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Value-added in the agricultural sector has grown much slower than in the nonfarm
economy. From 1990 to 2005, agricultural GDP grew at only 2.3% per year (WDR,
2008), less than half the 4.8% growth in aggregate GDP over this period.
Additionally, it has been one of the slower growth agricultural sectors throughout
developing country Asia. Of 13 countries, Indonesia ranks 10th over this period.
Only the agricultural sectors in Thailand, Sri Lanka and Malaysia have grown more
slowly. This situation is not new. In the decade of the 1980s the agricultural
sector grew at only 60% of the domestic economy, and within developing country Asia
only three countries grew more slowly in agricultural GDP. Slow productivity growth
is a sector-wide issue, although it is cited most often in the import-competing
sectors of Indonesian agriculture, notably in rice and sugar.
Indonesia has maintained export competitiveness in tree crops and spices. Its trade
balance in agricultural products is strongly positive, at US$3 billion averaged
over the three years 2002–2004, relative to comparable export values of $8 billion.
Most domestic markets, including those for rice, sugar, maize and soybeans, are
judged to be integrated with world markets (domestic and world prices highly
correlated), despite the policy-induced differences in price levels that exist
(World Bank, 2008c).
We identify six major issues, chosen from the perspective of their political
importance as well as what we judge to be their importance to the country’s
agricultural development prospects. It is striking how similar they are to those in
other agricultural sectors around the world, especially in the OECD countries.
Producer-consumer food price conflicts, slow productivity growth, public support of
biofuels programs, environmental conflicts, and poverty reduction have generated
the key policy debates within the sector.
Rice Policy
The number one agricultural issue in Indonesia without question is rice policy.
Only fuel would be considered as politicized a commodity as rice. Public policy
involves raising the domestic price as well as increasing the degree of rice self-
sufficiency. The current price is roughly 10% above the world price for medium
quality rice, but a 50% margin has been a good guide overall from 2000 to 2007.
There is a longstanding political demand for protection of rice in Indonesia. That
protection takes the form of preventing decreases in its price through the use of
trade policy instruments, namely a tariff plus exclusive import rights granted to a
well-known state enterprise, the food logistics agency, BULOG.
Rice continues to be the most important staple food, provides the main source of
income for small farmers and is the main food expenditure for agricultural
households in Indonesia. Rice represents 7.2% of average consumer expenditure and
the sector employs 7.1% of the total workforce at the farm level alone (Warr 2005).
Because more than three-quarters of Indonesia’s poor are net rice consumers, the
rice price increase caused by current policy, on average, hurts the poor. Among
rice farmers, the supposed beneficiaries of higher rice prices, land owners are
likely to capture most of the gains, while wage earners in rice farming (the
landless) capture little if any (Barichello, 2005; Patunru and Basri, 2009).
Therefore, one might expect strong public resistance toward trade protection on
rice, but the reverse is true. Rice protection has increased since the 1998
economic crisis, with little consumer resistance. This has been the government’s
response to strong pressures from farm and rice producer interest groups to raise
rice prices and a notable absence of political pressure against high rice prices
from consumers and anti-poverty groups.
Part of the policy attention to rice is manifested in the existence and mandate of
BULOG. This agency has been charged since the late 1960s with achieving a policy-
determined floor price for rice, using the instruments of monopoly control of
trade, government financing, domestic procurement and seasonal storage facilities
(World Bank, 2008b). These activities were considered important in the achievement
of food security for Indonesia and the front line in this effort was rice self-
sufficiency. This goal was part of the reason for high rice prices.
But increasingly there has been a need for reform in this approach to achieving
food security. Reform here concerns not only the structure and operations of BULOG
but also the level of rice prices and the bias in crop prices toward rice. The
search for alternatives to the current high cost rice policy began as early as the
mid-1990s, in the direction of greater rice imports to ensure food security, and
increased domestic productivity in the growing of rice. The latter requires greater
investment in rural infrastructure, more agricultural research, and continued
improvements in rural capital markets.
The rapid increase in rice prices in late 2005 and 2006 following the 2004 ban on
rice imports brought the domestic debate on food security into greater focus. But
political pressures by the interest groups noted above stalled any real reform.
