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Living Resource Security Issues in the South China Sea

APS620: The International Politics of the Asia Pacific

Professor Doowan Lee

05/20/10

Adam Collardey

University of San Francisco


APS 620: The International Politics of the Asia Pacific 05/18/10 Adam Collardey

Introduction

Maritime security issues in the South China Sea can be as serious as terrorist

attacks, or military collisions, to national energy security interests arising from the

large amount of shipments traveling on one of the world’s busiest maritime shipping

routes. Economic issues are a priority, and governments are gaining a greater

awareness of the potential for climate change and environmental disasters to have a

large impact on a nation’s economy. This, combined with the number of other

nations that have interests at stake in the region, makes this a global concern, with

global impacts if a serious military conflict ever ensued.

While the South China Sea has been the focus of speculation for the potential

of armed conflict in Asia, the major issues of piracy, shipping, and natural resources

in the region can actually promote cooperation, although some commentators see

Asian cooperation as slowly progressing. All three of these issues give the nations

involved reason to cooperate with the other nations, including non-littoral nations

like Japan and the United States (US). While the possibility of a military accident or

skirmish developing into a larger conflict will always exist, the nations must

recognize the potential disaster any extended conflict would bring to the regional

economy, as well as the potential for the US and other nations to get involved.

The South China Sea currently faces issues related to the declining quality of

the natural environment, which directly affects industries like fisheries, and is

further complicated by the potential for increased activity in resource extraction,

including liquid natural gas (LNG) and oil. The commercial shipping industry also

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faces security issues from piracy, largely stemming from economically stagnant parts

of Indonesia.

Governments worldwide are increasing their attention to environmental

concerns, with the motivation of preventing economic damage from natural

disasters and environmental degradation. In the South China Sea, the issues of

maintaining the coral reefs, coastal areas, and maintaining both the quality and

quantity of fish presents a major challenge that demands international cooperation

in order to effectively move towards potential solutions.

Do environmental issues in the South China Sea have any bearing on the use

of force by the nations that have some kind of stake in the region? In order to narrow

down this complex question, I will use established theoretical approaches, as well as

environmental political theory to assess the potential and the extent to which the

nations are cooperating. My goal is to show how the littoral and non-littoral

nation-states and their populations can bring about a higher prospect of peaceful

cooperation on living resource issues concerning the South China Sea.

Theory

The existing mix of perspectives on the South China Sea covers a wide range

of realist, liberal, and constructive aspects of the territorial disputes and other

issues. Structural realism and liberal institutionalism are useful theoretical

frameworks to begin with, and other constructive approaches can add detail based

on identity, history, and other social factors.

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Neorealism claims that “individual sovereign states operate in an anarchic

system in which their behavior is almost exclusively shaped by considerations of

power politics.”1 The extent of most realist views on international environmental

cooperation is limited to portraying it as a security issue that could result in

conflict.2 The increasing amount of international cooperation on environmental

issues and climate change therefore shows the limitations of the realist perspective.3

The increased volume of weapons amongst all of the littoral nations in the

South China Sea combined with increasing maritime activity raises concerns over

what future crisis or conflict scenarios would look like. While realism is useful to an

extent, other factors have helped shape the current state of relations in the South

China Sea.

Economic and political institutionalization has brought Asian nation-states

closer together. In the international arena as a whole, there are a variety of common

interests that require the building of trust in order to ensure cooperation.4 Liberal

institutionalism regards “environmental cooperation as perfectly rational whenever

self-interested states judge that the benefits of cooperation will outweigh the costs.”5

The reduction in the number of armed skirmishes in the South China Sea in

conflicting territories since the 1980s and 1990s would also point to increasing

cooperation. China, Vietnam, and the Philippines are slowly working towards a state

of cooperation on issues affecting the area. This is notable because to date they have

1
Neil Carter, The Politics of the Environment (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 2001), 226.
2
Ibid., 227.
3
Ibid.
4
Ibid., 228.
5
Ibid.
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been the most aggressive in occupying areas like the Spratly Islands, partly due to

their “adolescence.”6 In the South China Sea, issues of resources, identity, and

sovereignty combine and result in the relative aggressiveness of the adolescent

states.7

While the involved nations and institutions have been criticized for their

appearance of slow progress on various issues, Asian cooperation does not look the

same as Western forms, and may not ever be completely understood by only the

accounts of those who live outside of these Asian political structures. Liberal

perspectives fall short on considering unique historical or social factors that have

influenced the relations among Asian nations.

