The Memory of Monza’s Holy Land Ampullae; The aim of this paper is to try to look at the ampullae through

The aim of this paper is to try to look at the ampullae through the eyes of the
pilgrims for whom they represented containers for preserving and transporting re­
from Reliquary to Relic, or There and Back Again
lics from the holy places and a “souvenir” of travels undertaken and places visited.
Afterwards, we will look at them through the eyes of the nascent Lombard king-
Alžběta Filipová dom and its queen Theodelinda, who assembled a significant collection of these
private pilgrims’ reliquaries – benedictions.
The Lombard queen then probably endowed the newly founded dome in Monza
with this collection. At the end we will consider the ampullae through the eyes of
Ever since the publication, in 1958, of Andre Grabar’s still unique monograph,1 the posterity and the historians of the Monza treasury, who, if they have not completely
Holy Land ampullae (fig. 1) have been scrutinised by art historians and archaeolo- ignored the existence of these objects, have considered them rather worthless con-
gists of Late Antiquity not always as artistic objects, but rather as evidence of mate- tainers storing mistakenly designated content, namely oil from the lamps burning
rial culture arising from the widespread early medieval phenomenon of pilgrimage at the tombs of the Roman martyrs. Through these three quite disparate points of
to the holy sites of Jesus and his disciples.2 There is also noticeable interest in view, we will try to point out the intricate web of meanings and functions that the
the iconography of the decorative scenes that appear on them. These scenes are same ‘object of memory’ may acquire in a variety of historical contexts.
discussed in the literature as a possible reflection of the architecture and of the
monumental decoration of the first Christian shrines in Palestine.3 And lastly, one
can read about the ampullae in connection with the Treasury of the Cathedral in
Monza, in Italy, where the greatest collection of these objects in their original form
has been preserved.4 All these points of view create our current perception of these
flasks. Mainly, they are an object of study and valuable historical evidence – evi-
dence of the devotional practices of the early Christians and material for a theoreti-
cal reconstruction of lost Holy Land shrines. Nevertheless, how were these objects
perceived during their previous 1400-plus years of existence?

1 André Grabar, Les ampoules de Terre sainte, Paris 1958.

2 Gary Vikan, Early Byzantine pilgrimage art, Wahington D. C. 2010; Georgia Frank, ‘Loca Sancta’ Souve-
nirs and the Art of Memory, in: Béatrice Caseau – Jean-Claude Cheynet – Vincent Déroche eds, Pèler-
inages et lieux saints dans l’antiquité et le moyen âge: Mélanges offertes à Pierre Maraval, (Monogra-
phies du Centre de recherche d’histoire et civilisation de Byzance 23), Paris 2006, pp. 193–203; William
Anderson, An Archeaology of Late Antique Pilgrim Flasks, Anatolian Studies 54, 2004, pp. 79–93; Gary
Vikan, Early Byzantine pilgrimage ‘devotionalia’ as evidence of the appearance of pilgrimage shrines, in:
Akten des XII Internationalen Kongresses für Christliche Archeologie, (Bonn, 22–28 September 1991),
(Jahrbuch fur Antike und Christentum, Erganzungsband 20, 1), 2 voll., I, Münster 1995, pp. 377–388;
Cynthia Hahn, Loca Sancta Souvenirs: Sealing the Pilgrim’s Experience, in: Robert Ousterhout ed., The
Blessings of Pilgrimage, (Illinois Byzantine Studies, I), Urbana – Chicago 1990, pp. 85–96.
3 Harold R. Willoughby, The Distinctive Sources of Palestinian Pilgrimage Iconography, Journal of Biblical
Literature 74, 1955, pp. 61–68; Kurt Weitzmann, Loca sancta and the Representational Arts of Palestine,
Dumbarton Oaks Papers 28, 1974, pp. 31–55; Dan Barag – John Wilkinson, The Monza-Bobbio Flasks
and the Holy Sepulchre, Levant 6, 1974, pp. 179–187.
4 Roberto Cassanelli, Le trésor des rois lombards à la cathédrale de Monza: architecture, objets litur-
giques et idéologie du pouvoir, VIIe–XIVe siècles, Les Cahiers de Saint-Michel de Cuxa 41, 2010, pp.
