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1 Globalization and Women Empowerment

Globalization and the Empowerment of Women: An Analysis of Spatial
Dependence via Trade and Foreign Direct Investment
Article  in  World Development · November 2010
DOI: 10.1016/j.worlddev.2010.12.008 · Source: OAI
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Eric Neumayer
The London School of Economics and Political Science

253 PUBLICATIONS   14,350 CITATIONS   

Indra De Soysa
Norwegian University of Science and Technology

134 PUBLICATIONS   2,904 CITATIONS   

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The user has requested enhancement of the downloaded file.Globalization and the Empowerment of
Women: An Analysis of

Spatial Dependence via Trade and Foreign Direct Investment

Published in:
World Development, 39 (7), pp. 1065-1075

Eric Neumayer
London School of Economics and Political Science, Department of Geography and

Environment, Houghton Street, London WC2A 2AE, UK.

Phone: +44-207-9557598. Fax: +44-207-9557412. Email: e.neumayer@lse.ac.uk.

Website: http://personal.lse.ac.uk/neumayer

&

Indra de Soysa
Director, Globalization Research Program

Norwegian University of Science and Technology (NTNU)

7491 Trondheim

Norway

ARTICLE SUMMARY:
This article tests the hypothesis that higher women’s economic and s

social rights in foreign countries with which a country is connected via trade and FDI
 spill-over into higher rights among the laggards — a phenomenon known as spatial

dependence. Analyzing women’s rights over the period 1981 to 2007 in a global

sample and samples of countries at different stages of economic development, we find

consistent evidence for spill-over effects via trade links, with the exception of a

sample of low-income countries. We also find some evidence for similar effects via

FDI, but only for economic rights and only in middle-income countries.

2 Status of Women in Pakistan: A Critical

Analysis
A traditional household headed by a male (father or grandfather) includes paternal
grandparents, parents, sons, daughters, daughter-in-laws (wives of the sons), and their children.
A male child is perceived as a future guardian of his family, whereas the customary future of a
female child is to leave her parents' home and own her future husband's house ( Fikree and
Pasha, 2004;Isran and Isran, 2012). For Pakistani women, the status and role is interpreted
according to the patriarchal values embedded in the social meanings and interpretations qamar
Asian Journal of Social Science 46 (2018) of religious and cultural norms.
In Punjab, which is considered less conservative compared to other provinces of Pakistan, the
practice of endogamy and cousin marriages provide a sense of security and support to women
extended by their parents and other maternal relations. Although a wife remains under the
control of her mother-in-law and husband, the presence of children in her life, thus becoming a
mother and successfully fulfilling her reproductive responsibility, gives her a sense of
participation and autonomy (Isran and Isran, 2012;Sathar and Kazi, 2000). In addition to
childcare as their primary responsibility and daily domestic chores (e.g., cooking, cleaning, and
washing), rural Punjabi women pick cotton and vegetables from fields and tend to the cattle at
home. ...
The causes of infertility in a women are interpreted as asaib or saya (the effects of evil spirits)
or bandish (a result of black magic), which, in turn, produces perceive role failure and the risk of
marginalisation Bhatti et al., 1999;Mumtaz et al., 2013;Sami and Ali, 2012). A Pakistani woman
who experiences sub-ordinance and lack of control during her life (as a girl or young woman)
gains power, authority, and control after acquiring the status of a mother (Isran and Isran,
2012;Mumtaz et al., 2013;Qadeer, 2006;Qamar, 2017). The experience of social control and
gaining the desired status is directly linked with "motherhood" norms grounded in the social value of a
child in the Punjabi sociocultural context.
The Social Value of the Child and Fear of Childlessness among Rural Punjabi Women in Pakistan
Article

