept (Florence, Museo Archeologico, inv. 86025; Rome and imperial authority. An intaglio in the Pergamon
CIL 6 3719 = 31033; ILS 1774; Bergmann 1994, 9, pl. 5.3; museum in Berlin appears to reflect its Vespasianic appear-
Bergmann 1998, 194-201, pl. 38; Smith 2000, 539). The ance; Bergmann 1994, 11, pl. 2.3.
altar is dedicated to Sol, who appears as a radiate bust
with facial features and elaborate coiffure derived from 3 BMCRE 1,21, nos. 104-5, pl. 42.2.

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 186 ERIC R. VARNER

Fig. 1. Diana Augusta, denarius, Rome, 13 B

Bibliotheque Nationale de France
(after Girard 1976, pl. XXV.524).

Fig. 2. Domitian/Minerva, Paris, Bibliot

Rationale de France, Cabinet des Medailles
81-96 (after Megow 1987, pl. 37.5).

Although sometimes identified as A

is that she looks like her father), t
John Pollini and Susan Wood, is l
subtly assimilated to the emperor (
partially motivated by the emperor
and masculine complement to Diana
long Apolline (and more feminine)
on a denarius ca. 16 B.C. with a mas
denarius ca. 19-18 B.C.6
The Augustus-Diana imagery ma
virtue of virtus (strength) as well.
of virtus and the surprisingly activ
cult at Nemi.7 Indeed, as early as 18
ably Augustan profile in a series of
visual promotion of his own virtus

4 Fullerton 1985, 476,

Bibliotheque 480,
Nationale, 89 pl.
A 61678 (Feronia); 55.10;
Pollini 1990, Pollin
fig. 29b; Wood 1999,
355-56, figs. 32-33. 64, 67-68.

5 Museo 7 See her contribution in this

Archeologico, inv.volume. 14521, 8.4 x 4.9
in the Medici collection); Giuliano 1989,
with figs. SBMCRE1, no. 36, pl. 1.19, 8, nos. 43^4, pl. 2.3^; Palazzo
Massimo, no. 46.
6 Paris, Bibliotheque Nationals H 37332 (Venus); Paris,

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 TRANSCENDING GENDER 187

Virtutis set up in the Curia Julia in 21 B.C., whic

pietasy and iustitia. These virtues in turn became
Later in the first
perm century a.d., Claudius
a golden statue of the goddess, Pax Augustan
mentioned in a letter written by Claudius to
primarily discusses the erection of various portr
imperial family. Somewhat surprisingly, Claudius
(cpogxiKoxeQog), and this may have been the res
own male physiognomy.
Similar striking marriages of masculine physio
under Domitian, helping to foster an identity for
gender categories. In three gems in the Cabinet d
nerva is imbued with the emperor's distinctive (an
Minerva appears in bust form wearing the helme
presentation of the goddess with her recognizabl
tures are again clearly discernible. The body type
coin reverses, as for instance a sestertius from Ro
emperor's physiognomy as visual embodiments of
furthermore incarnate the goddess as Minerva A
The Paris gems are expensive works of art, like
as distribution pieces or by one of his partisans.
ideology concerning the emperor's identification
her virtues including wisdom and military streng
goddess found monumental expression in the For
predominantly female and represents various wo
punishment by Minerva.12 The imagery functions
Roman women and corresponds to Domitian 's re
adultery, divorce, and procreation. One of the prin
was clearly Roman elite women, whose behavior w
suggesting that the designers of the cameos also h
target audiences.
The agglomerative strategy adopted in the Domi
tan identity for Minerva was not limited to the mo
also employed in a colossal head from Rome and n
masculine facial features and female coiffure has pro
it has been assigned to Livia, identified as a rewo
as Domitian refashioned into an ideal likeness.14 N

9 London Papyrus 11 ANSRose

1912.35-38; 1944.100.42561; Varner
1997, 186-88. 2000
figs.
10 Bibliotheque Nationale, Cabinet des Medailles 22, inv. 71. A
12 D'Ambra 1993; Bauer
234431, 9.9 x 7.0 cm, Megow and Morselli 1995.
1987, 223-24, no. A 113, pl.
37; Bibliotheque Nationale, Cabinet des Medailles 26, 12.0 x
13 Museum, inv. 347016. Cabinet
55 cm; Bibliotheque Nationale, Kreikenbom 1992, 107-8,des
pl. 35. Medailles 128,
13.4 x 8.1 cm ; MegowThe1987,
head is from the Palazzo
108, Brancaccio
124in Rome and
138,is 143, 221-22,
nos. A 110-11, pl. worked
37.1-2 for insertion (likely
(with into an acrolithic statue).
earlier literature); Guiraud
1996, 94, fig. 2.
14 Matheson 2000, 72, figs. 2a-b.