Constructivism states that shared ideas create interests and identity.8 An

example of shared environmental interests in the South China Sea is how

representatives from Malaysia, the Philippines, and Australia are cooperating on

addressing climate change issues in one of the Council for Security Cooperation in

the Asia Pacific (CSCAP) study groups. These countries are all concerned about

maintaining biodiversity in the Coral Triangle.

To really get a sense of the community that makes up the South China Sea,

many smaller regional concerns need to be taken into account. For example, the Riau

area of Indonesia has had independence yearnings in the past. Constructivism can

6
Jean-Marc Blanchard, “Maritime Issues in Asia: the problem of adolescence,” in
Asian Security Order, ed. Muthiah Alagappa (Stanford: Stanford University Press,
2003), 439.
7
Ibid.
8
Alexander Wendt, Social Theory of International Politics (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1999), 1.
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also address specific concerns of the local residents of coastal Vietnam or Palawan,

Philippines.

Other international relations theoretical frameworks emphasize history and

society’s influence. This includes the Chinese and Vietnamese claims to the Spratly

Islands based on lines drawn on old maps, and the Philippines claim to certain

islands based on its colonial history.9 However, the overall significance of the Spratly

Islands and the historic nature of the South China Sea territorial disputes has been

largely exaggerated.10 While some historical claims make sense for specific areas

within the South China Sea, applying it to the entire Sea is a provocative and

unreasonable claim.

However, the depth of Chinese history gives China reason to purse a hard-line

course against infringements on its perceived boundaries. By the time of the Qing

Dynasty, barbarian lands beyond the Middle Kingdom were part of a booming

maritime culture, with the European “red haired barbarians” fitting into the existing

tributary system of South East Asia.11 This kind of image is still maintained within

the minds of Chinese citizens today. For China, the Spratly Islands (although much

less populated) are similar to the issue of losing Taiwan; some Chinese people have

compared losing Taiwan to China losing a limb.

A more social perspective measures the extent to which ASEAN serves as a

social acclimatizing tool that provides incentives for China to become part of the

9
Oxford Analytica Daily Brief Service “Law could defuse Spratly rivalries,” (Oxford
Analytica Ltd.): September 15, 2009.
10
Ibid.
11
Martin Stuart-Fox, A Short History of China and Southeast Asia (Australia: Allen &
Unwin, 2003), 111-112.
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group and start dealing with multilateral relationships rather than it’s long

preferred bilateral ties.12

Environmental political theory also offers another range of perspectives on

the developments in the South China Sea. Two of the fundamental ideas behind

environmental political theory are deep ecology and ecocentrism. Deep ecology is

“the pre-eminent radical ecocentric moral theory which has the primary aim of

preserving nature from human interference.”13 Similarly, ecocentrism is “a mode of

thought that regards humans as subject to ecological and systems laws and whose

ethical, political and social prescriptions are concerned with both humans and

non-humans.”14

Environmental degradation and climate change could be serving as the key

instigator that will force Asian nations with different interests and trust issues to

start cooperating more. The scientific community is able to collaborate on

non-sensitive issues, and can influence policy makers in ways that encourage greater

levels of cooperation amongst various political interest groups, like the military

establishment or regional financing.

What follows is a look at several cases of how the littoral and non-littoral

nations are responding to new issues like climate change, environmental protection,

and food security. There could be a link between a nation’s stance on environmental

protection issues and the likelihood of solving future conflicts via existing channels

without resorting to the use of military force. While proving this may ultimately

12
Ibid., 223.
13
Neil Carter, The Politics of the Environment (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 2001), 14.
14
Ibid.
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require more research, the following empirical cases at least show how multilateral

groups are taking different approaches to solving issues of environmental

degradation in the South China Sea.

Empirical Cases about Living Resources

The marine scientific research (MSR) community represents a large group of

people who are concerned about maintaining the quality of the natural environment

in the South China Sea. While they do not have the usual political ties that national

groups have, they do use existing channels with the goal of influencing high-level

policy decision-making through informing their government representatives. So far,

for the major MSR projects, “the arrangements for the cooperation must necessarily

have the blessings of the governments.”15

One MSR study looked at the catch rates of shrimp and prawns in Vietnam as

an indicator of health and the overall profitability of the shrimp fishery industry.16

The database of information they have setup regarding the catch rates is a useful

tool for other groups that are interested in maintaining the economic prosperity of

the region’s fisheries. The extent to which governments are currently utilizing this

kind of information remains uncertain. Also, this MSR study points out that most

fisheries are regulated through restrictions on certain kinds of gear, although

“enforcement is limited and vessels may fish without a license and illegal gears are

15
Edward Gomez, “Marine Scientific Research in the South China Sea and
Environmental Security,” in Ocean Development & International Law, (2001): 209.
16
Steen Christensen and Dan van Thi, “Catch rates as indicators of ecosystem health
and exploitation status in the shrimp fishery in the South China Sea,” in Aquatic
Ecosystem Health & Management (Aquatic Ecosystem Health and Management
Society, 2008): 212.
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still in use in many areas.”17 The extent to which the local governments are able to

control illegal fishing should be taken into account when measuring the potential of

new policies that stem from higher up in a nation’s central government.

