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Nelson Rosit
Postwar and
Contemporary Issues
It is often stated that Westerners use many times the energy and
other resources per capita as do non-Western peoples. If somehow
the entire world had the standard of living of Americans, global
resource consumption would be five times greater than today.23 The
conclusion some draw from this is that Westerners must accept a
lower standard of living as non-Western populations increase their
consumption. This is the logical outcome of globalization and the
free movement of goods, labor, and finance worldwide.
Along with being a political and economic failed state that people
are desperate to leave, Haiti is also an environmental disaster. Once
called the “Pearl of the Antilles,” Haiti had lush forested hills and
fertile valleys. Generations of rapid population growth supported by
subsistence agriculture has led to deforestation, overgrazing and
soil erosion and depletion. Water running off bare hillsides choke
the valleys with mud and debris. “In the last five decades, more
than 90 percent of [Haiti’s] tree cover has been lost... The resulting
erosion has destroyed an estimated two-thirds of the country’s
fertile farmland since 1940, while its population has quadrupled.”25
The UN has declared that Haiti simply has “too many people living
on land that can no longer support them.”26
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Some see the change in the Sierra Club’s position driven by greed as
much as ideology. In the 1990s billionaire Wall Street investor
David Gelbaum approached Carl Pope with an offer to contribute
millions of dollars if it adopted a pro-immigration position.
Eventually, Gelbaum got his way and “the organization received
over $100 million dollars in a couple of donations over the years
2000 and 2001. In any normal circumstances, such a transaction
would be considered a bribe and roundly condemned. But the
leadership kept the source of the new riches secret, until a 2004
Los Angeles Times article revealed Gelbaum as the sugar daddy.”30
HYBRIDIZATION
For centuries trout, a beautiful fish that requires cool, clean water to
survive, have inspired admiration from anglers and naturalists alike.
In The Compleat Angler, a book still widely read today, Englishman
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Dr. Harold Kincaid, a researcher for the US Fish and Wildlife Service,
explains that with stocking, “the genetic transformafion of an entire
valuable strain gathers a fatal momentum over time.” “We gradually
lose genetic material,” he says, as native genomes are “basically
broken up” by wave upon wave of introduced hatchery fish.33
The National Park Service has taken steps to preserve the native
brook trout in Great Smoky Mountain National Park. After decades
of stocking rainbow trout, they discontinued the practice in the
1970s. Park personnel found that this was not enough to save the
remaining native fish. Only segregation, the physical separation of
the species, could do the job. “Since rainbow trout will usually
progressively displace brook trout where the two species occur
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Similar efforts are being made to save the cutthroat trout native to
the Rocky Mountains and Great Basin regions. As with the eastern
brook trout, part of the problem has been stocking non-native
rainbow trout. One subspecies, the greenback cutthroat, the native
trout of the eastern drainage of the Colorado Rockies, is particularly
threatened. The loss of habitat and the introduction of “other spring
spawning trout species [e.g., rainbows] that hybridize with
greenbacks, and fall spawning species that compete with
greenbacks for food and space” have depleted cutthroat
populations.37
So over the last several decades the states, the federal government,
as well as sportsmen and conservation groups have spent millions
of dollars in an effort to save various species and subspecies of
trout. While the analogy between trout populations and human
populations is not perfect, certain principles apply to both. The
introduction of new species or subspecies often results in loss of
habitat, genetic integrity, and even extinction for the indigenous
species.
THE COMMONS
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CONCLUSIONS
Many topics have been covered here, none in depth. Rather the
objective has been aspirational and suggestive, pointing to areas of
further study.
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References
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2 Nelson Rosit, ‘Racial Ecology, Part II: Brown and Green, 1920-
1945,’ The Occidental Quarterly 16, no. 1 (Spring 2016): 31-51.
25 Tim Collie, ‘Haiti: The World Doesn’t Have Any Idea How Bad
This Situation Is Getting,’ South Florida Sun-Sentinel (December 7,
2003). http://www.sun-sentinel.com/news/local/southflorida/sfl-
haiti1dec0703
26 Ibid.
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33 Ibid., 17.
34 Ibid.
35 Ibid.
36 Ibid., 19.
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www.amren.com
I did not have a good answer at the time, but I’d like to try again. Let
me begin with a brief summary of the prevailing wisdom of 1900.