 Dec 2018
 Asian J Soc Sci

 Azher Hameed Qamar

 Empowering Women in Politics on a Global
Scale
IKNOW Politics expert  Farida Jalalzai  submitted the
following article to be published on International
Women’s Day 2017.
Few social changes have been as dramatic and rapid as women’s increased political
representation worldwide. Simultaneously, nowhere do women hold equal power to men
in influencing and exercising political authority worldwide. This story of huge gains and
shocking barriers plays out daily in our news, and for good reason. These are all
threads of a compelling story – women’s global political empowerment. Changes that
were fuzzy and uncertain at first can no longer be ignored. The UN has declared
women’s empowerment as the third of its Millennium Development Goals
(http://www.un.org/millenniumgoals/). Within this broad charter, political empowerment
is one of a variety of areas, often less fully articulated and studied in comparison to
economic indicators. Yet, gains in women’s political empowerment directly decrease the
role of gender inequality as an obstacle to incorporation as social and economic equals,
and open, rather than close, the political domain to all members of society. Indeed, as
the largest group today that worldwide encounters current and historical barriers to
political incorporation, women’s political empowerment is a fundmental process of
transformation for benchmarking and understanding more general empowerment gains
across the globe. Thus, women’s political empowerment is a political public good insofar
as progress legitimates and strengthens a larger committment to equal political
incorporation generally.
What is women’s global political empowerment? In 2015, we began a cross-national
and inter-disciplinary discussion of these concepts and are publishing resulting work in
an edited collection Alexander, Bolzendahl, and Jalalzai (forthcoming)[1]. As we have
continued to develop these ideas, we define women’s global political empowerment as
the enhancement of assets, capabilities, and achievements of women to gain equality to
men in influencing and exercising political authority worldwide. This definition builds
from important previous work on gender, empowerment, and development (Kabeer
2005). First, empowerment denotes a process of transformation from a position of no or
limited agency to one of greater agentic opportunity and effectiveness. This captures
the transformative essence of empowerment processes writ large. Importantly, it
incorporates the systematic marginalization of women as a group from access to and
achievement of equal levels of political influence, representation, and integration.
Second, we focus on the fact that women’s political empowerment is achieved as part of
a political process, not at one particular moment (e.g., women reaching 50% of the
legislature). Political empowerment goes beyond the power enjoyed by particular
individuals by shedding light on power configurations positioning groups, and
recognizes political authority as the legitimate access to state mediated power.  Third,
women’s political empowerment distributes power more evenly between men and
women and undermines entrenched patterns of gender inequality across a broad range
of economic, familial, and social institutions.
While the challenges are steep, there is a great deal of positive momentum toward
expanding measures of women’s political empowerment worldwide. Data from sources
such as the World Bank, the Inter-Parliamentary Union (www.ipu.org); and the UN
Women program (www.unwomen.org) are slowly prioritizing measures related to
gender, women’s empowerment, and politics. Mirroring the construction of gender as a
social structure with individual, interactional, and institutional levels, measures of
women’s empowerment must consider women’s individual capacities and opportunities
(e.g., political knowledge, access, rights), community-based factors (e.g., political
mobilization, campaigning, local representation), and broader arenas (e.g., women’s
election nationally, women’s lobbies and political organizations, women’s power and
leadership in office). While the bulk of available information relates to women’s formal
political power (i.e., election to national office), our collection of research will expand
this, for example in including cross-national measures of women’s election to local
council, approaches to include women’s committee and caucus memberships,
frameworks for linking women’s rights and emancipative values in survey research,
broadening international data on women’s executive leadership, and  measures of the
intersection of gender and minority status worldwide. Moving forward on these
measurement issues requires collaboration across disciplines and a commitment by
organizations and their resources to prioritize the collection of such data and share it
widely.
We argue that we need to still better understand women’s elite involvement and
influence.  The majority of prior work on elites charts cross-national and longitudinal
trends in women’s presence in national legislatures.  While women’s presence in
legislatures has grown over time, women still remain vastly underrepresented in most
countries worldwide.   Comparative research on cross-level trends in women’s office-
holding also shows that women’s incorporation varies considerably (Bolzendahl 2014).
Thus, women’s presence at the national level should not be taken for granted as an
indicator of similar achievements in other levels of office-holding. As a point of
comparison, we briefly analyze women holding national executive positions (prime
ministerships, presidencies, or equivalent posts).
While the current world average of women in parliaments is 23 percent (www.ipu.org)
and thus still quite low, compare this to the percentage of women holding executive
office. A mere six percent of all executives in power in 2017 worldwide are women.  A
record year for women would only require 20 women to hold power simultaneously.
Even in this scenario, women would comprise less than eight percent of all executives.
More stunning is that the numbers of women leading their countries is actually declining
rather than increasing[2].  While quantities can indicate some important aspects of
political empowerment, we must also account for quality of position and influence of the
country. Women, compared to their male counterparts, more often ascend to relatively
weak executive posts and gain offices through appointment as opposed to popular
election (Jalalzai 2013).  Even with high profile female executives such as German
Chancellor Angela Merkel (consistently ranked as the world’s most powerful female
leader by Forbes Magazine) women still rarely lead more visible countries on the world
stage. No doubt, media interest in women in executive power increased as Hillary
Clinton’s election as the first woman president of the United States seemed likely. Given
her loss and other setbacks for women including the impeachment of two sitting female
presidents--Dilma Rousseff of Brazil and South Korea’s Park Guen-hye--it is fair to say
that 2017 has not started out as a banner year for women executives.  Focusing only on
women in national legislatures, therefore, neglects key alternative arenas where women
gain in decision-making authority that may be even more influential, including women’s
presence including executive positions, but also positions of party leadership, in the
courts and security forces.
Our work also suggests the need to incorporate more work on political empowerment of
average female citizens since this may strongly influence elite behavior, such as the
provision of entitlements, especially those supporting gender equality (Alexander and
Welzel 2011). Therefore, average female citizens’ level of political motivation and
participation as well as the strength of women’s advocacy networks are fundamental to
women’s political empowerment.
Overall, our research on identifies a number of key conceptual issues and opportunities
for further developing definitions of women’s political empowerment worldwide. In
particular, we see that a critical mass of scholarship exists that provides the launching
point for research to expand globally and rethink conclusions across geo-political areas.
Through continued work and data collection, a broad theoretical framework can emerge
to understand how women have gained fuller access to political power and where
challenges toward equality remain. 