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188 ERICR.VARNER

Fig. 4. "Galliena Augusta

(after Kent 1978, fig.

Fig. 3. Domitian/Minerva,
ca. A.D. 81-96 (after Varne

Minerva, comparable to the Miner

Parisian gems provide important
cuttings along the side and back o
The colossal scale of the head wo
of the Domitian-Minerva axis in R
titism in reports by both Martial
Minerva was not the only godde
a dupondius of Julia Titi likely m
on the reverse, masculinized with
ized representations of Minerva,
the goddess and appropriate all
the Vestals and Vesta are well att
Ceres through his adoption of th
representations dramatically dem
of the emperor's image and that t
by his masculinity or impeded by
sex and gender embedded in the
reverberations especially appealin

15 Rome, Musei 18 Suet. Braccio

Vaticani, Dom. 8.3-4;
Nuovo,E i
1984, 1086, no. 154.
1.1.35-36; Plut. Num. 10

16 Earlier, bothl9RPC nos.

Alexander 2574,
and 2597,
Demetri
aligned Lichoka,
themselves with 1997,
Athena;88.
for Alex
1993, 44. For Demetrios and his coins that
own features with
20 those
As of the by
suggested goddess,
Bartmas
Walker 1959, 54, pl. Vesta
and 29, nos.
or 8-10; Green
Cybele: Bar

17 BMCRE 279, nos. 256-58, pl. 53.8; Ke

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 TRANSCENDING GENDER 189

of the Achilles on Skyros motif in painting and lite

transfiguration from male to female and back again
and imperial contexts, as for instance the House of
Domus Aurea,23 as well as in book 1 of Statius's Ach
By the mid-third century, the emperor's ability to c
finds visual expression on aurei of Gallienus minted
male bearded profile with a female epigraphic iden
own initiation at Eleusis and his subsequent close as
impetus for this particular numismatic evocation o
sestertius is equally sexually ambiguous and depicts
long flowing feminine locks, Gallienus 's beardless p
with female divinities like Cybele and Fortuna or Ty
these images again creates a fluid visual persona for
of masculine and feminine.

Assimilated Identities: Imperial Husbands

The admixture of political power, gender, and transcen

imperial women that have been intentionally masculin
phenomenon has Ptolemaic precedents, especially in t
combine heavy masculine facial features with the quee
of Cleopatra II or III in Vienna28 and the Louvre29 ar
from the Villa of the Papyri.30 Masculinized presentat
normally more idealizing and classicizing realm of ro
facial features of an agate cameo in Florence were id
Apion, the last king of Cyrene.31 A similar cameo in N
although both gem portraits should rather be associ
modern expectations about gender have impacted the

21 Trimble 2002, 231-38. and S. A. Ashton), with fig. and earlier

29 MA
22 Pompeii VI, 9, 6; Naples, 3546,
Museo h. 0.022Archeologico,
Nazionale m; Walker and H
inv. 9110; Cantilena et al.(S.
1986, 152, no.
A. Ashton), 205. figures and earlier
with

23 Domus Aurea room 119; 30 Inv. 5598,

Iacopi h. 0.405
1999, m;
51-71; Smithand
Segala 1988, 16
earlier
Sciortino 1999, 86-90 (with literature); Cantilena et al. 198
figs.).
fig. Although they lack the masculinize
24 Stat.ykM. 325-857. the Cleopatra portraits, paired mosai
two Ptolemaic queens (likely Arsino
from
25 RIC 229; Kent 1978, 3 14, no.Thumis
496. do include male military
see Kuttner 1999, 112.
26 Matthew 1943, 68; Alfoldi 1979, 585-606; Spaeth 1996,
31 Museo
27-60; Lichoka 1997, 91. Kent (1973)Archeologico,
suggests that inv.
the 14650,
form 2 x
the Medici
of the emperor's name is actually Collection);
a hypercorrected Giuliano
vocative but 1989
earlier
acknowledges its ambivalent and literature; Borea
unconventional and Gasparri
nature.
(M. E. Micheli).
27 Bastien 1994, pl. 100.5.
32 Naples, Museo Nazionale Archeologi
28 Kunsthistorisches Museum, inv. AS I belonging
1.1 cm (formerly 406; h. 0.31
to m;
Fulvio
Walker and Higgs 2001, Farnese);
60, no. 26Gasparri 1994, 142, no. 120,
(A. Bernhard-Walcher