Charles Darwin’s Origin of Species was published in 1859, and by
1900 his theory of evolution had become the dominant opinion in
academic and scientific circles. In 1900, most scholars understood
evolution in terms of the sub-title of Darwin’s book: The
Preservation of Favoured Races in the Struggle for Life.[1]
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The early part of the twentieth century was the high water
mark of Darwinism in the social sciences. It was common at
that time to think that there were important differences
between the races–that races differed in intelligence and
moral qualities. Not only did races differ, but they were in
competition with each other for supremacy.[5]
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The Civil Rights Movement began long ago, but its high point came
in the 1950s and 1960s, when blacks demanded the right to vote,
an end to formal segregation, and the abolition of racial
discrimination in public accommodations. Most white people
thought these demands were reasonable, especially since civil
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The roots of this new paradigm went deeper, however, back to the
work of anthropologist Franz Boas, who was at Columbia University
from 1896 to 1942. It was Boas who, more than anyone else,
persuaded anthropologists and other social scientists that racial
differences were not the result of genetic inheritance but were
shaped by historical events.[13]
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Franz Boas
Early in his career, Boas had reported that “the average size of the
Negro brain is slightly smaller than the average size of the brain of
the white race,” and therefore Boas thought it likely “that
differences in mental characteristics of the two races exist.”[14] But
by the 1920s, he was teaching that “the variations in cultural
development” could be explained “by a consideration of the general
course of historical events” and without recourse to innate racial
differences.[15] Instead of stressing the importance of race, he
insisted that “patterns of culture” were primarily responsible for
differences in behavior.
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Ruth Benedict
Many of those who taught Boas’s program believed what they were
teaching. Boas, however, admitted that the program was a form of
propaganda. At one point in the 1930s, even Ruth Benedict
lamented that Boas had “given up science for good works . . . such a
waste!” In 1939, after concluding that Boas had become more a
propagandist than a scientist, the American Jewish Committee
stopped funding Boas’s work for school reform.[23]
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This is how racial and other group differences evolved. Groups with
different ancestries or different ways of living developed different
genes because those genes were suited to their respective
environments. Anthropologist Greg Cochran says someone would
have to be an “idiot” to believe that “the optimum mental
phenotype . . . [is] the same in the tropical hunter-gatherers, arctic
hunter-gatherers, Neolithic peasants, and medieval moneylenders.”
[29]
I think the Darwinists of 1900 were correct when they said the
characters of different races had been influenced by natural
selection, but I believe they went too far in dismissing the
significance of “culture.”[30]
Phil Rushton passed on in 2012 at the age of 68. If Phil were with
us today, I would have a mixed message: one part gloom and the
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J. Philippe Rushton
But there is also good news. I would tell Phil that informed scientific
opinion is shifting. I would tell him that Darwinism is regaining its
cachet with scientists, although not yet with molders of opinion. I
would tell him that his own work is now recognized as a significant
contribution to the revival of Darwinism in our time.[33] And I would
remind him of a statement that Martin Luther King made at the end
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[4] Carl Degler, In Search of Human Nature: The Decline and Revival
of Darwinism in American Social Thought (New York: Oxford
University Press, 1991), 62.
[5] George W. Stocking, Jr., Race, Culture, and Evolution (New York:
Free Press, 1968), 132; Kevin MacDonald, Review of Joseph. W.
Bendersky, The ‘Jewish’ Threat: Anti-Semitic Politics of the U. S.
Army (New York: Basic Books, 2000), at Kevin MacDonald.net.
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[8] George M. Fredrickson, The Black Image in the White Mind (New
York: Harper and Row Publishers, 1971), 89, 255, 320-332, and
passim. Writing twenty years later, however, another historian, Carl
Degler, noted that since the 1950s there has been a decided
“revival” of Darwinian thought among scholars. Degler, In Search of
Human Nature.
[12] Michael J. Klarman, From Jim Crow to Civil Rights (New York:
Oxford University Press, 2004), 385, 429; Klarman, “How Brown
Changed Race Relations: The Backlash Thesis,” Journal of American
History 81 (June 1994) 81-118) .
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[32] Richard J. Herrnstein and Charles Murray, The Bell Curve (New
York: Free Press, 1994), 311.
[34] Bryant put it this way: “Truth, crushed to earth, shall rise again;
The eternal years of God are hers; But Error, wounded, writhes with
pain, And dies among his worshippers.”
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www.theoccidentalobserver.net
Anyone who has spent even a short time battling against the
Judeocracy has surely experienced the frustration of attempting to
persuade a trusted friend or colleague of the gravity of the situation
—only to fail. This is undoubtedly one of the most discouraging and
troubling aspects of those who take up the mission for truth and
justice. We repeatedly encounter intelligent and well-read
individuals who, we believe, surely must share our sense of concern
and outrage. If they do not, it can only be from lack of knowledge;
therefore, a short chat or a targeted reading or two, we think, will do
the trick. The facts are indisputable, and hence it is merely a matter
of information. Once our friends have the requisite facts, they will
surely—surely—see things our way. And yet, time after time, they do
not.
Why is this? What are they thinking? What is their logic? How is it
that they can fail to be fully convinced of the severity of the Jewish
Question? Or even just be sympathetic to our stance? Why is it that
they occasionally even become outright hostile—not to them, but to
us? How can they be in denial of what is, from a rational and
objective standpoint, surely one of the major problems facing
civilized humanity? Undoubtedly this could be the topic of a book-
length treatment, and I can only outline a few basic ideas here. But
I think there is some merit in examining the basic categories of
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response and denial by those confronted, perhaps for the first time
in a serious manner, with the Jewish Question and with the many
problems of living under de facto Jewish rule.