References
Alexander, Amy C. and Christian Welzel. 2011. “Explaining Women’s Empowerment:
The Role
of Emancipative Beliefs.” European Sociological Review 27(3): 364-384.
Alexander, Amy, Catherine Bolzendahl, Farida Jalalzai. Measuring Women’s Political
Empowerment
across the Globe- Strategies, Challenges and Future Research. New York: Palgrave
Macmillan (forthcoming).
Alexander, Amy, Catherine Bolzendahl, Farida Jalalzai. 2016. “Defining Women’s
Global
Political Empowerment: Theories and Evidence.” Sociology Compass.
Jalalzai, Farida. 2013. Shattered, Cracked and Firmly Intact: Women and the Executive
Glass
Ceiling Worldwide. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Kabeer, Naila, 2005. "Gender Equality and Women's Empowerment: A Critical Analysis
of the
Third Millennium Development Goal 1." Gender & Development 13:13-24.

[1] We thank the Thyssen Foundation for support of our conference in Cologne, Germany, 2015.
[2] Currently, only 15 women hold executive posts. In the previous year, 19 women held executive
power.  Excluded from analysis women occupying positions not conforming to presidential or prime
ministerial office such as collective executives (as in San Marino or Bosnia etc.).Leaders of non-
autonomous countries are also omitted since ultimate authority lies with another government.  Since
Taiwan’s independence from China is contested, President Tsai is excluded. A small number of
women served in both prime ministerial and presidential capacities in the same country. Others led
officially as interim leaders prior to securing more permanent appointments. Since the unit of
analysis is the woman leader, they are not considered separate cases. In instances where the same
woman held two different types of executive positions, they are analyzed in the position they held
longer. Farida Jalalzai compiled cases of women leaders from the Worldwide Guide to Women in
Leadership, Zarate’s Political Collection and different media articles.
 