Likewise, there have been other MSR studies regarding the effects of

hydrocarbon pollution in the South China Sea. This kind of pollution will be a

concern for the years ahead, as “economical development and active oil and gas

production in the area will undoubtedly introduce a significant amount of

hydrocarbons into the Straits of Malacca.”18 This study also concluded that future

improvements in “environmentally friendly products and machinery” would address

most of the hydrocarbon pollution in the region.19 Additionally, improvements in the

technology used by the shipping industry, more efficient engines, and the promotion

of alternative energy sources will provide momentum to address the level of

hydrocarbon pollution in the South China Sea.20

The Coral Triangle Initiative (CTI) is an ambitious effort at high-level

cooperation among 6 governments that focuses on issues related to coral reefs,

fisheries, and food security.21 The CTI is also endorsed by the Association of

Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the Brunei, Indonesia, Malaysia and the

Philippines East ASEAN Growth Area (BIMP EAGA).22 The CTI has shown “good

17
Ibid., 213.
18
A. T. Law and Y. S. Hii, “Status, impacts and mitigation of hydrocarbon pollution in
the Malaysian seas,” in Aquatic Ecosystem Health & Management, (Aquatic Ecosystem
Health and Management Society, 2008): 147.
19
Ibid., 156.
20
Ibid.
21
Syamsul Maarif and Indroyono Soesilo, “Safeguarding Rich Marine Resources,”
Jakarta Post, January 7, 2008, Opinion and Editorial.
22
Ibid.
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progress” on its principles and goals, related to the issues of unsustainable fishing,

land-based pollution sources, and climate change.23 The 9 main principles of CTI are

much more robust compared to other agreements from other multilateral

institutions in Asia, a sign of these nations’ government’s willingness to cooperate

and their level of seriousness about addressing environmental degradation.

The United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) and the Global

Environmental Facility (GEF) cosponsors a joint effort called “Reversing

Environmental Degradation Trends in the South China Sea and Gulf of Thailand.”

The aim of the program is to make information about mangrove, coral reef, seagrass,

and wetland sites publically available online, as well as developing “policy, legal, and

institutional reforms” about both environmental restoration and preservation.24

Compared to the CTI, this project is more problematic to ensure agreement between

all of the involved nations. Mostly composed of academic research institutions and

government environmental groups, the UNEP/GEF project is a useful, but less

effective method to improve the quality of the natural environment in the South

China Sea.

The Pan-Tonkin Gulf Regional Economic Cooperation scheme has the

potential to effectively address issues including “maritime transportation,

environmental protection, and joint exploitation of resources.”25 The scheme would

enhance the involved governments’ ability to coordinate and communicate, while

23
Ibid.
24
John Tibbetts, “Sea Change in South China Sea,” in Environmental Health
Perspectives, (October 2001): 470.
25
Li Mingjiang, “Pan-Tonkin Gulf Cooperation: De-securitising the South China Sea?”
in RSIS Commentaries, (S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies, Nanyang
Technological University, Singapore) January 10, 2008.
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creating incentives to keep the region stable and peaceful, including “cooperation in

fisheries, maritime energy, maritime environment, and tourism.”26 The fine-line

between economic prosperity and environmental degradation requires precise and

pervasive forms of information sharing amongst and within national governments

and established research institutions.

ASEAN faces considerable challenges in developing effective ways to address

current and future environmental issues. “Despite regional proximity and

cross-border exchanges, the region remains one of the most diverse in the world.

Politically, economically, socially and culturally.”27 ASEAN’s failure to address serious

environmental issues over the past few decades can be attributed to its “inherent

financial limitations and weak mandate.”28 In addition, the region has established

issues of corruption, weak governance, and economic development patterns that

exacerbate environmental degradation.29

These few empirical cases tell us a few things about applying environmental

political theory to the international relationships in the South China Sea. Foremost,

environmental issues are at the forefront of the important topics for emerging

multilateral groups currently aiming to solve complex problems and share

information.