At its most basic level, the situation is one in which the relative
novice is confronted with a difficult, troubling, and potentially
catastrophic scenario: profound social corruption by wealthy and
powerful Jews. (I stress the ‘relative’ here; everyone, even the
functionally illiterate, has heard something negative about the
Jews, likely many negative things.) It is a ‘bad news’ story of the
highest magnitude. And the last thing many people want in their
lives these days is another bad news story. God knows we’ve had
enough troubles in recent years: political upheaval, riots in the
streets, a global pandemic, economic gyrations, unrestrained
immigration, environmental decline, opioid crises, surging crime,
falling lifespans. Who needs yet one more disaster heaped upon
their plates? The Jews? Really? Are you serious? And I suppose
the Holocaust never happened! (Hint: it didn’t—not in the way
described.) What are you, some kind of Nazi? A White
supremacist? On and on.
1. Denial
2. Irrelevance
3. Impotence
5. Acceptance
DENIAL. Upon first hearing a serious claim that Jews have outsized
and detrimental influence in society, or dominate the ranks of the
wealthy, or run the media, or control politics, the usual initial
response is denial: “No they don’t. That’s ridiculous. There are no
more Jews in power than anyone else. That’s just an anti-Semitic
canard.” This, even from highly-educated people. Fortunately, this
is an empirical question; an overwhelming Jewish presence can be
easily proven, given the relevant data. Below I offer a concise
version of this argument.
and politics, but this doesn’t really matter. People are just people.
There are good ones and there are bad ones. If Jews hold lots of
influential positions, that only means that they worked hard and
succeeded. And anyway, they’re just doing their jobs. If they didn’t
do them, someone else would.”
yourself and your family. Better to just ignore the whole situation
and live your life as best you can.”
Sensing that he has lost the argument, your friend then launches
into either subtle or overt ad hominem attacks against you.
Rational discussion is out the window, and emotion rules the day.
You are now simply a ‘bad person’; no further need to debate with
you. Having demonstrated your incivility and cruel-heartedness,
you are either pitied or detested. Critically, the focus has shifted to
you; Jews are suddenly nowhere in sight, even though this was the
sole issue at hand. They are suddenly off the hook. How
convenient; the Jews themselves couldn’t have scripted a better
outcome.
Sadly, many people remain stuck in this mode for a long time,
perhaps for their entire lives. They never address the real issue, but
continue only to think negatively of you and you alone. This is a
relatively good outcome for them; the social problem is not a
multitude of wealthy, powerful, and ethnocentric Jews, but little ol’
you, and perhaps a few of your like-minded hater friends. It’s much
easier, and much less threatening, to deal with you and your “ilk,”
rather than a potent, dispersed, malevolent force like world Jewry.
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Garland. (We can be sure that any future Biden nominee will be
Jewish.)
Consider, next, the realm of finance and wealth. When we run down
the list of wealthiest Americans, we find a striking fact: around half
of them are Jews. Among the top ten, we find five Jews: Mark
Zuckerberg, Larry Page, Sergey Brin, Larry Ellison, and Michael
Bloomberg. Of the top 50 richest men, at least 27 are Jews,
including Steve Ballmer, Michael Dell, Carl Icahn, David Newhouse,
Micki Arison, and Stephen Ross.[4] The combined wealth of these
27 individuals comes to roughly $635 billion. Note: If Jews were
proportionately represented among the top 50, there would be one
individual; instead, there are 27.
More broadly, we can infer that this “50% rule” holds throughout
much of the wealth hierarchy. In support, we may cite Benjamin
Ginsberg, who wrote, “Today, though barely 2% of the [American]
nation’s population is Jewish, close to half its billionaires are
Jews.”[5] At present, there are something like 615 American
billionaires, which implies around 300 Jewish billionaires.
Finally, take the media. Hollywood, as we all know, has long been a
Jewish domain—reaching back to its origins in the 1910s and
1920s. It was constructed by the likes of Carl Laemmle (Universal
Pictures), Adolph Zukor, Jesse Lasky, Daniel and Charles Frohman,
and Samuel Goldwyn (Paramount), William Fox (Fox Films, later
20th Century Fox), and the four “Warner” Brothers—in reality, the
Wonskolaser clan: Jack, Harry, Albert, and Sam. They were soon
followed by Marcus Loew (MGM), William Paley (CBS), and Harry
and Jack Cohn (Columbia), establishing nearly complete Jewish
control over the film business.
The overall media situation is even more telling. The five largest
media conglomerates in the US are: 1) Disney, 2) Warner Media, 3)
NBC Universal, 4) Viacom CBS, and 5) Fox Corporation. A look at
their owners, largest shareholders, and top officers is revealing:
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And it’s not only the so-called liberal media outlets. The
conservative venues also are dominated by Jewish interests—
typically, via right-wing or neo-conservative Jews. Fox News, and
its parent corporation Fox, owned and operated by the Murdoch
family, is every bit as pro-Jewish and pro-Israel as the liberal
outlets. Fox News anchors disagree vehemently with just about
every liberal position, and yet, remarkably, they are fully on-board
with all Jewish issues. They struggle to outdo their peers at CNN
and MSNBC in their obeisance to Jewish and Israeli interests.[9]
This, again, is no coincidence. It is evidence of Jewish domination
of American media, across the political spectrum and across all
venues.