Their influence is a notable change from the Suharto era. Since the post-1998
democratic reforms, agricultural lobby groups have become well organized, present
politically forceful arguments, and are a significant factor in agricultural,
especially rice, policy decisions. This policy regime has been strengthened by the
Ministry of Agriculture’s interests in expanding domestic rice production with its
own programs. Recently favorable weather and rice crops have allowed various
interests to take credit for this higher production by pushing their own programs,
whether they be new seed varieties or irrigation investments. The increased
production has also temporarily removed the need for imports, removing any sense of
crisis.
BULOG itself has worked to limit policy change, given the substantial budget
support (roughly half a billion US dollars) it receives for the rice procurement
program to help farmers and for a targeted price subsidy for poor rice consumers,
both of which it operates. This bureaucratic lobby work has prevailed. “No
parliamentarians have been willing to take on both dimensions of the rice program
simultaneously, and so the huge budget subsidies that accrue to BULOG to run these
programs, and the corruption that accompanies them, go unchallenged.” (World Bank,
2008b) Despite the considerable need for rice policy reform, the window of
opportunity to do it appears for now to have closed.
The desire for protection and domestic self-sufficiency is not limited to rice. It
extends to other food crops, namely sugar, corn and soybeans. The priority of these
secondary food crops is lower than for rice but important nevertheless. A variety
of protectionist measures going back at least to the early Suharto era have been
used on these crops, whether they be imports administratively controlled through
BULOG (sugar and soybeans), or tariffs. The regulatory details and politics
motivating protection have varied, but there is uniformly a stated desire to
achieve self-sufficiency.
On a related issue, trade policy is also being used with worrying results in the
export sector, especially tree crops. Previously it primarily took the form of
export taxes, mostly on crude palm oil to protect domestic consumers and encourage
value-added in exports. The latter objective, however, has motivated a wider desire
to ban the export of raw materials (e.g., logs, rattan) and more recently to ban
the export of low quality cocoa, coffee and cashews, or to increase quality
standards for these exports. This often hurts farmers and even reduces the export
of high quality products in some cases, but the political economy at work is
protection of the processing jobs at the expense of those harvesting or growing the
raw material. This issue has arisen regularly since the 1980s. A more desirable
policy direction for sustainable food security is to substitute productivity
investments (discussed in Lack of Agricultural Productivity section) for border
restrictions and to avoid export bans, taxes, and quality restrictions.
Biofuels Policy
A new agricultural policy issue is the encouragement of biofuel production. The
objective is to convert 6 million hectares of land to biofuel production, based on
increased oil palm production (Basri and Patunru, 2006). The expectation is that
this would generate increased production of 22.5 million kilolitres of biofuel and
create 3–5 million jobs. Additional biofuel initiatives have been proposed: banning
crude palm oil exports and diverting this production to biodiesel production, and
banning sugarcane molasses exports to use them instead for bioethanol production.
Estimates of the 2007 budget cost ranged from Rp 1 to 13 trillion for these
initiatives (Rp 1 trillion is equivalent to almost US$100 million at current
exchange rates). In late 2008 mixing regulations for gasoline were introduced to
require the addition of biofuels. The objective is to absorb more crude palm oil
(CPO) produced in Indonesia and increase its value-added instead of exporting the
currently large and growing volume. In addition the program is aimed at increasing
the supply of green fuels produced in Indonesia to combat global warming, and, it
is argued, reducing unemployment.
This program has attracted more than its share of criticism. In addition to the
questionable economic viability of these investments, and even their energy
viability, they have been criticized for not offering a significant reduction in
unemployment. To avoid the now well-known side effect of biofuels programs bidding
up the cost of various food crops to some degree, this program could have been
designed to support only oil palm production on dry land. These programs have
included no such targeting to minimize food production conflicts. So far, only
about 10-15% of domestic production of CPO is being used to produce biofuels, and
there is no evidence of any effect the program has had on world prices, a concern
because Indonesia is a major CPO producer. Because little is known about how large
the budget commitment will be, what the true social and economic costs of the
program are, and how much deforestation will be caused, the program remains
suspect.