Environmental political theory is quite limited in scope when applied at the

international level, but it still holds true if simply demonstrating how humans are

26
Ibid.
27
Simon Tay and Iris Tan, “Environmental Institutions for South East Asia,”
(Singapore Institute of International Affairs, April 2005), 5.
28
Ibid., 6.
29
Ibid.
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subject to natural laws that go beyond national borders and laws, and require new

ways of collaborating. The effectiveness of the current communication channels

used to address environmental issues and their response to future issues will

demonstrate the applicability of environmental political theory at the international

level.

There are also many other ways of applying environmental political theory to

international relations issues in the South China Sea. There are already examples of

nations and groups of nations that tend to cooperate more than others on

environmental issues. The Scandinavian countries and most of Europe is just one

example of these kinds of groups. Also, if considering a nation’s internal political

influences as independent variables that affect how that nation interacts with other

nations, there are potentially many ways to measure how domestic environmental

initiatives spread and influence neighboring countries.

Policy Recommendations

There are 3 general paths that the quality of the natural environment can

follow in the South China Sea: greater degradation, a continuation of the status quo,

or improvement ranging from slower to faster. Improvement will require greater

amounts of cooperation and coordination amongst the littoral and non-littoral

nations, especially considering the increased amounts of shipping, piracy, and

maritime crime, as well as other potentially harmful economic activity.

More efficient use and openness of existing information will enhance every

nation’s ability to communicate clearly on emerging issues. One example is the use

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of existing satellite communication technology to enhance cooperation through

information sharing.30 This kind of openness will hopefully influence government

officials to adopt more effective policies.

China will probably continue a strategic position of claiming the Spratly

Islands based on its historical claim. Part of China’s Grand Strategy is to modernize

its maritime military while avoiding the use of unnecessary force.31 “China has never

let go of strategic goals” since the founding of the PRC.32 China seeks to reclaim its

own vision of national territory while driving to be recognized as a responsible

global power.33 China’s Grand Strategy’s pragmatic policies are aimed at producing a

strong and prosperous China.34

China can improve its track record of initiating or generating unnecessary

conflict by taking less provocative stances on individual skirmishes, especially those

between other major powers like the US and Japan. Doing so would greatly improve

the atmosphere of cooperation.

China can also demonstrate its cooperation on resource exploration with

Vietnam and the Philippines as proof of being a responsible power in the region.

Agreeing to negotiate more openly about territory disputes, especially in the Spratly

Islands can easily enhance China’s soft-power and influence both South East Asia

and the rest of the world favorably.

30
John C. Baker and David G. Wiencek, Cooperative Monitoring in the South China Sea
(Boulder: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2002), 1.
31
Martin Stuart-Fox, A Short History of China and Southeast Asia (Australia: Allen &
Unwin, 2003), 231.
32
Ibid., 221.
33
Ibid., 222.
34
Ibid., 231.
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ASEAN states have many challenges to developing more effective

environmental governance within their own borders, as well as in the international

arena. Overcoming corruption and illegal economic activity would greatly enhance

each government’s ability to control and enforce issues like poaching, overfishing,

and illegal timber collection. Despite the differences in shared interests these

nations have, as long as they continue to maintain a consistent dialogue in existing

groups like ASEAN, Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC), and the ASEAN

Regional Forum (ARF), they will be more likely to resolve future conflict via these

channels. These nations could also show greater support for existing programs and

groups, like the Southeast Asian Fisheries Development Center (SEAFDEC).

The US should lead the drive to update and make the United Nations

Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) a more useful mandate for diminishing

the level of tension about specific areas that are disputed in the South China Sea.

“The conventional means of establishing sovereignty and jurisdiction may not be

available here, but international law can supply the means for bringing about the

exploration and exploitation of resources.”35 Also, the US should fund more of the

resources needed to address the issues it feels are important in the region so that

the littoral nations can focus more on addressing environmental degradation and

preservation at the local level.

Likewise, Japan can provide funding for initiatives that enhance the overall

security of the region, which the environment is a key element of. This is a

35
Oxford Analytica Daily Brief Service “Law could defuse Spratly rivalries,” (Oxford
Analytica Ltd.): September 15, 2009.
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less-threatening way of showing how Japan requires the stability of key shipping

lanes in the region.

A promising development that would make the South China Sea more secure

environmentally would be if a marine preservation area was declared in the Spratly

Islands that would include the joint effort of all the littoral nations in seriously

addressing environmental preservation. Examples of existing peace parks, like the

Great Limpopo Transfrontier Park (South Africa and Zimbabwe) and Waterton

Glacier International Peace Park (US and Canada), show the potential for a solution

that is not only an effective way to protect the living resources in the area, but could

also serve as a symbolic gesture of regional cooperation and trust.