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 190 ERIC R. VARNER

In the late republic, numismatic i

male and assimilated to those of the
at Ephesus, represents Antonius and
itudo expressed on the Ephesian coi
years later, in 32 B.C., a similar met
facial features have been made to re
{melonenfrisur) has been redesigned
her other numismatic images and her
Cherchel,37 Cleopatra wears the flat
had been featured by several of her
coins celebrates the sexual, marital,
appearance of the queen may also h
were undoubtedly a primary audienc
observers have taken these coins lite
masculine facial features and promin
and beauty. The identity that the coin
had little to do with Cleopatra's actu
been consciously manipulated, as is
sculpted images, which are classiciz
In view of modern feminist approa
of whether Cleopatra's female ident
Antonius's male identity. The initia
to conform to that of Antonius. Ho
likely that Cleopatra is proactively e
she fashions an image of a powerfu
Quite the opposite can also occur i
own individual feminine facial featu
tion to Antony, and, in fact, on cert
to conform more closely to those of
mint (fig. 5).38 These images are like
the figure of Octavia, during the peri
ing softness and passivity, were also
A series of Arretine bowls depict H
roles, and they use the allusive langu
enslavement to the foreign queen Cl
Although Livia's images are not ove

33 Kent 1978, 110.

2001, 218-19, no. 196 (P. Higgs).

™BMCR 2.525.179;
37 Cherchel,Kent
Museum, inv. S661978, 111;
(31), h. 0.31 m; Smith 1988, Pollin
n.59.
169, no. 69, pl. 45.1-3; Walker and Higgs 2001, 219, no.
197 (M. Ferroukhi).
35 Berlin, Staatliche Museen, inv. 1976.10; h. 0.27 m; Smith
1988, 169, no. 68, pl. 45.4-6; Walker and Higgs 2001, 3SRRC
220, no. 533/3a; Wood 1999, 46-50, esp. 49; Walker
no. 198 (P. Higgs). and Higgs 2001, 240, no. 259 (J. Williams); Pollini 2002,
32-33, fig. 26.
36Museo Gregoriano Profano, inv. 38511, h. 0.39 m; Smith
1988, 35, 97-98, 133, 169, no. 67, pl. 44; Walker and Higgs
39 Kampen 1996,235.

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 TRANSCENDING GENDER 191

Fig. 3. Antonius and Octavia, aur

unspecified eastern mint, 38 B.C.,
London, British Museum, BMC
East 144 C© Copyright the Trust
of The British Museum).

of Augustus, as in the dynastic group that also in

theless, Livia's portraits can be endowed with m
the triumphing Roman general that became a st
wears the corona triumphalis on four cameos in F
Livia's close association with laurel and triumph
laurel grove of her villa at Prima Porta, which w
male members of her family had carried in their
statue of Livia in Munich deemphasizes the femal
hips and abdomen, and the draping of the palla ex
of male attributes, characteristics, or behavior is
stolatus (Ulysses wearing a stola).45 Livia's female
her great granddaughter Agrippina Minor, as in
Claudian context, Agrippina's corona triumphalis
as the only surviving child and legitimate heir of
Indeed, in Tacitus, Agrippina Minor, like her mot
woman who transgressed her proper female roles
More aggressive assimilative strategies for rep
during the imperial period. Agrippina Minor's
Claudius is stressed on coins like a cistophorus f
provincial coinage had presented Claudius's previ
on those of the emperor.49 Agrippina's heavier m
stand in stark contrast to her more feminine pre

40 Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek:
44 Munich, StaatlicheLivia:
Antikensammlungen inv. 1444, h. 0.34 m;
und Glyptotek
Johansen 1994, 96-97, 367,
no. h. 1.67 36; Augustus:
m; Bartman 1999, 41, 154, no. 18, fig. 39.inv. 1443; h. 0.55
m; Johansen 1994, 90-91, no. 33, with figs.; Tiberius: inv.
1445, h. 0.47 m; Johansen 1994,
45 Suet. Calig. 23.2. 114-15, no. 45.

41 Museo 46 3593,
Archeologico, inv. inv. 99.7-22.3;
14528, Megow 1987,
4.7292, no.
xD14,
3.7pl. cm; Giuliano
1989, 229, no. 153, with18.6.
figs.

42 47 Santoro
Hermitage, inv. 2l54, 2.1L'Hoir x 1984.
1.8cm;Bartman 1999, 192-93,
no. 106, fig. 94; Hermitage 2267, 4x3.1 cm; Bartman 1999,
193, no. 107; Hermitage ASBMCRE
2268, 197, no. 231;
3.1 Kent 1978,
x 2.5 187, no. 284;
cm; Bastien Bartman 1999,
193, no. 108. 1994, pl. 30.3.

43 The site of the villa was determined by a miraculum in which 49 BMCRE 199, no. 242, pl. 34.8; BMC Cappodocia 46,
a white hen holding a laurel branch in its beak was dropped by pls. 58-59; Mickoki 1995, 45, 187, no. 245; Wood 1999,
an eagle into Livia's lap. The branch was rooted, and the later 275-76.
sprigs were taken from this tree: Kellum 1994, 222-23.