Resource type: 
Academic Paper / Article
Theme: 
Women's Leadership
Parliaments and Representatives
Elections
Author: 
Farida Jalalzai, Amy C. Alexander and Catherine
Bolzendahl
Publication year: 
2017
Focus areas: 
Women's Leadership
JOURNAL ARTICLE

Women Empowerment and Economic

Development
Esther Duflo

Journal of Economic Literature

Vol. 50, No. 4 (DECEMBER 2012), pp. 1051-1079 (29 pages)
Published By: American Economic Association
https://www.jstor.org/stable/23644911
Cite this Item

Abstract

Women empowerment and economic development are closely related: in one direction,
development alone can play a major role in driving down inequality between men and women; in the
other direction, empowering women may benefit development. Does this imply that pushing just one
of these two levers would set a virtuous circle in motion? This paper reviews the literature on both
sides of the empowerment—development nexus, and argues that the interrelationships are probably
too weak to be self-sustaining, and that continuous policy commitment to equality for its own sake
may be needed to bring about equality between men and women.

Journal Information

The Journal of Economic Literature (JEL), first published in 1969, is designed to help economists
keep abreast of the vast flow of literature. JEL issues contain commissioned, peer-reviewed survey
and review articles, book reviews, an annotated bibliography of new books classified by subject
matter, and an annual index of dissertations in North American universities.

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Once composed primarily of college and university professors in economics, the American Economic
Association (AEA) now attracts 20,000+ members from academe, business, government, and consulting
groups within diverse disciplines from multi-cultural backgrounds. All are professionals or graduate-level
students dedicated to economics research and teaching.

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Women Empowerment in family Aspects

Published 03.10.17
  

Matthias Doepke
Professor of Economics, Northwestern University; Research Fellow, CEPR

Michèle Tertilt
Professor of Economics, University of Mannheim

Female empowerment is associated with economic

development, but cash transfers targeted at women may
have unintended consequences

Successful economic development starts with decisions made within families.

Improving the education and skills of the population, known as ‘human
capital’, is a central factor in development. In large part, human capital
depends on decisions made by parents, such as how many children to have,
whether to send children to work or to school, and how much effort and
money to put into their education. Physical capital is another critical factor for
development. Again, families make the decisions on how much to save and
consume that will ultimately determine the capital stock.

Getting families to 'do the right thing' is therefore important for development
policy. How can this be done? According to recent conventional wisdom, the
answer is to put women in charge. For example, the World Bank’s Gender
Action Plan and the UN’s Millennium Development Goals both represent
gender equality not just as a development objective in its own right, but also
as an instrument to foster economic development.
A connection between empowerment and
development
There are good reasons to believe that empowering women helps economic
development. Reducing discrimination in access to education and the labour
market would make better use of women’s skills and abilities. For example,
Hsieh et al. (2013) found that in the US between 1960 and 2010, one-quarter
of growth in output per capita was due to improved allocation of talent across
genders and races, much of which was due to less discrimination. More
generally, there is a strong empirical relationship between economic
development and measures of gender equality. Figure 1 displays the cross-
country relationship between income per capita and the Gender
Empowerment Measure (GEM), constructed by the United Nations
Development Program, which summarises a large set of indicators of gender
equality.

Figure 1 Female empowerment (GEM) and economic development (GDP per

capita in 2005) across countries
Note: GEM measures inequality between men’s and women’s opportunities, combining
measures of inequality in political participation, economic participation, and power over
economic resources. GDP per capita in international PPP dollars.
Source: UNDP (2005) and World Bank (2005).
Despite the strong association between female empowerment and
development, we can't conclude that every empowerment initiative helps
development. One type of policy that has recently gained popularity consists
of cash loans or transfers provided exclusively to women. For example, from
the late 1990s the PROGRESA programme in Mexico gave cash to women
conditional on, among other things, keeping their children in school. Similar
policies have been adopted by other countries. The majority of microfinance
programmes around the world also provide funding exclusively to women.