The central issues here are (a) that Jews tend to work collectively,
in their own best interests, and (b) that they tend to have little
regard for all non-Jews, and they tend to hold particular contempt
for White Europeans, who have, historically speaking, proven to be
their most formidable opponents. Jews work tribally, as a pack;
they assist each other in attacking and undermining all perceived
enemies. Jews in finance and academic Jews can count on media
Jews to give them positive coverage and to downplay or bury any
negative stories. Media Jews will slander an enemy even as finance
Jews put the squeeze to that person’s employer. It can be very
effective when multiple actors in a trillion-dollar cabal are arrayed
against you.
On occasion, these dominant Jews will indeed fight with each other,
as when conservative right-wing Jews spar with their liberal
leftwing brethren—such as the recent rift between the rightwing
Murdoch Jews and the left-wing ADL Jews, especially Jonathan
Greenblatt, over comments by Tucker Carlson. But this is only an
internal dispute about the best way to promote Jewish interests,
nothing more. Much of current political confrontation is mere show;
Democratic-Republican squabbles are meaningless when both
sides are backed by wealthy Jews. And Jews across the political
spectrum love to use Gentile lackeys like Anderson Cooper, Chris
Cuomo, Chris Hayes, Sean Hannity, and yes, Tucker Carlson, to
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cover for them. This again serves to obscure the real power
structure.
But the fact that powerful Jews work with each other, against all
others, is a well-established historical fact that has been well-
attested, over the centuries, by some of the West’s most brilliant
thinkers. This topic literally requires a book-length treatment—see
my book Eternal Strangers: Critical Views of Jews and Judaism
through the Ages (2020), which is the first to fully document the
historical record. It dates back over 2,000 years, at least to
remarks by Hecateus of Abdera and Theophrastus circa 300 BC,
proceeding to the likes of Cicero, Seneca, Tacitus, Porphyry, Thomas
Aquinas, Martin Luther, Voltaire, Rousseau, Fichte, Kant, Hegel,
Schopenhauer, Bakunin, Nietzsche, Mark Twain, H. G. Wells,
Heidegger, and chess genius (and half-Jew) Bobby Fischer, among
many others. It is an impressive list.
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[12] See my book The Jewish Hand in the World Wars (2019).
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Jewish activist
organizations protest enforcement of the southern border in the
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Jews, to the extent they admit their involvement in these and other
damaging intellectual movements and social policies shaped by
them, often portray them as a necessary ethnic “defense” against
anti-Semitism. Jewish movie director Jill Soloway claimed, for
instance, that Hollywood’s Jews were “recreating culture to defend
ourselves post-Holocaust.” From the perspective of White people,
however, this “defense” is an incredibly aggressive ethnic attack
that threatens our very biological survival in the long term.
Research has found that aggressiveness toward outgroups is more
likely to be considered legitimate and fair if one’s ingroup is
believed to have suffered. For instance, Jewish Canadians who were
reminded of the Holocaust accepted less collective guilt for Jews’
harmful actions toward Palestinians than those not reminded of it.
[16]
Activist Jews well know the policies they espouse for Western
societies harm the group interests of White populations (that’s the
whole point). Thus, while the stated mission of the Australian Anti-
Defamation Commission (ADC) is to make Australia a “better place”
by “promoting tolerance, justice and multiculturalism,” when it
comes to the conflict between the Israelis and Palestinians this
supposed commitment to “inclusion,” “diversity” and
“multiculturalism” suddenly gives way to hardnosed biological
realism. The problem with Israel adopting the diverse, multicultural
approach to nation-building so zealously advocated by the ADC for
Australia (and the entire West) is that while it may sound “simple
and fair,” it is actually “code for the destruction of Israel and its
replacement with a majority Palestinian state.” The ADC insists “It
is naïve and dangerous to believe such a situation will not occur if
Israel is taken over by a growing Palestinian population.”
Novick made the point that that the ubiquity and metaphysical pre-
eminence of the Holocaust in Western culture is not a spontaneous
phenomenon but the result of highly focused, well-funded efforts of
Jewish organizations and individual Jews with access to the major
media:
We are not just “the people of the book,” but the people of
the Hollywood film and the television miniseries, of the
magazine article and the newspaper column, of the comic
book and the academic symposium. When a high level of
concern with the Holocaust became widespread in
American Jewry, it was, given the important role that Jews
play in American media and opinion-making elites, not only
natural, but virtually inevitable that it would spread
throughout the culture at large.[22]
Suppressing Counter-narratives
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Soviet citizens do not seem to have been an issue for Jewish leftists
—a pattern that continues into the present.”[27]
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Conclusion
[1] Eric W, Dolan, “Study finds the need for power predicts engaging
in competitive victimhood,” PsyPost, February 6, 2021.
https://www.psypost.org/2021/02/study-finds-the-need-for-
power-predicts-engaging-in-competitive-victimhood-59552
[5] Ibid.