Since 2001 Indonesia has embarked upon a major decentralization of economic power
to the district level, with financial services, personnel, and responsibilities for
basic services being allocated to district governments. This has since been
modified by some increase in provincial government review and monitoring, but the
basic thrust has been a devolution of power and resources to the regions from the
central government. This is of particular importance to the agricultural sector
because (a) local government policies and regulations are often very important, and
(b) most agricultural commodities are regional (e.g., dominance of food crops in
Java and tree crops in Sumatra and Kalimantan). But there is also the danger of
inconsistent regional policies; trade policy and domestic pricing require national
policies.
This comment summarizes the situation: “Overall, the environment for ‘good
governance’ at the local level is weak and corruption similar to the national
situation is endemic.” (World Bank, 2007a) The comment also highlights the need to
reduce corruption within public sector activity in Indonesia, at both national and
local levels. It remains important to the agricultural sector and contributes not
only to problems of local governance but also to agricultural sector productivity
levels, and the choice, enforcement and ultimate efficiency of various policies
such as trade protection and domestic pricing. Decentralization has its advantages
but is no panacea.
Alleviation of Poverty
Poverty remains a major social issue in Indonesia, by any measure. Because most
poverty is still located in rural areas, many agricultural policies embrace the
rhetoric of poverty alleviation as one of their objectives. In the first two
decades of the Suharto period, to the mid-1980s, agricultural policies that
supported rice production contributed to pro-poor economic growth and reduced rural
poverty. Figure 2 below shows Indonesia’s progress in poverty reduction: poverty
declined from 1990 to the Asian Financial crisis of 1997/98, rose sharply with the
crisis but declined again steadily from 1999 to 2008.
But over the past two decades, the contribution of these policies to economic
growth has been reduced; government priorities shifted away from productivity-
enhancing policies and flowed to rice price protection policies whose costs were
growing. In addition, the leverage of agricultural price policies on rural poverty
has been reduced. Raising the price of rice no longer reduces poverty because the
poorest Indonesians are net rice consumers, wage rates now appear to be influenced
most heavily by the non-farm labor market, and the benefits of price policies have
been strongly tilted toward farmland owners. There have been efforts to soften the
impact of higher rice and cooking oil prices for the poorest consumers through
targeted consumer subsidies (“rice for the poor” targeted 19 million poor
households in 2008), and expenditures on these programs increased in response to
the 2008 price increases. Overall, rural poverty has been reduced since 1999, seen
in Figure 2, but this has been due to strong nonfarm economic growth and a dynamic
rural labor market that features substantial off-farm employment and rural-urban
migration. So although the alleviation of poverty is still promoted as an important
issue for agricultural policy, this is now largely political rhetoric. Much more
could be done.
Patunru, A., and Basri, M.C. (2009). The Political Economy of Rice and Fuel Pricing
in Indonesia, conference paper presented at Poverty, Food and Global Recession in
Southeast Asia, Institute for Southeast Asian Studies, Singapore.
World Bank. (2008b). Adapting to Climate Change: The Case of Rice in Indonesia. A
Study under the Rice Policy Dialogue AAA (P108646). Report #44434-ID
World Bank. (2008c). How International Price Shocks Impact Indonesian Food Prices,
Trade Development Technical Note, Issue 3.
Figure 1
Figure 1
Time Path of Agriculture�s Contribution to GDP
Figure 2
Figure 2
Poverty Trends in Indonesia
Richard R. Barichello (Richard.barichello@ubc.ca) , is Associate Professor, Food
and Resource Economics, University of British Columbia, Vancouver, BC, Canada.
Arianto Patunru (patunru@lpem-feui.org) is Assistant Professor, Department of
Economics, University of Indonesia, Jakarta, Indonesia.
A publication of
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How Agriculture Contributes to Economic Development
by EVA LEE 9 months ago in FOOD
Agriculture and Its Economic Development
Agriculture has always played a pivotal role in shaping the economy of countries.