143–152, 273; Margaret Frazer, Oreficerie altomedievali, in: Roberto Conti ed., Il Duomo di Monza:
I Tesori, Milano 1989, pp. 15–54; Angelo Lipinski, Der Theodelinden-Schatz im Dom zur Monza, Das
Münster 13, 1960, pp. 146–173. 1. Collection of ampullae preserved in Monza, Museo e Tesoro del Duomo, ca 600

10 11
1. Ampullae in the context of pilgrimage to the Holy Land
The original meaning and use of ampullae is known mainly from literary sources
that are related to early Christian pilgrimage to the Holy Land and other sacred
places. The phenomenon of Christian pilgrimage spread starting in the 4th century,5
by the end of which a more or less firm itinerary was established. The itinerary
included not only the most sacred places associated with Christ (especially Jeru-
salem), but also the places of worship of the Apostles and some holy places of the
Old Testament.6 Among the best known and most detailed sources are, certainly,
the journal of the Spanish noblewoman Egeria (or Aetheria) from the end of the
4th century,7 and the diary of an anonymous pilgrim from Piacenza,8 which while
almost two hundred years younger, is the most important source for understanding
the significance of the metallic ampullae.
This pilgrim informs us, in detail, not just about the topography of the holy
places in the second half of the 6th century, but he also describes the devotional
practices linked to these places. He often mentions holy sites outside the firm
pilgrimage itinerary which was already known for its miraculous benefits. For an
early medieval pilgrim, the holy places were conceived as places where holy power,
which has numerous virtues, is concentrated. This holy power could have been
created by an important event that took place there, or by the presence of relics
(or by both, because even dust from the soil where an important episode from holy
history took place was considered a contact relic). This holy power can be trans-
mitted through contact.9 Moreover, the spiritual benefit of the contact relic does not
disappear with multiplication. The sources describe various ways to benefit from
this sacred power; in other words, ways to receive a blessing. The Greek term for
5 This phenomenon started after the travels of Saint Helena, mother of Constantine the Great, to the
Holy Land, between 326 and 328. On the early history of Christian pilgrimage to Holy Land see these
recent studies: David Hunt, Holy Land Pilgrimage in the Later Roman Empire AD 312-460, Oxford 2002.
Brouria Bitton-Ashkelony, Encountering the Sacred: The Debate on Christian Pilgrimage in Late Antiq-
uity, (Transformation of the Classical Heritage, 38), Berkeley 2005, Maribel Dietz, Wandering Monks,
Virgins, and Pilgrims: Ascetic Travel in the Mediterranean World, A.D. 300-800, Pennsylvania 2005.
Caseau/Cheynet/Déroche (note 2).
6 Aryeh Graboïs, Le pèlerin occidental en Terre sainte au Moyen Âge, Paris – Bruxelles 1998, p. 23.
7 Egeria (Aetheria), Itinerarium, edited by John Wilkinson, London 1971. Egeria effectuated a pilgrimage
lasting three years, sometime between 380 and 390. See especially John Wilkinson ed., Egeria’s Travels,
rev. 3rd edition, Warminister 1999.
8  Itinerarium Antonii Placentini, edited by Celestina Milani, Milano 1977. The date of the travel of the
pilgrim from Piacenza is conjectured to be around 570. For further information see John Wilkinson,
Jerusalem Pilgrims before the Crusades, Warminster 2002.
9 “(...) cum fides retineat omne quod sacrosanctum corpus attigit esse sacratum.” Gregory of Tours,
Glory of Martyrs, VI, in Gregorii Turonensis Opera, (Monumenta Germaniae historica. Scriptores rerum
merovingicarum, 1), Wilhelm Arndt – Bruno Krusch eds, Hannover 1885, p. 492. English translation:
“(...) faith believes that everything that the sacred body touched is holy” from Gregory of Tours, Glory
of martyrs, translated with an Introduction by Raymond Van Dam, Liverpool 1988, p. 27.