[15] Erich Fromm, The Sane Society (London & New York:
Routledge, 1956/1991), 67.
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[18] Ibid.
[23] Daniel Jonah Goldhagen, The Devil That Never Dies (New York
NY; Little, Brown & Co., 2013), 291; 126.
[24] John Klier, Russians, Jews, and the Pogroms of 1881-2 (New
York: Cambridge University Press, 2011), 5.
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Almost all the men who inhabit the territory of the Union
stem from the same blood. They speak the same language,
pray to the same God in the same way, submit to the same
material causes, obey the same laws. (454)[4]
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Go to Part 2.
[2]See for instance Herodotus, the very first Western historian, and
his concept of nationality: Martin Aurelio, “The Four Elements of
National Identity in Herodotus,” North American New Right, June
15, 2016. The American Founding Fathers similarly universally
praised the homogeneity of the early United States: Jared Taylor,
“What the Founding Fathers Really Thought About Race,” National
Policy Institute, January 17, 2012. Even postwar German leaders,
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[4]Other examples:
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Part 1
Never will the short space of sixty years enclose the entire
imagination of man; the incomplete joys of this world will
never suffice for his heart. Alone among all beings, man
shows a natural disgust for existence and an enormous
desire to exist: he has contempt for life and fears
nothingness. These different instincts constantly push his
soul towards the contemplation of another world, and it is
religion which leads him there. Religion is then but a
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There exists a love for the fatherland which has its source
principally in this unthought, disinterested, and undefinable
feeling, which binds man’s heart to the places where he was
born. This instinctive love is synonymous with the taste for
old customs, with respect for ancestors and memory of the
past; those who feel it cherish their country like one loves
the paternal household. [. . .] Often this love for the
fatherland is exalted further by religious zeal, and then one
sees it achieve wonders. It is itself a kind of religion; one
does not reason, one believes, one feels, one acts. [. . .]
From the above, I believe we can say that Tocqueville has aged very
well as a writer and that his classic book remains highly relevant
today, including for nationalists. Tocqueville was very explicitly a
“negative” nationalist in the sense that he clearly and repeatedly
identified the reality of “national character,” the benefits of ethno-
cultural homogeneity, and the inevitability of conflict in multiracial
societies. For Tocqueville, homogeneity was an obvious prerequisite
of nationhood and an equally obvious goal. These observations
were largely common sense in the Western political tradition prior
to the 1960s.
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[13]As the proverb goes: If you cast out nature with a fork, it will
still return.
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THE CHURCH IN EUROPEAN HISTORY
________________________________
Evolved Predispositions.”
5 Kevin MacDonald, “Evolution and a Dual Processing Theory of Culture: Applica-
tions to Moral Idealism and Political Philosophy,” Politics and Culture, no. 1 (April
2010); see also Kevin B. MacDonald, “Evolution, Psychology, and a Conflict Theory of
Culture,” Evolutionary Psychology 7, no. 2 (2009): 208–33.
6 See review in MacDonald, “Effortful Control, Explicit Processing, and the Regula-
Making and the Human Prefrontal Cortex,” Neuropsychologia 41, no. 9 (2003): 1218–29.
94 The Occidental Quarterly, vol. 16, no. 4, Winter 2016–2017
gies are coherent sets of beliefs. 9 These explicitly held beliefs are able to
exert a control function over behavior and evolved predispositions.
There is no reason to suppose that ideologies are necessarily adaptive.10
Ideologies often characterize the vast majority of people who belong to
voluntary subgroups within a society (e.g., a particular religious sect).
Ideologies are often intimately intertwined with various social con-
trols—rationalizing the controls but also benefitting from the power of
social controls to enforce ideological conformity in schools or in reli-
gious institutions.
In the following I will describe Larry Siedentop’s work on the role of
Christian religious ideology in shaping the West.
the Eurasian Steppes Shaped the Modern World (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press,
2007).
MacDonald, “The Church in European History” 95
Gary Forsythe, A Critical History of Early Rome: From Prehistory to the First Punic
12
older deities was not responsible for Alaric’s sack of Rome in 410, “arguing that all
human institutions were subject to decay and disaster” (89). Would a robust aristocrat-
ic society have been better able to defend itself?
MacDonald, “The Church in European History” 99
18 In the early church, bishops and presbyters were chosen by “general consent,”
but this was not the case when the Church became wedded to the Empire (93).
100 The Occidental Quarterly, vol. 16, no. 4, Winter 2016–2017
Despite a lesser role for reason in Christian thinking, the spirit of dis-
putation and logical argument so apparent among the Greeks persisted:
“Christian convictions were submitted to the disciplines of logic and
metaphysical speculation, to the requirements of disciplined argument”
(113). “The habit of disputation—of disciplined argument—was pre-
served by the church in later antiquity. . . . The habit of disputation be-
came engrained in the life of the church” (113).