Since it fulfills the basic necessities of the people, all nations across the globe
make special provision to improve the productivity. Even the ancient civilization
has given it due importance. The agriculture sector not only provides food but also
a means of employment to millions. It contributes to resolving sociopolitical
issues and building a civilized society. Countries where the real capital income is
less, more emphasis is given on developing the agricultural sector and its related
industries since it can become the driving force to boost the economy. Whether
under developing or developed, agriculture is still the basic occupation of the
world.
Role of Agriculture
Prior to the advent of currency in the world, the neanderthal population was
dependent on the barter system for the exchange of commodities between two
communities. With the discovery of agriculture, the hunter-gatherer community found
a source for food, settling down at one place, and reduce hunting. The agricultural
revolution changed the way the farming sector would impact the overall economy of a
country.
FOOD
Read next: Aquaculture and Its Damage to Mother Earth
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Eva Lee is an Enterprise Software Technology project Manager who also enjoy's
writing,Eva started writing the blogs and articles on Resumes, Career oriented
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A Cambodian farmer
A Cambodian farmer - Photo: Chor Sokunthea / World Bank
The view that a productive agriculture is critical for employment creation and
poverty reduction is now widely shared within the development community. Yet, this
has not always been the case. In the run up to the 2008 world food price crisis,
many development practitioners, government officials and economists doubted whether
agriculture could still play this role, especially in Africa. Agro-pessimism had
set in during the 1990s and 2000s, with a decline in policy attention and
agricultural investment. The food price spikes of 2008 brought a realization that
more needed to be done to strengthen agriculture in developing countries.
Today, world food prices are still 70 percent higher than before the food price
crisis (or 40-50 percent in real terms) and the trade and policy environment is
much more favorable to agriculture. But African incomes have also grown, poverty
has come down and countries are more urbanized. So, what then is the role of
agriculture for poverty reduction today and is the favorable inclination towards
agriculture of the past years also backed up by the more recent evidence?
Eight papers in a forthcoming Special Issue of World Development present the latest
evidence. Using a multitude of analytical techniques (theoretical derivations, CGE
modeling, econometrics), they confirm the continuing importance of agricultural
development for poverty reduction. They also add important nuance. Here are five
take-aways.
Growth in agriculture remains more poverty reducing than growth elsewhere
The effects on poverty reduction of agriculture are largest for the poorest in
society and the advantage of agricultural over nonagricultural growth in reducing
poverty ultimately disappears as countries become richer (see graph). Furthermore,
the lower the literacy rates, the stronger the progressivity in the poverty-
reducing effect of agricultural over nonagricultural growth. This supports the
current policy attention to agriculture in Africa and South Asia, which together
house more than 80 percent of the world’s extreme poor today.
The degree of tradability of the food (and nonfood) that experiences the increase
in productivity is an important consideration in determining the reduction of
poverty from growth in that sector. It affects the extent to which prices decline
and thus the extent to which producers and consumers gain. Computable general
equilibrium model simulations for around 300,000 households from 31 countries
suggest that agriculture’s advantage holds, irrespective of whether food is
considered tradable or not. Agricultural growth appears a priority for poverty
reduction in landlocked and coastal economies alike.
The way public investments are financed has first-order distributional implications
which may even overturn the underlying gains from rising productivity. An increase
in public capital formation targeted to agriculture can, for example, negatively
affect real consumption wages of the rural unskilled if financed from a tariff, but
have a positive effect if financed through a consumption tax, which affects mainly
the urban skilled. Great reliance on aid financed investment on the other hand, may
cause real exchange appreciation, favoring the more traditional, domestic oriented
nonagricultural sector over the more productive, open modern sector. Given that
more, and more unskilled, labor is hired by the informal sectors of this closed
(nonagricultural) economy, it may also lead to larger poverty reduction than when
public investment financing is less dependent on foreign grants, which would favor
growth in the open modern economy and lead to greater labor productivity.
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Economics Discussion
Role of Agriculture in the Economic Development of a Country
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In other words, where per capita real income is low, emphasis is being laid on
agriculture and other primary industries.
“Increase in agricultural production and the rise in the per-capita income of the
rural community, together with the industrialisation and urbanisation, lead to an
increased demand in industrial production”-Dr. Bright Singh.