12
blessing, eulogia (ευλογία), is used in the context of pilgrimage from the 6th century
on, precisely for the result of some pious action at a holy site or especially for an
object which is linked to such an action or which comes from the holy site. From
literary descriptions of pilgrimage we know that pilgrims often travelled with
a considerable weight of blessings – “souvenirs” composed of various materials
such as, for example, dust from Christ’s Tomb, water from the font by the Tomb of
Rachel (7 pints), or solid manna from Sinai Monastery (5 pints).10
The holy power transmitted from the holy place to the sanctified object could
have one of three basic virtues: to heal diseases (thaumaturgic virtue), to prevent
diseases (prophylactic virtue), or to help protect the owner on his journey back
home and more generally to avert evil influences or bad luck (apotropaic virtue).11
These functions depended on the site it was brought from, the substance it was
composed of, and finally on the images that it bore. The fourth virtue, which was
common for all of the blessings, was the mnemonic function. It meant that after
the pilgrimage was finished, the eulogia reminded the pilgrim of his travel and the
places he had visited. It has been suggested that some of the depictions on these
“souvenirs” refer directly to the monumental decoration or to the original appear-
ance of early Christian Shrines at the holy sites. However, this has never been
convincingly proven.12
We do not find concrete mention of the specific function of any metal ampullae
used as a pilgrimage eulogia in the texts. Judging by descriptions of the various
virtues of other blessings, they surely had – through their inner holy power – one of
the above mentioned functions.
It is likely that through some of the pictures depicted on the ampullae, the desir-
able virtue had become concrete: a picture of Christ calming the Tempest (Bobbio
11, 12)13 was, for instance, connected with protection of pilgrims travelling by the
sea (fig. 2). The picture of the three Magi worshipping Christ sitting on the knees
of the enthroned Theotokos (Monza 1, 2, 3, Bobbio 9) probably refers to the arche-
typal image of a pilgrim, because the Magi went to Palestine to honor Christ just
as a pilgrim does (fig. 3).14 Through mimesis, resemblance – or even identification
– with the holy hero, a pilgrim could benefit from his protection. From this point
of view, the group of ampullae bearing the image of Doubting Thomas (Monza 9,
Bobbio 10) is very interesting (fig. 4). Here the parallel between an archetypal im-
age and the pilgrim himself is striking. In pursuit of affirming his faith, seeing and
touching the holy places of Christ was to palpably believe in Christ. In much the
10 Frank (note 2), p. 193.
11 For the function of the blessings see: Vikan (note 2), 2010, esp. pp. 13–17.
12 See note 2.
13 In all the examples I use the numbers from the corpus established by André Grabar (note 1).
14 Vikan (note 2), 2010, pp. 59–61.
13
 2. Christ Calming the Tempest, Bobbio 12,
Museo dell‘abbazia di San Colombano, ca 600

5. Crucifixion and Women at the Tomb, Monza 7, 6. Crucifixion, Monza 6, Museo e Tesoro del
Museo e Tesoro del Duomo, ca 600 Duomo, ca 600

same way, seeing and touching Christ’s wounds made Thomas believe in the res-
urrected Christ.15 With the most common images present on the ampullae, namely
Crucifixion, Cross, Adoration of the Cross and Women at the Tomb, the function
of the decoration is double (fig. 5, 6). On the one hand it directly refers to the place
the contact relic comes from and can therefore serve not just as a visual reminder
of the holy site visited, but also as proof of the holiness of the object. On the other
hand, we note that in the Crucifixion scene there is almost always a kneeling figure
pointing out or touching the Cross on both sides near the bottom (Monza 2, 5, 6, 7,
8,16 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16,17 Bobbio 3, 4, 5, 6, 18). These figures have been
identified as supplicants venerating the cross and even as pilgrims.18 The already
mentioned mimesis would thus work here in a slightly different context. A pilgrim
would see himself participating in the Crucifixion - but not the historic one, but
rather a symbolic repetition of this event which, in consequence, transforms into
Adoration of the Cross as the Tree of Life. At the same time, a pilgrim would see

15 Vikan (note 2), 2010, pp. 63–64.

16 Ampullae 6, 7 and 8 are probably from the same mould because they have identical markings on both
sides.
3. Theotokos on throne and the Mages, 4. Doubting Thomas, Monza 9, Museo e Tesoro 17 Ampullae 14, 15, 16 are also from the same mould.
Monza 1, Museo e Tesoro del Duomo, ca 600 del Duomo, ca 600 18 Vikan (note 2), 2010, pp. 39-40.