Christianity, by lessening the power of the paterfamilias, also meant
less power of fathers over children and a higher status for women (114).
Wealthy women were crucial to the success of the early church, and
adultery was seen as a sin for both men and women. There were also
humanitarian changes in the law of slavery due to Christian influence,
although Siedentop does not claim that Christianity ended slavery.
There were both Christian apologists (e.g., Augustine) and opponents of
slavery (e.g., Gregory of Nyssa 19) (118–19).
Nevertheless, there was a profound egalitarian thrust of Christianity
in the late Roman Empire. The rhetoric of urban bishops was highly in-
clusive: “It was a rhetoric that encouraged women, the urban poor and
even slaves to feel part of the city in a way that had not previously been
possible” (121).
19 St. Gregory of Nyssa, who is regarded as a Church Father, was an ardent anti-
Semite. His opposition to slavery was likely partly motivated by his concern about
Jews owning Christian slaves at a time when Jewish enslavement of Christians was a
major issue. See Kevin MacDonald, Separation and Its Discontents: Toward an Evolution-
ary Theory of Anti-Semitism (Bloomington, IN: AuthorHouse, 2004; originally published:
Westport, CT: Praeger, 1998), chap. 3, passim. Gregory wrote that “[Jews are] murderers
of the Lord, assassins of the prophets, rebels against God, God haters, . . . advocates of
the devil, race of vipers, slanderers, calumniators, dark-minded people, leaven of the
Pharisees, sanhedrin of demons, sinners, wicked men, stoners, and haters of righteous-
ness.”
MacDonald, “The Church in European History” 101
20 Siedentop suggests that the coloni system was more efficient than slavery because
farming by families tied to the land owing rents to a chief would have encouraged in-
dividual initiative.
102 The Occidental Quarterly, vol. 16, no. 4, Winter 2016–2017
could not endorse it” (170). He takes a middle ground between attrib-
uting the end of slavery to the church and supposing it had no role at all
(170). Church attitudes opposed some practices of slavery. For example,
the church defined marriage as applying to everyone, including slaves,
and deplored separating families, as could occur with slavery. Slaves
were welcomed into the fold as Christians. 21
The collapse of the Carolingian Empire created a lack of central au-
thority and increased localism, presenting new challenges for the
church. It responded by attempting to be a unifying, centralizing force,
but this was hampered because during this period (the tenth century),
the church had become compromised by secular elites, the pope a “mere
plaything of local aristocratic families” (179). In West Francia (i.e., proto-
France), bishops were being appointed by secular elites; these bishops
and abbots gave away church properties to the followers of these mili-
tary elites; moreover, church offices were often purchased (simony), and
clergy were often married or had concubines, thus violating the practice
of celibacy.
21 Some of the peasant uprisings in the tenth century had egalitarian overtones
(176).
MacDonald, “The Church in European History” 103
But the real revolution began in the mid-eleventh century with stronger
papal control over bishops. Popes came to be elected by the College of
Cardinals (1059), rather than simply auctioned off to powerful Roman
families (202).
Pope Gregory VII (known as Hildebrand before he became pope)
completed the revolution with his conflict with the German emperor,
Henry IV. His Dictatus Papae laid out the claims for papal authority over
investiture of bishops and even claimed the ability to depose emperors
(203); this was often termed plenitudo potestatis—plenitude of power.
Gregory established the church as a legal system based on its “moral
primacy” (204). He not only had power to excommunicate, but at times
encouraged subjects not to obey rulers. There is an assumption of moral
equality in Gregory’s pronouncements, as in his quoting Augustine: “He
who tries to rule over men—who are by nature equal to him—acts with
intolerable pride” (206).
The papal revolution resulted in a clear distinction between secular
and sacred. Whereas prior to the revolution, kings routinely felt able to
appoint clerics and interfere in the affairs of the church, the success of
the revolution meant that this was no longer possible. They withdrew
“their right to govern the sacred” (252). The church never completely
won the battle over investiture, but in general the secular authorities
acknowledged the autonomy of the church.
The perceived need for a legal framework for the church renewed in-
terest in Roman law, but canon law combined Roman law in such a way
that it conformed to Christian moral intuitions. Gratian (mid-twelfth
century), a principal codifier of canon law, assumed that equality and
reciprocity were antecedent to just laws (216); this contrasted with Ro-
man law which prioritized a person’s status (e.g., paterfamilias or not),
therefore assuming natural inequality. Thus Pope Innocent III, writing in
the early thirteenth century, stated: “You shall judge the great as well as
the little and there shall be no difference of persons” (218).