Given that most of the women who receive the payments are married, their
effects work through the balance of power and decision-making within the
family. In recent work, we aim to understand the effects of these policies on
economic development (Doepke and Tertilt 2016). Does providing resources
only to women (rather than to their husbands or to both spouses) result in
family decisions that help development?

How women and men spend the money

We already know from empirical research how income provided to wives,
compared to husbands, affects family spending. Increases in women’s income
appear to benefit children more than increases in men’s income (Thomas
1990, Hoddinott and Haddad 1995, Lundberg et al. 1997, Attanasio and
Lechene 2002). Households in which women’s income share is higher spend
a larger fraction of their income on children’s clothing and food, and children in
these households are better fed. Some studies also find that households with
a higher female income share spend less on alcohol and tobacco.
This suggests that men spend money for their own enjoyment, whereas
women are more likely to invest in human capital by spending on children. If
this were the entire story, putting as much resources as possible into the
hands of women would be a promising development policy.

Our analysis, however, is more nuanced. The crucial issue is that women and
men do not act independently, but interact within the household. We need to
understand how wives and husbands bargain, and how this household
bargaining process generates the observed spending patterns.

Explaining household spending

The most straightforward hypothesis asserts that women and men have
different preferences, with women being more concerned about their children,
and men their own wellbeing. Combine this with the assumption that women’s
preferences matter more if their income share within the family goes up, and
we get the spending patterns that we observe. According to this preference
hypothesis, when giving transfers to women versus men, the trade-off is
between additional spending on children versus private consumption of men.
There is a second possibility: the specialisation hypothesis. We develop a model
of the household in which women and men specialise in different tasks,
according to their comparative advantage. If women have lower wages than
men, they specialise in time-intensive tasks, including childcare and food
preparation. Men will take charge of tasks that require money but little time,
such as saving and investing. If there are frictions and inefficiencies in
household decision-making, a transfer targeted at one spouse will increase
the expenditure share of the goods this in which this person specialises, and
decrease the share of other goods. This would be true even if women and men
had the same preferences.
Either hypothesis can account for the observation that transfers to women
raise spending on children. According to the specialisation hypothesis,
however, this increase comes at least in part at the expense of valuable
goods provided by the husband, such as investments (say, in the family
business) that would benefit the household in the future. If the specialisation
hypothesis is true, it is no longer obvious whether targeting transfers to
women benefits development. Indeed, we show that the overall impact
depends on the relative importance of the goods provided by women and men
for the growth process.

Evidence from PROGRESA

We use data from PROGRESA to search for evidence for the specialisation
hypothesis. We use the staggered rollout of the programme, and the fact that
only women received transfers, as a source of independent variation in
women’s income share within the household, as in Attanasio and Lechene
(2002). We find that a higher female income share is associated with more
spending on children, as in existing research. But we also find that a higher
female income share lowers household saving. This supports the
specialisation hypothesis: There is a trade-off between development-relevant
goods provided by women and men, rather than an unambiguous benefit from
entrusting women with additional funds. The results are also consistent with
other recent empirical findings on the important role of men for household
saving and investment, such as de Mel et al. (2009), Robinson (2012),
Fafchamps et al. (2014), and Haushofer and Shapiro (2016).

The preference hypothesis may also have a role to play. It is plausible that
both mechanisms are relevant for explaining the data. But we should use
caution over specific policy measures based solely on the preference
hypothesis. There may be a strong correlation between female empowerment
and development, but men also make important contributions within the
family.
Lessons for policy and for research
There is little doubt that overall female empowerment helps development, but
it is important to consider the different effects of empowerment before jumping
to implement policy.

But, even more important, understanding what goes on within families is a

crucial challenge for development economics. We know that many of the
decisions that drive economic development are made in the family. We have
ample evidence of frictions and potentially inefficient bargaining within
families, and targeted transfers are only one example. Better models will be
key if we want to improve our understanding of family decision-making and
design policies that leverage the family’s role for economic development.

Photo credit: Son of Groucho/flickr.