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 192 ERICR.VARNER

Fig. 6. Claudius and Agrippina

Minor, Gemma Claudia, Vienna
Kunsthistorisches Museum,
inv. IX a 63, ca. a.d. 41-34
(after Megow 1987, pl. 32.4).

type created under her brother Ca

School of Design.50 The physical r
in the Gemma Claudia, in which the
and father, Germanicus and Agrip
Agrippina and Claudius is striking
just the similitudo and concordia b
tion draws attention to cosanguinit
and Agrippina that many of their
Later, Domitian and Domitia are of
numismatic likenesses, including a
similitudo of these couples is anot
concepts of imperial concordia and
tions of Marcus Aurelius and Faust
their portraits, as in images created
likenesses of female relatives of M
ferent and elongated eyes in order
one of his sisters, either Ceionia F
The notion of imperial concordia
middle years of the third century

50 Schloss Fasanerie,
Faustina: Museocat. no.
Capitolino, Stanza 22, 2, h.
degli Imperatori inv. 0.322 m;
240, 295-96, figs. 109-10;
449; Fittschen Rhode
and Zanker 1983, 20-21, no. 19, pls. 24-26. Island Sc
inv. 56.097, h. 0.305 m; Wood 1999, 238, 2
107-8. 54 Rome, Museo Capitolino, Sala delle Colombe 62, inv.
336; Fittschen and Zanker 1983, 26-27, no. 26, pls. 35-36;
51 Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum, inv. IX a 63; MegowRome, Museo Capitolino, Magazzini, Antiquario, inv. 6269;
1987, 200-201, no. A 81, pls. 31, 32.1, 2-4. Fittschen and Zanker 1983, 27, no. 27, pl. 37; Rome, Palazzo
Spada, inv. 74; Fittschen and Zanker 1983, 26, Beil. 14a-c;
52 BMCRE 353, no. 252, pl. 68.1. Aquileia, Museo Nazionale, inv. 401; Fittschen and Zanker
1983,26, 14d.
53 Marcus: Museo Palatino, inv. 3683; Tomei 1997, 93, no. 66.

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 TRANSCENDING GENDER 193

political, economic, social, and cultural instability. The

Maximinus Thrax, prominently celebrates his deceased
both of them in Rome in 237 clearly demonstrate the
rugged and masculine visage of her husband, although b
representations of Otacilia Severa, including bronze me
very similar to those of her husband, Philip the Arab.5
imperial women are intended to project expected imp
necessary to the stability of the dynasty and empire. Ind
makes the allusion explicit: Concordia Augustorum (ha
Nearly identical concepts and assimilations are at play
from Rome issued ca. 251 P1
Striking masculinized assimilations of imperial wive
and reinforce imperial notions of concordia into the f
representations of Galeria Valeria, the daughter of Di
of Galerius (first Diocletian's junior colleague, then sen
began to disintegrate, marble portraits of Maxentius5
a fictive physical resemblance between husband and w
fictive political and dynastic concordia.60 In actuality, V
opposed Maxentius during his six-year reign from
individualized and more abstracted later in the fourth c
ing that wives and husbands continued to resemble ea
Constantinople in 383 depicting Aelia Flacilla and her

Private Transgressions: Feminine Men and Mas

The permeability of gender clearly demonstrated in th

or diachronic categorization also manifests itself in a
images can quite literally amalgamate male and fem
century in the Bardo in Tunis has unequivocally been
deity, and what is perhaps even more startling is tha
boundaries of gender.62 Much of the drapery, the br
in the right hand are derived from the front half of
been recut into an older, bearded male, and a lion skin
originally covered the head of the goddess. In its curr
lower of the cult of Hercules, cross-dressed as Ompha

55 Maximinus: Kent 1978, 309,

59 Stockholm, no. 435;
Nationalmuseum, BMCRE
inv. 106; Varner 2004, 216- 236, no.
161, pl. 38; Paulina: Kent 17, 220, 286, no. 309,
1978, 9.1, figs. 208a-b
no. (with earlier
436; literature).
BMCRE 233,
nos. 126-36, pl. 37.
60 Museo Capitolino, Magazzini, inv. 106, h. 0.26 m; Var-
56 Kent 1978, 311, no. 457;ner 2004, 215, 219-20, 288,1912,
Gnecchi no. 96, fig. 214 (with earlier nos. 1-17,
97-99,
pl. 109.1-9. literature).

57 Kent 1978, 313, no. 480; Gnecchi 1912, 110, nos. 51-54, 61 Theodosius: Kent 1978, 339, no. 717, pl. 181; Aelia Flacilla:
pl. 115.4-6. Kent 1978, 339, nos. 717-20, pls. 181-82.