Canon law thus had a strongly egalitarian tenor, while status—so im-
portant to ancient law—was irrelevant. Canon law got rid of trial by or-
deals and privileging testimony from family and friends (which led to
more powerful families getting favorable judgments). In general, “this
moral vantage point [emphasizing ‘equality and reciprocity’] fostered a
mildness in canon law which distinguished it not only from customary
and feudal law but also from Roman civil law” (231). Canon law empha-
sized public punishments aimed at inducing guilt—“to reach and stir
the conscience of the offender” (231).
MacDonald, “The Church in European History” 105
POST-MEDIEVAL EUROPE
Siedentop argues that Christian moral intuitions centered around in-
dividual conscience and moral egalitarianism ultimately caused the
downfall of the church as a hegemonic religious institution. Liberal
thought “emerged as the moral intuitions generated by Christianity
were turned against an authoritarian model of the church” (332). By the
fourteenth century, there were calls for representative government with-
in the church. These were resisted by the papacy, resulting in wide-
spread “agitation” against the church (Pietists in Germany, Lollards in
England) (330). These were essentially democratic movements that dis-
liked the top-down structure of the church, promoted individual devo-
tion, and wanted to be able to read the scriptures in native languages—
obviously harbingers of Protestantism.
Thus basic liberal ideas predated Protestantism but were contradicted
by the church’s own structure (332). In the end, basic liberal ideas—
equality of status, individual liberty, freedom of conscience, and repre-
sentative government—opposed the interests of the church as well as
most Protestant sects. This resulted in the religious wars of the Refor-
mation, after which there came to be general skepticism about the wis-
dom of enforcing religious orthodoxy. These trends toward liberalism
108 The Occidental Quarterly, vol. 16, no. 4, Winter 2016–2017
DISCUSSION
Siedentop presents a strong case for the role of Christianity in the de-
velopment of Western culture beginning in the ancient world. However,
there is evidence, some of it mentioned by Siedentop, that the roots of
European egalitarianism and individualism are far deeper. As an evolu-
tionary psychologist, my first forays into European history were con-
cerned with the institution of monogamous marriage. With the excep-
tion of European societies, there is a powerful tendency in human socie-
ties beyond the hunter-gatherer level of economic development (i.e., ag-
ricultural and pastoral societies) for powerful males to have large num-
bers of wives and concubines, as in classical China where the emperor
typically had hundreds or thousands of concubines. 22 And yet in Euro-
pean societies, there were strong trends toward monogamy in the an-
cient Roman and Greek world, long before Christianity. This results in a
substantial degree of sexual egalitarianism among males, and from an
evolutionary perspective sexual egalitarianism is a critical component of
any truly egalitarian system. Indeed, the moral egalitarianism empha-
sized by Siedentop would mean little if wealthy males were able to con-
trol large numbers of females and have legitimate children with them,
whereas (as in classical China) poorer males would be unable to mate.
Thus early Roman marriage practices departed from Indo-European
patterns by eschewing bridewealth (payment for wives by husbands)
that is common in tribal societies around the world and closely linked to
male sexual competition (wealthy males are able to purchase more fe-
males). Monogamy was maintained by controls on sexual behavior (big-
amy and polygyny were illegal) and laws relating to legitimacy (bas-
tards suffered social opprobrium; marriage with slaves was typically
prohibited); inheritance laws penalized children who were not the
products of monogamous marriage (bastards could not inherit; the chil-
dren of slaves retained the status of the mother). In an intensively po-
lygynous society such as classical China, none of these occurred, so that,
for example, the offspring of a concubine was entirely legitimate and
could inherit property, depending on the wishes of the father.
There were also ideological components of Roman monogamy. High
priests, who were from the patrician class during the Republic, had mo-
nogamous marriages (termed conferreatio) that could only be dissolved
by death. Vestal Virgins, who were highly venerated as part of the state
religion, were daughters of patricians; they were paragons of chastity
who retained their virginity through their reproductive years. Finally,
Stoicism, which became a powerful movement among artists, intellectu-
als, and politicians during the Empire, extolled the ideal of the monog-
amous family based on conjugal affection and sexual restraint for both
sexes. This last comment fits with Siedentop’s point, noted above, that
Christian universalism was built on intellectual developments within
the Greco-Roman world.
There were also egalitarian political trends, as the plebeians gradually
achieved considerable power and opportunities for upward mobility.
These changes parallel the general finding among Indo-European cul-
tures that barriers between groups tended to gradually be erased, and
upward mobility was possible, especially for males who had military
talent. 23 And, as noted above, even from the earliest times, Roman mar-
riage departed in important ways from the earlier Indo-European pat-
tern. Indeed, it should be recalled that Indo-European culture should not
be thought of aristocratic simpliciter. As Ricardo Duchesne emphasizes, 24
Indo-European culture is best thought of as aristocratic-egalitarian—as
ture.”
24 Duchesne, The Uniqueness of Western Civilization.
110 The Occidental Quarterly, vol. 16, no. 4, Winter 2016–2017
(but excluding Ireland and southern Spain) characterized by late marriage, the conju-
gal nuclear family separated from other relatives, and large numbers of single adults.