14 15
himself while venerating the Holy Cross in Constantine’s basilica, as described by on one side: 1) the Crucifixion, 2) the
the pilgrim from Piacenza: Women at the Tomb (or both in one
horizontally separated scene), or 3) the
“ From Golgotha it is fifty paces to the place where the Cross was discovered, Ascension. Their reference to Jerusa-
which is in the Basilica of Constantine, which adjoins the Tomb and Golgotha. lem’s Holy Sepulchre, Golgotha, or the
In the courtyard of the basilica is a small room where they keep the Wood of the surroundings of Jerusalem (the Mount
Cross. We venerated with a kiss. (...) At the moment when the Cross is brought of Olives or Bethlehem) is thus evident.
out of this small room for veneration, and arrives in the court to be venerated, In addition, the inscriptions21 running
a star appears in the sky, and comes over the place where they lay the Cross. It around the edge of the flasks or in the
stays overhead whilst they are venerating the Cross, and they offer oil to be center of a scene are all similar and
venerated in little flasks. When the mouth of one of the little flasks touches the repeat the same stereotyped formulas,
Wood of the Cross, the oil instantly bubbles over, and unless it is closed very confirming the contemporaneity and
quickly it all spills out. When the Cross is taken back into its place, the star also common origin of all the ampullae.22
vanishes, and appears no more once the Cross has been put away.”19 In this first examination, we con-
sidered the ampullae as ‘personalized’
In this passage we have a description of how the contact relic, present in the am- objects meeting the specific needs of
pulla, is obtained: it is the oil, which, contained in a little flask, has been in con- pilgrims: a protective “amulet” for the
tact with the Holy Cross. Since the dating of ampullae from Monza corresponds trip back home, a contact relic for those
approximately to the dates of the anonymous pilgrim from Piacenza, it is very 7. New Testament medallions, Monza 2, Museo who went to strengthen their faith by
e Tesoro del Duomo, ca 600
likely that the Monza ampullae contained this exact contact relic, obtained in the seeing and touching the holy places,
manner described above. At least those flasks that, on their relief surface, depict the a souvenir for those who wanted to
Crucifixion (or just a Cross) and the Women at the Tomb.20 We know, from their remember the sites they visited. The images can thus be partially explained by the
materials and workmanship, that other vials from the Monza – Bobbio group are function of the object. Nevertheless, the sources that mention the pilgrimage eulo-
from Jerusalem as well. This origin is logical where we see the frequently depict- gia always focus on their content, and these reliquaries, which were supposed to
ed Ascension scene, whose traditional setting is Mount of Olives just outside the preserve these precious relics and allow them to be transported, are not described
walls of Jerusalem, but it is more puzzling with scenes which can not be linked to in any detail except for cursory mention of their shape, and perhaps size (“little
Jerusalem: the enthroned Theotokos (with or without the Adoration of the Magi), or flasks” according to the pilgrim from Piacenza23). In the texts, the value of the ob-
some of the previously mentioned (mostly isolated) scenes which do not have to be ject is created mainly by the content, the “oil that bubbles over”.24 But at the same
linked to a concrete sacred site, but which have protective or mimetic function: the time this contact relic, as we could see in the cited extract from the anonymous
Tempest calmed or Doubting Thomas. pilgrim of Piacenza, had been obtained thanks to the flask, so that these two com-
Several times another type of decoration appears on ampullae: seven medal- ponents – oil and container – are inseparable. In the case of the metallic ampullae
lions which show a kind of synthesis of sacred history through key events from the from the Monza – Bobbio group, the border between reliquary and relic is slightly
Gospel: Annunciation, Visitation, Nativity, Baptism of Christ, Crucifixion, Women blurred.
at the Tomb and Ascension (fig. 7). With one exception (Monza 2, which has the
image of the seven medallions on one side and the enthroned Theotokos on the oth-
er), all the Monza flasks (i.e. 15 out of 16) have one of the following three scenes
21 The most common inscriptions are: “ΕVΛΟΓΙΑ ΚVΡΙΟV ΤѠΝ ΑΓΙѠΝ ΧΡΙCΤΟV ΤΟΠΟΝ” and “ΕΛΕΟΝ
ΞVΛΟV ΖѠΗC ΤѠΝ ΑΓΙѠΝ ΧΡΙCΤΟV” (Eng.): “Blessing of Lord from the Holy Places of Christ” and “Oil
19 Itinerarium, 20, English translation from Wilkinson (note 8), p. 139. of the Wood (Tree) of Life of the Holy Places of Christ”
20 These two episodes refer to the same pilgrimage site, the complex of buildings known as the Church 22 Grabar (note 1), p. 13.
of the Holy Sepulcher in Jerusalem. It was built on the sites of the Crucifixion and burial place of Christ, 23 Itinerarium (note 8), p. 139.
which, according to legend, are in close proximity. 24 Ibidem.