References
Attanasio, O, and V Lechene (2002), “Tests of Income Pooling in Household
Decisions”, Review of Economic Dynamics 5(4): 720–748.
de Mel, S, D McKenzie, and C Woodruff (2009), “Are Women More Credit
Constrained? Experimental Evidence on Gender and Microenterprise
Returns”, American Economic Journal: Applied Economics 1(3): 1–32.
Doepke, M and M Tertilt (2016), “Does Female Empowerment Promote
Economic Development?” NBER Working Paper No. 19888.

Fafchamps, M, D McKenzie, S Quinn, and C Woodruff (2014),

“Microenterprise Growth and the Flypaper Effect: Evidence from a
Randomized Experiment in Ghana”, Journal of Development Economics 106:
211–226.
 Haushofer, J, and J Shapiro (2016), “The short-term Impact of Unconditional
Cash Transfers to the Poor: Experimental Evidence from Kenya”, Quarterly
Journal of Economics 131(4): 1973-2042.
Hoddinott, J, and L Haddad (1995), “Does Female Income Share Influence
Household Expenditures? Evidence from Cote D’Ivoire”, Oxford Bulletin of
Economics and Statistics 57(1): 77–96.
Hsieh, C-T, E Hurst, C I Jones and P J Klenow (2013), “The Allocation of
Talent and U.S. Economic Growth” NBER Working Paper No. 18693.

Lundberg, S J, R A Pollak, and T J Wales (1997), “Do Husbands and Wives

Pool Their Resources? Evidence from the United Kingdom Child
Benefit”, Journal of Human Resources 32 (3): 463–480.
Robinson, J (2012), “Limited Insurance within the Household: Evidence from a
Field Experiment in Kenya”, American Economic Journal: Applied
Economics 4(4): 140–64.
Thomas, D (1990), “Intra-Household Resource Allocation: An Inferential
Approach”, Journal of Human Resources 25(4): 635–664.
United Nations Development Program (2005), Human Development Report
2005: International Cooperation at a Crossroads-Aid, Trade and Security in an
Unequal World, New York: United Nations.
World Bank (2005), World Development Indicators, Washington, DC: World
Bank.

Cultural Barriers of Female Empowerment

 January 2013
 Afro Asian Journal of Anthropology and Social Policy 4(1):1

DOI: 10.5958/j.2229-4414.4.1.001
Authors:

Rashid Menhas

Norina Jabeen
 Dr Saira Akhtar

 8.86
 University of Agriculture Faisalabad

Mahwish Yaqoob

Abstract
Pakistan follows the patriarchal family system and man is the head of the family. Although Pakistan is composed of
above 50% of female population, man is dominant in all fields of life. The main reason for male dominancy is the
patriarchal family system, which is followed all over the country. Under these circumstances, women in Pakistan are
facing many social and cultural problems to live a good life and to have their deserving rights. The present study will
try to trace the excessive approaches and immorally established thoughts of women subordination, which are the
major barriers in women empowerment. For the social, cultural, economical, political and educational development,
female empowerment is the basic key to give them freedom under their deserving rights. The basic rights like, jobs,
medical facilities and decision making power are not provided to women when compared to men. They perceived
these characteristics as barriers in their supervisory duties. External barriers they explained in the context of
environment. The present study was conducted in rural areas of Summandry Town. Multistage sampling technique
was used for data collection. At the first stage, three union councils were selected through simple sampling
technique. At the second stage, four villages were selected through the systematic sampling technique. In the end a
sample of 120 (female) respondents were selected through systematic sampling techniques. Data were collected
through well designed interview schedule and analysed by using Statistic Package for Social Science (SPSS).