John Hajnal, “European Marriage Pattern in Historical Perspective,” in Population in
History, ed. D. V. Glass and D. E. C. Eversley (London: Arnold, 1965).
27 Michael Mitterauer, Why Europe? The Medieval Origins of Its Special Path, trans.
Gerald Chapple (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2010; orig. German edition,
2003), 62.
MacDonald, “The Church in European History” 111
tendom.
Outside of Western Christendom, a basic problem with supposing
that Christianity per se was the cause of European family practices is
that lineage, compound families (where brothers would set up house-
holds together), and patrilineal patterns retained importance in Chris-
tian southeastern Europe (i.e., the Balkans, where both Eastern and
Western Christianity prevailed) and in Russia. Given that many scholars
attribute Western uniqueness to the unique family patterns of northwest
Europe, 28 Christianity therefore cannot be the sole source of Western
uniqueness, which, after all, Siedentop is attempting to explain.
Parenthetically, it is worth noting that other religions besides Christi-
anity, such as Islam, are universalist and desire all humans to be mem-
bers. However, Christianity, uniquely, worked energetically to achieve
temporal power and to use that power to overcome tribal, clan-type
structures—a major effort during the early Middle Ages. Islam is uni-
versal but it never tried to undermine the tribal, kinship nature of socie-
ty, and Islamic societies throughout the Middle East remain tribal into
contemporary times—a major difficulty for the nation-building pro-
grams, such as the Iraq War, that have been such a prominent feature of
Western foreign policy in recent times.
Nevertheless, the power of the church does seem important to in-
clude in any complete analysis. The church is without doubt unique
among the religious institutions of the world in successfully shaping the
wider culture. 29 In my own writing on the maintenance of monogamy in
post-Roman Europe, the role of the church in being able to control mar-
riage was paramount. 30
The question from an evolutionary perspective is: How does one ex-
plain an institution that seems so obviously contrary to evolutionary
impulses toward kinship and maximizing reproduction? It was noted
above that in the ninth century, the church was sliding toward being a
pawn of the aristocracy, with church offices bought and sold and
churchmen having wives and concubines. The Papal Reform movement
changed all that, but it is important to think about why the reform was
28 See review in Mary S. Hartman, The Household and the Making of History (Cam-
bridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004).
29 In his Why Europe? Mitterauer also emphasizes the special role of the imperial
my in Western Europe.”
112 The Occidental Quarterly, vol. 16, no. 4, Winter 2016–2017
31 Gerd Tellenbach, The Church in Western Europe from the Tenth to the Early Twelfth
Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 101.
32 Giovanni Miccoli, “Monks,” in Jacques LeGoff (ed.), Medieval Callings, trans. Lyd-
During the height of its power from the twelfth to the fourteenth cen-
turies, the church had successfully carved out a moral sphere as distinct
from power politics, violence, warfare, etc.—of spiritual versus temporal
power (133). Nevertheless, as Siedentop notes, in fact there is ample evi-
dence that the church often used its spiritual power to achieve temporal
power (e.g., by excommunicating kings who attempted to divorce their
wives or have their illegitimate offspring inherit). “The church persisted
in its moral enterprise, which was, after all, its raison d’être” (146). Ex-
communication only works if the faithful would reliably side with the
church over their aristocratic rulers.
This concern with temporal power was apparent from the origins of
institutionalized Christianity in the fourth century, when the church ex-
erted its power, not to regulate the sex life of aristocrats, but to combat
Jewish power. 37 Indeed, Christian theology as it developed during this
period was at its core anti-Jewish, and the rise of the church to official
status coincided with a decline in Jewish power and enactment of laws
against Jews owning Christian slaves. Moreover, although far from con-
sistent, the church continued to rein in Jewish power as, for example,
with the Lateran Council of 1215 that mandated the wearing of distinc-
tive clothing for Jews. And although the mendicant friars were models
of reproductive altruism, they also spearheaded the anti-Jewish attitudes
of the medieval period. This was also an important part of why Christi-
anity was so compelling during this period.
35 Ibid., 112ff.
36 MacDonald, “Mechanisms of Sexual Egalitarianism in Europe,” 9–10.
37 Kevin MacDonald, Separation and Its Discontents: Toward an Evolutionary Theory of
38 Jeremy Cohen, The Friars and the Jews: The Emergence of Medieval Anti-Judaism (Ithaca,
NY: Cornell University Press), 97.
39 In Ibid., 13.
40 MacDonald, Separation and Its Discontents, 116.
41 Quoted in Robert Chazan, Medieval Jewry in Northern France: A Political and Social
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The First World War furthered the cause of the managerial state,
especially in Europe:
The late 19th and early 20th centuries also witnessed a revolution
in the Western world’s institutions of culture and communication,
including the news media, the entertainment industry, advertising,
education, publishing, and even organized religion, and Francis
considered this the most important aspect of the managerial
revolution. On this point he was following the Marxist theoretician
Antonio Gramsci, who taught that cultural hegemony was an
essential precondition for political hegemony.
homogenization:
Political consequences
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