16 17
2. Ampullae as Collectibles, part of the Monza Treasury
As is well known, the largest collection of Holy Land ampullae has been preserved
in the Treasury of the Cathedral of Monza (16 flasks), and a large number of frag-
ments (20) were found at the beginning of the 20th century during the excavations
in the area of the now vanished monastery of Saint Columbanus in Bobbio. Tra-
dition puts the Lombard queen Theodelinda at the birth of both collections. She is
supposed to have donated part of a pontifical gift, presumably from Pope Gregory,
to the newly built basilica25 in Monza in order to endow it with a treasury. Then
other, smaller parts of the gift are supposed to have been sent from Theodelinda to
the Irish monk Columbanus as a royal donation to the newly created monastery, for
which the king Agilulf, Theodelinda’s husband, had given the land.26 This tradi-
tional explanation for the presence of ampullae in these two places lacks historical
foundation because neither of these acts is documented in sources nor set in a con-
vincing historical context. There is a consensus in the literature about the connec-
tion of the Monza collection with Theodelinda, because it seams plausible that this
influential queen, who founded a royal basilica on her summer estate in Monza,
acquired or obtained one of the most valuable relics – contact relics of the Holy
Cross – and donated them together with other precious objects to the newly built
basilica. The foundation of the basilica of St. John the Baptist and its endowment
with a treasury are documented in Paul the Deacon’s Historia Langobardorum.27
In the Treasury of the Cathedral at Monza are sixteen preserved ampullae from
the Holy Land, all in excellent condition. As mentioned above, the various scenes are
depicted on the flasks, and all are related to sacred places, associated with Christ, in
Jerusalem and its surroundings. However, they also reflect the different demands of
pilgrims for scenes with no particular connection to a holy site. As a collection, the
metal ampullae create a kind of synthesis of the Holy Land, represented through the
variety of holy places (or mental holy places) and events depicted.
Besides the Holy Land ampullae, there is a second group of little reliquaries
containing contact relics in the Monza Treasury: twenty-six glass flasks filled with
25 The sources mention only ‘basilica’, and it is not known whether this sanctuary was accessible to the
public or if it was only a palatine chapel because of its very close proximity to the royal palace. The
exact date of construction is not possible to establish, but the terminus ante quem should be the
baptism of Theodelinda’s son Adaloald in 603, because he was baptized in a church which had to be,
if not finished, then at least in an advanced phase of construction. More on the cathedral at Monza in
Roberto Conti, Il duomo di Monza, Milano 1999; Luigi Sisto Pandolfi, Origine e sviluppo della basilica di
S. Giovanni a Monza: dignità dell’arciprete, Archivio storico lombardo 91/92, 1965, pp. 214–221.
26 Codice Diplomatico del Monastero di San Colombano di Bobbio, III. For the foundation and history of
the Bobbio monastery of St. Columbanus see Michael Richter, Bobbio in the Early Middle Ages: The
Abiding Legacy of Columbanus, Dublin 2008. For the relation of San Colombanus and king Agilulf see
Carlo Guido Mor, San Colombano e la politica ecclesiastica di Agilulfo, Piacenza 1933.
27 Paulus Diaconus, Historia Langobardorum, IV. 21 and IV. 47.
18
8. Roman glass flasks, Monza, Museo e Tesoro
del Duomo, 590–604
oil from the lamps that were burning at martyrs’ tombs in Roman catacombs (fig. 8).
Originally, they were furnished with a pittacia, a little strip with an inscription labeling
its content, now preserved only in part, and accompanied by a notula, a papyrus with
a list describing the content of the glass flasks. Just as the collection of Palestinian
ampullae evokes the sanctity of Holy Land, the roman glass flasks can be considered
a synthesis of the holiness of Rome as affirmed by the relics of its martyrs.28 John
Elsner adds that in both of these collections, the Palestinian as well as the Roman one:
“holy oil is the sacred substance which forms a metonymic link with the original totali-
ty, but texts and images – carefully designed to differentiate and illuminate the specific
significance of each flask of oil – work as exegetic aids to the meanings of these rel-
ics.”29 It is important to accentuate here the difference between the function of a single
ampulla and the function of a whole collection. While the pictures and inscriptions on
individual vials serve the specific needs of the pilgrims, the pictures and inscriptions
of the various reliquaries in the whole collections confirm that they were to convey an
idea of the wholeness and integrity of the Holy Land and of Rome.