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Afro Asian Journal of Anthropology and Social Policy
Volume 4, Issue 1, January-June 2013, pp. 1-10
DOI : 10.5958/j.2229-4414.4.1.001
Who's Watching "Big Brother"? Globalization and the
Protection of Cultural Rights in Present Day Africa

J. Oloka-Onyango
Human Rights Quarterly

Vol. 27, No. 4 (Nov., 2005), pp. 1245-1273 (29 pages)

Published By: The Johns Hopkins University Press

https://www.jstor.org/stable/20069833

Abstract
What have come to be known as the varied forces and processes of globalization--including trade
liberalization, real-time information and communications technology, and the privatization of state
enterprise--have diverse implications (both positive and inimical) to the promotion and protection of
the right to culture in contemporary Africa. While pointing out that culture is a dynamic aspect of
human evolution, the article explores what implications globalization has for ensuring that its positive
aspects are protected, while the negative are not given free reign. In particular, the article pays
particular attention to the concept of traditional knowledge and women's human rights and the role of
the African Commission in dealing with globalization's most adverse consequences.

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Problems of economic globalization of China as a factor of cultural security Olga Borisenko1,* , Dmitry
Sukharev1 , Marina Fomina1 and Nataly Kondakova1 1Transbaikal State University, 672039, Aleksandro-
Zavodskaya str., 30, Chita, Russia Abstract. The article is devoted to the analysis of the problems of
economic globalization in China and as a factor of cultural security. A philosophical analysis of the social
aspect of China's regional development. J. Sigurdson, like many researchers, analyzes economic, political
factors, technological innovations, regional development programs of China. Our attention was drawn to
the fact that he is one of the few Western researchers who analyze social problems. J. Sigurdson gives
an analysis of Chinese society in the context of the development of technological systems. He notes that
the creation of clusters, the use of new technologies contribute to the development of the social
infrastructure of modern Chinese society. It is worth noting that his analysis is based on the historical
information approach. In this case, we are not interested in ascertaining the facts presented by him, but
in describing the role of innovation systems in the development of the social sphere of Chinese society.
Thus, the relevance of this article is due to the need to analyze Western research on the social factor of
regional changes in China. The entry into globalization processes and the perception of the economic
opportunities of the modern world in China is refracted through traditional culture and allows not only
to preserve its own values, but also to successfully adapt them to the realities of the present day on one
hand and spread it outside on the other. China plays an important role in the modern economic
development of the world. The main task of the Chinese strategy for the development of clusters was to
ensure that the results met not only the economic development of the country, but also the rise of the
social, cultural component. The Chinese government is aware of the depth of existing problems in
society, and how we see new promising plans for the development of China's economic system. In the
artical, we allows us to view modern China not only as a simple element of the world economic system,
but rather as one of the leading subjects of economic globalization, actively participating in the world
economy and making a significant contribution to the development of the modern world. In our view, it
is the integrity of the domestic political and foreign policy course of the country's development that
allowed the Chinese economy and culture to become a visible and important element of the world
economy. * Corresponding author: olenka_rabota@mail.ru © The Authors, published by EDP Sciences.
This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License
4.0 (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/). MATEC Web of Conferences 212, 08026 (2018)
https://doi.org/10.1051/matecconf/201821208026 ICRE 2018 1 Introduction The development of the
modern world can not be imagined without interconnection with the processes of globalization, all
spheres of human life are transformed. It is worth noting that globalization has a great impact on
culture, education, and communication. However, the globalization of the economy lies at the basis of
the processes of globalization of politics, culture and other spheres. Indeed, it is the expansion of the
economic space, the development of transnational corporations that have become the first on the path
of interaction and mutual exchange. S.N. Bunchuk says that globalization in the sphere of economy is
changing the very economic space, new forms and ways of interaction appear in it. For new forms of
economic space, "dynamic development, concentration of economic gaps and contradictions, expansion
into the national economy"[4,18]. As an example of the form of the new economic element, it leads free
economic zones and transnational corporations. The activities of TNCs show flexibility and dynamism,
which make it possible to respond more flexibly to the challenges of the modern world and preserve
their capitals and spheres of influence. The national character of culture has irreplaceable and unique
features. If a culture loses its national identity, it loses its vitality. However, we must recognize that in
the era of globalization, human culture has demonstrated unprecedented and strong integration. In the
"integration" trend, each ethnic culture is concerned about the loss of its own cultural characteristics,
especially weak cultural subjects must always protect themselves from a strong cultural subject in order
to establish their culture as universal. In this case, we observe the expansion of Western culture to the
eastern. In modern society, being in the process of economic globalization is an extremely important
factor for successful development for both individual companies and for the state as a whole, and we
can observe how fast the growth rate of the economy is observed in countries that have successfully
entered globalization and how far behind those who does not accept the conditions of a globalizing
world. Globalization processes cause significant changes in the entire world economic system, economic
ties are established between companies regardless of state borders and cultural spaces. All the
territories covered by the economic processes of globalization become a single economic space. Do not
forget that globalization processes are accompanied by information and technological shifts, commodity
and money flow intensifies, the role of individual regions in the integrated economic system is changing.
The main role in social and economic development begins to play large transnational corporations,
combining the achievements, capital, labor power of different countries and cultures. As S. Bunchuk
notes, "large corporations in their economic activities began to be guided by the strategy of absorbing
space, thereby overcoming national and local integration boundaries"[4,18]. As already noted in the
context of globalization, economic interactions between actors are carried out in a single space,
regardless of cultural and state borders. Moreover, the development trend of the modern world lies in
the fact that "the quality of the interaction of space and time in a given form of economic space is
changing: space is increasing and time is becoming denser"[4,8]. As a result of the expansion of
territorial borders, the market for consumption of products produced in individual countries and regions
is multiplied. Moreover, the perception of time also changes, because for success in modern economic
activity it is necessary to be constantly aware of the events, be able to respond instantly to the
challenges of modern society, information technologies that help reduce the time for transferring
documents, transferring money, buying goods. Gradually increasing development of manufacturing
firms throughout China, entailed the process of their integration into geographical clusters. As noted by
the professor of research policy J. Sigurdson, clustering in high-tech sectors can form a completely
different 2 MATEC Web of Conferences 212, 08026 (2018)
https://doi.org/10.1051/matecconf/201821208026 ICRE 2018 model. This is due to the fact that, in
addition to the geographical component, it should also include sectoral or functional characteristics.
However, in China, the distribution of technological opportunities in geographical space creates an
uneven division, which is not a national but a regional one. Given this factor, J. Sigurdson defines three
types of regional agglomeration. To them he relates: • "traditional clusters" that exist in regions where
there is a strong industrial base, which naturally provides good conditions; • the second type
corresponds to regions in which high-tech activities are supported by the policy of border research; •
the third category includes regions that have a weak production and technological base [13, 23].