58Bastien 1994, 30-31, pls. 154-56. 62 Inv. 3047; Yacoub 1982, 30, fig. 32.

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 194 ERICR.VARNER

Fig. 7. Relief of C. Rabirius Postumus He

Palazzo Massimo alle Terme, inv. 196633,

well-attested aspect of Hercules' cu

Victor.63
Similar cultic transvestism is also celebrated on the sarcophagus of Titus Flavius Trophimas
from Ostia in the collections of the Terme.64 Commissioned by Lucius Atilius Artemas and Claudia
Apphias, for themselves and their friend, the "incomparable" Trophimas, the sarcophagus depicts
two male shoemakers, presumably Trophimas and Artemas. The pair appears again to the left of
the inscription plaque, this time in an Isiac ritual scene in which one is dressed in female costume.
The deliberate juxtaposition of the deceased's masculine work roles and their female role-playing
as initiates of Isis makes the traversal of gendered categories unmistakable and, as John Clarke has
elucidated, may explicitly allude to a sexual relationship between the two men.65 Furthermore, the
transvestism and transgression of sexual categories likely held eschatological implications for the
deceased's transition from life to death.
Isiac and eschatological nuances may also underlie the reconfiguration of a relief honoring
Usia Prima in the Palazzo Massimo (fig. I).** The inscription identifies Usia Prima as a priestess
of Isis (SAC. ISIDIS); the goddess's cistrum has been incised into the background of the relief to
the right of Usia's head and a patera to her left.67 Her coiffure suggests a Flavian or early Trajanic
date for the portrait. Nevertheless, the relief includes two other figures of C. Rabirius Postumus
Hermodorus and Rabiria Demaris whose hairstyles and veristic portraits indicate that the relief was
initially commissioned by freedmen ca. 13 b.c-a.d. 5.68 Usia Prima's likeness has been recut from

63 Matthews 1993, 135; Delcourt 1961, 21-22. See also ^Palazzo Massimo alle Terme, inv. 196633; Kleiner 1977,
Kampen 1996, 243. Lydus, Mens. 4.8. 231, no. 63, figs. 63a-c; La Regina 1998, 40 (B. Germini).

64 Museo Nazionale Romano, inv. 184, h. 0.50 m, w. 1.86 m, 67 CIL 6 2246; the full text of the inscription reads: C.
d. 0.55 m; Giuliano 1981, 148-50 (S. Dyan, L. Musso, and RABRIVS.POST.L RABIRIA VSIA .PRIMA .SAC. /
P. Lombardi). HERMODORVS DEMARIS ISIDIS.

65 Clarke 2003, 215-19. 68 Kleiner 1977, 231. The right half of Usia Prima's upper

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 TRANSCENDING GENDER 195

a preexisting male portrait. Significantly, the body

retains much of the (original) male togate body. Usi
adjacent figure of Rabiria Demaris. Rabiria turns t
suggest that the original male figure was her husban
indicate that originally there was a fourth figure in th
its transformative state with its juxtaposition of tw
female likeness and male body. Given the transvest
these appositions are unlikely to be coincidental. In
nature of Isis and Isiac beliefs for nearly contempor
Other reconfigured private images have also cros
woman in Copenhagen has been refashioned from a
has shown, the original likeness reflects Antinous 's m
visible at the back of the head.72 A portrait on the a
tion.73 The image currently depicts a bearded male fro
of wrapped braids from a Trajanic female likeness s
commingling of masculine and feminine suggests th
third century may have allowed more insistent mer
Portraits of young children can raise doubts about
length images at Wellesley74 and Cleveland.75 Both o
context, combine extremely short hairstyles similar
patently female costume of belted chiton and quiver
ambivalence of gender is also present in an under-lif
Cleveland busts, the Fondi image juxtaposes the fem
a more masculine Trajanic coiffure and boyish facial
of the Diana and virtus connections and the deliber
representations of young girls as the goddess, the f
be appropriate for males, or at least very young bo
least presexual.77 In addition, it has also been sugge
participated in the cult of Artemis at Brauron, perh
deliberately ambiguous likenesses may be highly m