For what reason would the Lombard queen have wanted to create such collec-
tions of relics, and what could the collections have meant for the Lombard kingdom,
which was newly established in Northern Italy after not exactly peaceful invasions?30
As already said, both of the collections of ampullae (the metallic and the glass
one) are part of the treasury that was donated by Theodelinda to the basilica,
dedicated to St. John the Baptist, that she herself founded. According to tradition,
another part of this donation was a relic of the True Cross set in a pectoral cross in
gold and crystal, and a gospel book enclosed in an elaborate shrine (both objects
28 See Dennis Trout, Theodelinda’s Rome: ‘Ampullae’, ‘Pittacia’, and the Image of the City, Memoirs of the
American Academy in Rome 50, 2005, pp. 131–150.
29 John Elsner, Replicating Palestine and reversing the Reformation; Pilgrimage and collecting at Bobbio,
Monza and Walshingham, Journal of the History of Collections 9/1, 1997, pp. 117–130, esp. p. 122.
30 On the Lombard conquest of Italy see Jörg Jarnut, Storia dei Longobardi, Torino 2002.
19
attested as gifts from pope Gregory the Great31), a votive crown and jeweled cross,
and a silver-gilt hen and chicks.32 The treasury, which grew in valuable content in
the following centuries, was from its very beginning a rich collection of relics and
precious artworks. It manifests and emphasizes, of course, the royal dignity and
splendor of the new rulers. But what is more important, it confirms the decision
of the Lombard authorities to manifest the attachment of the kingdom to Christi-
anity, for which Jerusalem and Rome are the most sacred and founding cities. The
question of the Lombard confession is rather complicated. The authorities were
obviously pagan at the beginning, as was the majority of the population. But as
the medieval state is always confessional and the confession is determined by
the sovereign, we cannot speak of Lombard paganism at the time of Agilulf and
Theodelinda. The king was probably Arian and the queen was Catholic, although
she was an adherent to a dissident faction in the schism of the Three Chapters.33
Nevertheless, the most important fact is that in 603 the royal couple had the heir
for the Lombard throne, their son Adaloald, and baptised him catholic, confirming
the ‘conversion’ of the kingdom to the non-heretic (it means not Arian) Christian
religion. Both the collections are thus collections of real relics, which established
a connection between the Lombard kingdom and both of the holy Christian cities.34
3. Reception of the Ampullae over the course of the centuries
What do the ampullae look like today and how are they preserved? These contai­
ners in tin and lead, whose perimeter varies between 4 and 7 cm, are surrounded by
a silver strip with two little rings and designed to be hung on a string or little chain
so that they can be worn, probably on a pilgrim’s neck (fig. 1) They are all exhibit-
ed together in a glass case in the Museum of the Treasury of the Cathedral in Mon-
za as the first part of the museum’s permanent exhibitions. In the literature, there
is no longer any doubt of their eastern origin as pilgrim’s eulogia and their likely
presence in the original nucleus of the Monza Treasury, founded by Theodelinda.
The ampullae have only been understood in this way for the last 60 years. But how
were they perceived before modern specialists studied them?
31 Gregorius Magnus, Registrum Epistolarum, XIV, 12. (latin edition: Gregorii I papae registrum
epistolarum, vol. II, Paulus Ewald – Ludovicus M. Hartmann eds, Wien 1891–1899, pp. 430-432).
32 For the original nucleus of the Monza Treasury see note 4 .
33 For the summary of the schism see: Claire Sotinel, L’échec en Occident: l’affaire des Trois Chapitres,
in: Luce Pietri ed., Histoire du christianisme des origins à nos jours, 3. Les Eglises d’Orient et d’Occident
(432-610), Paris 1998, pp. 427–455. For the controversy’s consequences in Italy during the 6th and 7th
centuries see: Celia Chazelle and Catherine Cubitt eds, The Crisis of the Oikoumene: The Three Chapters
and the Failed Quest for Unity in the Sixth-Century Mediterranean, Turnhout 2007.