References 1. Bob Jessop, Journal of Ritsumeikan Social Sciences and Humanities, 5 (2013) 2. O. A.
Borisenko, M. N. Fomina, Social Science and Humanity, 3 (2016) 3. O. A. Borisenko, M. N. Fomina, SCO in
the context of a global outlook (Publishing House of the Academy of Natural History, Moscow, 2016) 4.
S. N. Bunchuk, Forms of economic space in the context of the globalization of economic relations Step,
Candidate of Sciences: 08.00.01. (Moscow, 2006) 5. J. Sigurdson, China becoming a technological
superpower – a narrow window of opportunity (https://core.ac.uk/download/pdf/7092081.pdf, 2004) 6.
Cong Cao, Richard P. Suttemeier, and Denis Fred Siman, Physics Today, 59, 12 (2006)

References
1. Bob Jessop, Journal of Ritsumeikan Social Sciences and Humanities, 5 (2013)

2. O. A. Borisenko, M. N. Fomina, Social Science and Humanity, 3 (2016)

3. O. A. Borisenko, M. N. Fomina, SCO in the context of a global outlook (Publishing House of the
Academy of Natural History, Moscow, 2016)

4. S. N. Bunchuk, Forms of economic space in the context of the globalization of economic relations
Step, Candidate of Sciences: 08.00.01. (Moscow, 2006)

5. J. Sigurdson, China becoming a technological superpower – a narrow window of opportunity

(https://core.ac.uk/download/pdf/7092081.pdf, 2004)

6. Cong Cao, Richard P. Suttemeier, and Denis Fred Siman, Physics Today, 59, 12 (2006)