The history of England is clear evidence that Agricultural Revolution preceded the
Industrial Revolution there. In U.S.A. and Japan, also agricultural development has
helped to a greater extent in the process of their industrialisation. Similarly,
various under-developed countries of the world engaged in the process of economic
development have by now learnt the limitations of putting over-emphasis on
industrialisation as a means to attain higher per capita real income. “Thus
industrial and agricultural developments are not alternatives but are complementary
and are mutually supporting with respect to both inputs and outputs.”
According to Prof. Kinderberger, Todaro, Lewis and Nurkse etc., agriculture makes
its contribution to economic development in several ways, viz.,:
ADVERTISEMENTS:
(1) By providing food and raw material to non-agricultural sectors of the economy,
(2) By creating demand for goods produced in non-agricultural sectors, by the rural
people on the strength of the purchasing power, earned by them on selling the
marketable surplus,
(3) By providing investable surplus in the form of savings and taxes to be invested
in non-agricultural sector,
The agriculture sector is the backbone of an economy which provides the basic
ingredients to mankind and now raw material for industrialisation.
Therefore, the role of agriculture for the development of an economy may be stated
as below:
1. Contribution to National Income:
ADVERTISEMENTS:
The lessons drawn from the economic history of many advanced countries tell us that
agricultural prosperity contributed considerably in fostering economic advancement.
It is correctly observed that, “The leading industrialized countries of today were
once predominantly agricultural while the developing economies still have the
dominance of agriculture and it largely contributes to the national income. In
India, still 28% of national income comes from this sector.
Agriculture is the basic source of food supply of all the countries of the world—
whether underdeveloped, developing or even developed. Due to heavy pressure of
population in underdeveloped and developing countries and its rapid increase, the
demand for food is increasing at a fast rate. If agriculture fails to meet the
rising demand of food products, it is found to affect adversely the growth rate of
the economy. Raising supply of food by agricultural sector has, therefore, great
importance for economic growth of a country.
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Agricultural advancement is necessary for improving the supply of raw materials for
the agro-based industries especially in developing countries. The shortage of
agricultural goods has its impact upon on industrial production and a consequent
increase in the general price level. It will impede the growth of the country’s
economy. The flour mills, rice shellers, oil & dal mills, bread, meat, milk
products sugar factories, wineries, jute mills, textile mills and numerous other
industries are based on agricultural products.
4. Provision of Surplus:
The progress in agricultural sector provides surplus for increasing the exports of
agricultural products. In the earlier stages of development, an increase in the
exports earning is more desirable because of the greater strains on the foreign
exchange situation needed for the financing of imports of basic and essential
capital goods.
Johnson and Mellor are of the opinion, “In view of the urgent need for enlarged
foreign exchange earnings and the lack of alternative opportunities, substantial
expansion of agricultural export production is frequently a rational policy even
though the world supply—demand situation for a commodity is unfavorable.”
5. Shift of Manpower:
6. Creation of Infrastructure:
If the agricultural sector does not grow at a faster rate, it may result in the
growing discontentment amongst the masses which is never healthy for the smooth
running of democratic governments. For economic development, it is necessary to
minimize political as well as social tensions. In case the majority of the people
have to be kindled with the hopes of prosperity, this can be attained with the help
of agricultural progress. Thus development of agriculture sector is also relevant
on political and social grounds.
The development of agricultural sector would tend to increase the purchasing power
of agriculturists which will help the growth of the non-agricultural sector of the
country. It will provide a market for increased production. In underdeveloped
countries, it is well known that the majority of people depend upon agriculture and
it is they who must be able to afford to consume the goods produced.
Most of the developing countries of the world are exporters of primary products.
These products contribute 60 to 70 per cent of their total export earning. Thus,
the capacity to import capital goods and machinery for industrial development
depends crucially on the export earning of the agriculture sector. If exports of
agricultural goods fail to increase at a sufficiently high rate, these countries
are forced to incur heavy deficit in the balance of payments resulting in a serious
foreign exchange problem.