torso has been recut, but 72

theMeyer
short 1991, 49,
"sling" no. of
fold 1 26,
thepl. 29.5-6.
toga
is untouched at the left side, and Usia Prima's right arm
has been carved from the73 Matheson
elbow of the2000, 77, male
original fig. lOa-d.
figure.
Because of its reconfiguration, Usia Prima's head is smaller
than that of Rabirius and 74 Wellesley
Rabiria. College,
Usia Prima'sDavis Museum
inscription a
stands in rasura over the inv. 1924.22,
earlier h. 0.457
inscription, m; Kleiner
although great and
care was taken in matchingno. the
147 original
(J. Allen).
letter forms. The
backgrounds of the inscriptions, however, have different
75 Cleveland
treatments, with that of Rabirius Museum
and Rabiria of Art, inv.
smoothed with 51.288
and
a flat chisel, while that of Matheson
Usia Prima 1996, 198, left
has been no. 148
more( J. Al
textured with the claw chisel.
suggests that the female costumes of b
female identity for the sitters.
69 This area has been heavily worked over with a claw chisel.
76 Antiquario, Chiostro di S. Francesc
1981,
70Plut. De Is. et Os. 11; on 223, no.
the hybrid 84, pl.and
nature 11.1-2.
names of
Osiris and Hermanubis, see also Plut. De Is. et Os. 61.
77 For Nemi, see Eve D'Ambra's co
volume.
71 Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek 718, inv. 3286, h. 0.32 m; Johansen
1996, 200-201, no. 88, with figs, and earlier literature.

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196 ERIC R. VARNER

The appearance of males as the g

evidenced by the late Antonine or ea
doros is shown as a mature youth w
breasts, dressed in the short chiton.
evocation of virtus in the Roman pe
on the monument. Like Minerva, D
asexual, and this aspect may have a
for identification with males (as in
his identification with Artemis likel
his name. Such visual puns are not u
Private female portraits can also em
to the imperial images. A Flavian re
the Ashmolean81 is remarkable for t
is endowed, while a slightly later re
thoroughly feminine and elaborate T
masculinized portrait features desig
Indeed, her portrait in the relief is m
on her funerary altar that depicts Ca
and more feminine physiognomy.83
female role as mother (Catliae Mosch
in these portraits also allows Myrtal
sociated with strongly realistic repr

Gender Politics: Power and

Masculinity itself appears to be an

Severina is unique among Roman em
her own right during a brief interr
and the accession of his immediate s
a visual identity on her coins by jux
with her husband's hypermasculine
traits can be slightly softer and mor
are among the most masculinized in
from 275, thought to be minted afte

78 Athens, National81 Museum,

Michaelisinv.
1882, 155.Rho
1 192;
65, no. 95, with fig.
82Calza 1978, 83-84, no. 11
79 Alexander is also
no. reported
37, pl. 51 to have
(A. dress
Licordari
often riding in his chariot in her costume; At
Stewart 1993, 13,83
356-57.
Los Angeles, J. Paul Gett
1988, 76-79, no. 27.
80 See, for instance, the altar of Tiberius Octavi
which depicts a recognizable
84 HA Aur. work of HA
36-37; art,Tac.
the
Polykleitos, in order to pun visually on the d
cognomen; Kleiner 1987, 97-98,
85 Bastien 1994, no. pls.
25, 1, pl.
11
1996, 43-44, no. PE 29.

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 TRANSCENDING GENDER 197

Fig. 8. Severina, Fig.

aureus, 9. Aurelian,
Rome, A.D. 275 antoninianus, Rom
(after Kent 1978, fig. (after
536). Kent 1978, fig. 534).

numismatic identity by directly quoting the fore

year earlier (figs. 8-9). 86 Severina's coiffure is le
to resemble the close-cropped military hairstyle
skull. The modified coiffure, the slight bits of d
Diana-Luna, which are the female analogue to Au
remain of her visual identity as a woman.87 Never
a prominent inscription that is clearly feminine
Again, the all-important concept of concordia lit
tation, as the reverse depicts concordia militum.
Historia Augusta of Aurelian 's proposed restorati
atmosphere of real or perceived female political
like his wife Severina and the Palmyrene queen
In fact, Severina's more masculine numismatic
sponse to the representations of Zenobia, whom
his triumphal procession.89 Zenobia is actually s
Augusta, and she is consistently described in mas
as a female foil to Gallienus, who is represented a
have been a superior leader, and she wields imper

86 Aurelian: Kent 1978,contemporary

318, no. 534, pl. 139; woman.
private RIC 281, no.
151, pl. 8.127; Severina: Kent 1978, 319, no. 536, pl. 139;
R/C317,no. 13, pl. 9.138.
88 Earlier in the Historia Augusta, the
associated with the inappropriately
87 A marble portrait in the Galleria
Julia Borghese
Soemias and has been as-
the correspondingl
sociated with Severina on the basis
attitude of the
of her hairstyle;
son, SalaSHA
Elagabalus; V
(Ermafrodito), inv. 240; Moreno and Viacava 2003, 210-12,
no. 192, 89 Alexandrian
with fig. However, tetradrachm:
the Sheitelzopfoi Kent
the Borghese
portrait is 138.
much more massive on the top of the head than
in Severina's numismatic portraits. The numismatic portraits
also lack the curls escaping
90 Tyr.Trig.out
30.1. of the Sheitelzopf 'below the
ears in the Borghese head, which more likely represents a