This, combined with a thoroughly explained resolution to the territorial

disputes, perhaps matching the doughnut-hole solution or “donut formula,” would

greatly improve the likelihood of the region’s sustainability.36

The Arctic Circle is an area likely to show how the territorial disputes within

the South China Sea will be finally resolved. The littoral nations in the Arctic Circle

have much more economic weight and naval capability than most of the ASEAN

countries. China is already involved in searching for potential shipping routes when

the summer months allow for easier passage. The South China Sea could play a

greater role eventually in serving as a perfect training ground for China’s growing

blue-water navy.

36
Aileen Baviera, “South China Sea: Managing Territorial and Resource Disputes” in
Searching for Peace in Asia Pacific (Boulder: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2004), 516.

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Conclusion

Improvements in technology and enhanced information sharing are the two

most positive developments in the potential to mitigate environmental degradation

across the South China Sea. From better ways of cleaning up hydrocarbon pollution,

to monitoring sensitive grassland areas, and using existing satellite technology are

just a few examples of this potential.

Much of the responsibility lies in the hands of the official government

representatives in the littoral nations. Likewise, the officials from the non-littoral

nations can play a larger role in at the very least providing additional funding for

environmental initiatives in the region. A major obstacle at this point is “the lack of

influence over, or even support from, the official track.”37 While numerous proposals

have been made in the academic and scientific communities regarding the South

China Sea, without an equal amount of attention from official channels, these

proposals remain at a level below their potential to create a better marine

environment.

The direct link between environmental degradation and a nation’s likelihood

to pursue military solutions to future crises remains uncertain. However, the

potential for environmental degradation to promote cooperation that might

otherwise not occur is apparently gaining momentum. A more important question

however is how quickly and effectively can this large group of varying interests

cooperate to adapt to climate change and future environmental crises. Enhanced

awareness of environmental issues amongst the general population will help, as will

37
Ibid., 517.
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the ability of unofficial multilateral groups to have an effect on their government’s

environmental policies.

Bibliography

Baker, John C. and David G. Wiencek. Cooperative Monitoring in the South China Sea.

Boulder: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2002.

Baviera, Aileen. “South China Sea: Managing Territorial and Resource Disputes” in

Searching for Peace in Asia Pacific, Boulder: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2004.

Blanchard, Jean-Marc. “Maritime Issues in Asia: the problem of adolescence,” in

Asian Security Order, ed. Muthiah Alagappa. Stanford: Stanford University Press,

2003.

Carter, Neil. The Politics of the Environment. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,

2001.

Christensen, Steen and Dan van Thi, “Catch rates as indicators of ecosystem health

and exploitation status in the shrimp fishery in the South China Sea,” in Aquatic

Ecosystem Health & Management, (Aquatic Ecosystem Health and Management

Society, 2008).

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Hongyi, Nie. “Explaining Chinese Solutions to Territorial Dispute with Neighbor

States” in the Chinese Journal of International Politics, Volume 2, 2009.

Law, A. T. and Y. S. Hii, “Status, impacts and mitigation of hydrocarbon pollution in

the Malaysian seas,” in Aquatic Ecosystem Health & Management (Aquatic Ecosystem

Health and Management Society, 2008).

Maarif, Syamsul and Indroyono Soesilo. “Safeguarding Rich Marine Resources” in the

Jakarta Post, in Opinion and Editorial, January 7, 2008.

Mingjiang, Li. “Pan-Tonkin Gulf Cooperation: De-securitising the South China Sea?” in

RSIS Commentaries. S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies, Nanyang

Technological University, Singapore. January 10, 2008.

Oxford Analytica Daily Brief Service. “Law could defuse Spratly rivalries,” Oxford

Analytica Ltd., September 15, 2009.

Stuart-Fox, Martin. A Short History of China and Southeast Asia: tribute, trade and

influence. Australia: Allen & Unwin. 2003.

Tay, Simon and Iris Tan. “Environmental Institutions for South East Asia,” (Singapore

Institute of International Affairs, April 2005).

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John Tibbetts, “Sea Change in South China Sea,” in Environmental Health Perspectives,

October 2001, 470.

US Energy Information Administration. Country Analysis Brief: South China Sea.

March 2008.

http://www.eia.doe.gov/emeu/cabs/South_China_Sea/Background.html accessed

on May 1, 2010.

Wendt, Alexander. Social Theory of International Politics. Cambridge: Cambridge

University Press, 1999.

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