However, primary goods face declining prices in international market and the
prospects of increasing export earnings through them are limited. Due to this,
large developing countries like India (having potentialities of industrial
development) are trying to diversify their production structure and promote the
exports of manufactured goods even though this requires the adoption of protective
measures in the initial period of planning.
Underdeveloped and developing countries need huge amount of capital for its
economic development. In the initial stages of economic development, it is
agriculture that constitutes a significant source of capital formation.
Agriculture sector provides funds for capital formation in many ways as:
(v) transfer of labour and capital from farm to non-farm activities etc.
According to Dr. Bright Singh, “Increase in agricultural production and the rise in
the per-capita income of the rural community, together with the industrialisation
and urbanisation, lead to an increased demand in industrial production.” In this
way, agricultural sector helps promote economic growth by securing as a supplement
to industrial sector.
Conclusion:
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For instance, Brazil, India, China and South Africa have agricultural sectors that
have both industrialised farmers and resource-poor farmers who practice low-input
agriculture. These countries offer important spaces for strengthening practices
that are well suited to the challenges facing smallholder farmers. And ones that
are more environmentally sound.
The basis for alternative agricultural systems already exists. They’re practised by
at least 75% of the world’s 1.5 billion smallholders, family farmers and indigenous
peoples.
These alternatives fall broadly under the umbrella of agroecology. Their key
characteristics include the use of technologies based on ecological knowledge, as
well as a focus on family farming and local production. They also have low levels
of external inputs, and are diversified.
Developing countries could leapfrog industrial agriculture systems and move toward
an agricultural sector that’s run on agroecological principles. But this needs
increased public investment and a policy environment that’s conducive to
encouraging the approach.
These farms play a critical role in food security. This is especially true at a
local level. But these farmers also face numerous challenges: access to land and
capital, secure land rights, appropriate extension and advice, increased climate
variability and market access.
The question is whether public money in emerging economies is being used to address
these challenges and the needs of small farmers. Or is it being used to prop up
large-scale industrial agriculture?
Many emerging economies have dual forms of agriculture – both industrialised and
small-scale. Yet investment in agricultural innovations typically centre only on
priorities for industrialised farming.
Genetic engineering is an example. It has become one of the main areas of focus in
agricultural research over the past three decades. Highly specialised – it involves
the modification of an organism by manipulating its genes – it needs high levels of
investment. Those developing it also expect high returns and it’s very much a “top-
down” approach, removed from the context and knowledge of most of the world’s
farmers, and often bringing questionable benefits.
Solutions
Smallholder agriculture is increasingly important in emerging economies. There is a
need for alternative agricultural solutions. Emerging economies can be leaders in
this field.
Rachel Wynberg
Associate Professor and DST/NRF Bio-economy Research Chair, University of Cape Town
Laura Pereira
Researcher/Lecturer at the Centre for Complex Systems in Transition, Stellenbosch
University
Rachel Wynberg works for the University of Cape Town, South Africa where she holds
a research chair funded by the Department of Science and Technology and National
Research Foundation. The work in this article was funded by a FP7 project on
Responsible Innovation (PROGRESS). Through the University of Cape Town, she forms
part of the Seed and Knowledge Initiative (SKI) which represents an innovative
collaboration between universities, practitioners and a range of NGOs across
southern Africa to revive and enhance traditional seed and knowledge systems and to
deepen understanding about their functioning. Rachel serves on the Boards of
Biowatch South Africa, Environmental Monitoring Group and the Union for Ethical
Biotrade. This article is written in her personal capacity and does not represent
the views of any of these organisations. No benefit will accrue to any
organisation.
Laura Pereira does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any
company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no
relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
University of Cape Town and Stellenbosch University provide funding as partners of
The Conversation AFRICA.
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The important thing to note about farming in developing countries is that such a
large portion—up to 90 percent—of the economy is made up of agriculture workers. If
innovations and policies can improve their standard of living then the majority of
the poor in many developing countries would be lifted out of poverty. Out of their
rise from poverty comes new consumers and contributors to the global economy,
benefitting not just developing countries, but developed ones as well.
– Martin Drake
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