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198 ERIC R. VARNER

wears an imperial cloak like a man, a

{imperatorum more romanorum).91 Th
praising his captive in typically male t
be largely fabricated, but its author c
audiences might believe it, and her c
The section of the Historia Augusta on
concludes with another female ruler,
who is credited with seizing sole pow
f acinus auderet).93 Slightly earlier, in 2
nexus, coins are issued at Carnuntum
her only the most proximate female i
Kent has even gone so far as to say th
flattering portrait in the entire Roma
The visual and cultural dialogue, how
feminine. The feminized behavior or
Caligula, Nero, Domitian, Commodus,
expressed evolving constructs of impe
interest in grooming is noted by Suet
fringed sleeves and a loose girdle to t
accounts of Caesar 's sexual liaison wi
more feminine role and included not
verses referred explicitly to Caesar's p
"Caesar screwed the whole of Gaul, Ni
after screwing Gaul. / Nicomedes does
has demonstrated that Caesar may ha
an effort to forge an effective opposi
and transgressive sexuality, however,
which are more traditionally veristic
Later, Caligula's predilection for divin
Victor, who mention the emperor's ap
tions that one of the Venus drag show
as the goddesses, however, may be the
and Virtus made that much more chall
realm of the military campaign. Jose
wigs, as well as other costumes, in ord
vestism.100 Like Caesar, Caligula is al
behavior. Also like Caesar, Caligula's v

91 Tyr. Trig. 30.2, 96

14. M 45.2-3.

92 Tyr. Trig. 97M49.

30.5-12.

93 Tyr. Trig. 31.2. 98 Corbeill 2002, 205-7.

94 Kent 1978, 315,99 no.

Suet. Calig. 500,
52; Aur. Viet. Caes.
pl. 3 {cum ipse nucn fluxo
133.
cultu Venerioque).
95 Kent 1978, 315, no. 500.
100 AJ 19.30.

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 TRANSCENDING GENDER 199

manner, in this case derived from the classicizing r

by his great-grandfather, Augustus. Prior to Caligula
guise of Venus is also recorded.101
Echoing the earlier ironic invectives against Caesar,
ruling like a queen, and she further refers to him in
a woman.102 Nero's marriage ceremony to Doryphoru
virgin being deflowered, is also a crucial element of t
as is his penchant for playing tragic female roles on
and Melanippe, mentioned also by Juvenal.103 Tacitus
emperor's shocking feminine proclivities, when Nero
with all the solemn rites of legitimate marriage {in m
Tacitus 's carefully orchestrated and moralizing accou
and thus presages, the greatest disaster of the reign,
Nero's violation of established sexual roles and gend
sulted in the devastating natural disaster. The herma
with Pythagoras and Doryphorus may have been inte
terpretations of hermaphroditism in cosmological, th
Nero is also reported to have hermaphroditic mares f
it a remarkable spectacle to see the emperor of the w
The elaborate coiffures of Nero's last two portrait
of luxuria and elegantia, which with their carefully co
in common with contemporary female approaches to
ments made popular by Augustus and may be analogo
Suetonius and Dio.107 Surviving replicas of Nero's th
perhaps purposefully) opposed to traditional Roman n
by nearly contemporary stoics like the elder Seneca.10
elaborately conceived male hairstyles, which may hav
stoic emphasis on the importance of unaffected natu
generated gender confusion and have been variously

101 Wardle 1994,339^0. 106Plin.HN 11.262.

102 Dio 65.6.3-5. 107 Suet. Nero 51; Dio 63.13.3.

108
103 Suet. 2 1. 3 ;Juv. 8.228-29. Sen. Controv. 2, preface 2.

109 Smith
104 Ann. 1537. Martial also 2003. Pythagoras as one
mentions
of Nero's lovers: 11.6.10, and his marriages also appear in
110 See,
Aur. Viet. Caes. 5; Treggari for
1991, instance,
169. a portrait
Champlin (2003,in the U
Mansuelli
154, 167) has suggested that 1961, 69,
Pythagoras andno. 63, fig. 63; Cain
Doryphorus
are one and the same, and has identified the
Doryphorus may Uffizi
be anportrait
epithet and re
resentations
or a priesthood in the cult of Cybele,of a pueri
giving delicati
the whose ha
marriage
a cultic aspect. Allen (1962, 104-7)
partially and Higgens
on those (1985)
of imperial women in
their for
also supply cultic explanations servile
the status as sex
marriage, objects; see
possibly
related to the Floralia. Pollini 2001. The coiffures of the Neroni
modeled on those of the emperor's last two
105 Brisson 2002, 77-78. Nero's
many ofengagement
these clearlywith concepts
represent private in
of sexual duality is clearlypueri delicati.
evident in hisIf Nero's
later coiffures
"marriage" towere in
Sporus, who was castrated to evoke
and images
costumed toof pueri delicati,
resemble Nero's it wou
much
dead wife, Poppaea; see also more transgressive
Champlin and challengin
2003, 148-50.

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 200 ERIC R. VARNER

Neronian portraits are in some ways t

figures like Ganymede, Eros, and Apol
similarly fuse masculine and feminine
Nero is also the first emperor to wea
likeness reconfigured as Augustus in th
crown had been chiefly associated wit
including Livia, as in a sardonyx came
aureus (from Rome). In addition to the
connections with the Fratres Arvales,1
Aurelius,116 and Lucius Verus,117 wou
After Nero and Caligula, condemned
all criticized for receptive homosexual
and excessive attention to hair care. Do
and in use for the duration of his prin
ing himself to his future successor N
Care" (De cura capillorum).118 Commo
partner with many other men while s
Saoterus, in the triumphal chariot in h
Historia Augusta further purports th
and beasts dressed as a woman,120 tha
women's clothes,121 that he dyed his h
added an inscription to his remodeled
Effeminatus.123 Herodian also derides
costumes, which made him appear ridi
Like Caligula before him, Elagabalu
depilated his entire body.125 Recurre
painted portrait was sent to the capita
the inhabitants of Rome to his exotic
and the well-endowed Aurelius Zoticu

111 Bartman 2002. Pollio: Suet. Dom. 1.1; for the hair-care manual, see Suet.
Dom. 18.2.
112 Varner 2004, 11 n. 63, 61-62, 239, no. 2.10,
119 SHA Comm. 10.1; 3.6.
113 Museo Archeologico, inv. 14549, 4.7 x 4.4
1987, no. B 17, pl. 13.9;
120 SHA Comm. 9.6. Giuliano 1989, 231, no
figs.
121 SHA Comm. 13.4.
114 Chirasi-Colombo 1981, 423-25; Scheid 1990, 572 n. 36.;
Liverani 1990-91, 165. 122 SHA Comm. 17.3 . Dio also records his elaborate dress for
appearances in the amphitheater: Dio 72 (73) 17.3.
115 Paris, Musee du Louvre, MA 1180; de Kersauson 1996,
198-200, no. 84. 123 SHA Comm. 17.10. See also Dio 22.3.

116 London, British Museum; Alfoldi 1979, 581-82. 124 Hdn. 1.14.8.

117 Musee du Louvre, MA 1169; de Kersauson 1996, 270, 125 SHA Elag. 5.4-5. On the depilation olpueri delicati, see
no. 121.
Sen. Ep. 47.7 and Pollini 1999.

118 He is also alleged to have offered himself to Claudius

126 Herod. 5.5.6; 5.6.1-2.

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 TRANSCENDING GENDER 201

Fig. 10. Portrait of Marcus

Aurelius, London, British
Museum, refashioned in the third
century (after Blanck 1969, pl. 11).

auTOKQdxoQ x°"Q£)> Elagabalus responded, "don't ca

xuqioc elpit).127 Dio concludes his anecdote about
to his physicians to give him the literal equivalen
incision. Significantly, these allegations of sexual
taxonomies directly precede the account of his a
recently located Elagabalus s attempt to endow h
ambivalence concerning gender embedded in the
was the chief priest, and further construes his b
ism that characterizes Rome's "bad" emperors.12
surrounding these condemned emperors, however,
or reception of these alleged behaviors. Indeed, t
(or really been robbed of) their ability to speak
non-elite members of Roman society. The transg
terms of sexuality and gender, may have been ca
ences the transcendent position and power of th
Even a "good" emperor, such as Marcus Aureliu
as in a recycled portrait from Cyrene now in the
clearly male portrait head of Marcus Aurelius, n
This disjunctive image is very different from t

127 Cass. Dio 80.16.4. 129 British Museum; Blanck 1969, 41,

128Beard2003,39.

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202 ERIC R. VARNER

expressed in military images like the

tori.130 Constantine, the first Christ
in a small steel weight in the Art Mu
object suggests that its gender-bendi
discount the Cyrenaican pastiche as a
by economic necessity (or the Prince
had been conditioned for centuries t
iterations of identity in both imperi
between fixed gender classifications o
nature of the emperor s power and po

131 Inv.
130 Museo Capitolino, 55-3257,
without h.Fittschen
inv.; 0.125 m;
with
1985, 72-74, no. 67, fig.
pls. (with earlier literat
76-77.

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 TRANSCENDING GENDER 203

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