34 More to the question in Elsner (note 29) pp. 121–123.
20
The most complete and most cited ancient study on Monza’s history is Memorie
storiche di Monza e sua corte by Anton Francesco Frisi (1733–1817), published in
1794. There we can read:
“Uno de’ principali ornamenti, che recano un lustro non ordinario anche ai dì
nostri alla Reale Basilica di S. Giovanni di Monza, sono certamente I ricchi
monumenti di oro e di argento, le preziose gemme, e i sacri arredi in essa
conservati e custoditi”.35
Among all the items in the treasury, Frisi confers the greatest value to precious met-
als and precious stones. The relics are not even mentioned here, nor in the whole
chapter about the Treasury. He deals with relics in another chapter of this book
called “Del dittico, ossia papiro, e degli altri doni mandati da san Gregorio Magno
a Flavia Teodelinda regina dei Longobardi”.36 In this part he implies that pope
Gregory sent Theodelinda a large number of relics so she could enrich the newly
built church. Apart from the already mentioned glass ampullae, he includes the me-
tallic flasks in this gift as well. And what is more, Frisi even mixes together both of
the collections, thinking that the Holy Land flasks actually contained the oils from
Rome, as attested in the notula.37 In spite of the Greek inscriptions, Frisi concludes
that the metal flasks do not contain relics from Holy Land, but rather from the ro-
man Martyria as reported in the papyrus. For instance, he supposes that they do not
contain the contact relics of the Holy Cross of Jerusalem, but the contact relics of
the parcel of the Cross from the Roman church of Santa Croce in Gerusalemme.38
Frisi places some of the contact relics from Rome, which were greater in number
than the glass flasks, to the metallic ampullae. The same supposition is even car-
ried over into the Dictionnaire d’archéologie chrétienne et de liturgie in the article
35 Anton Francesco Frisi, Memorie storiche di Monza e sua corte, vol. I, Milano 1794, p. 92. English
translation: “One of the principal ornaments that give extraordinary splendour till these days to the
Royal Basilica of Saint John in Monza are certainly the rich monuments in gold and silver, the precious
gemms and the sacred furniture conserved and safeguarded there”.
36 English translation: “About the diptych, or papyrus, and other gifts sent by St. Gregory the Great
to Flavia Theodelinda, queen of the Lombards”.
37 “La greca epigrafe Cristiana sul contorno dei vasetti (…) ci da queste parole: Oleum Ligni Vitae Sanc-
torum Christi Locorum, le quali bastantemente adombrano il contenuto in essi, cioè l’olio cavato dale
lucerne, che giorno e note ardevano davanti I Depositi dei SS. Martiri, i Corpi dei quali riposavano in
Roma a’ tempi del Pontefice Gregorio, giusta il titolo del descritto Papiro, e davanti alter Sacre Reliquie
in Roma pure in tale epoca venerate. Infatti il Lignum Vitae può riferirsi eziandio al Legno della Santissi-
ma Croce; siccome il Sanctorum Christi Locorum a parte Terra Santa del Sepolcro, e di altri monumenti
di Gesù Cristo quivi recati, e venerati in quella età. Leggasi Leone Allacci: opuscolo del Titolo della Croce
conservato nella Basilica Sessoriana, ossia di S. Croce in Gerusalemme di Roma stessa.” Frisi (note 35),
p. 23.
38 This evident misunderstanding is perhaps due to the fact that the repertory of the relics on the notula
is much more exhaustive (65!) than the number of the glass flasks. See Trout (note 28), p. 131.
21
“Monza” edited by Henri Leclercq in the first half of the 20th century. Leclercq
correctly assigns a Holy Land provenance to the metal flasks, but then suggests that
they were brought first to Rome empty (or full and then emptied of their content)
and then filled with the Roman oil.39 If we consider the preciousness of Holy Land
contact relics, it would seem inconceivable that some Roman clerk would throw
them out and consider that it is the ampulla, a rather cheap container, that has to be
preserved and refilled with another contact relic.
The origin of the glass vials is documented in the papyrus which accompanied
them and which tells us that sometime during the pontificate of Gregory the Great
a certain John arrived at the Lombard court bearing fourteen glass vials from
Rome.40 Unfortunately, we do not have any evidence about how the collection of
metallic ampullae came to Monza. Regardless of how the two collections of vials
came to Monza, the question of where and how they were then kept remains open.
The most ancient source describing the cathedral of Monza and its treasury is
the Historia Langobardorum by Paul the Deacon, written at the end of the 8th cen-
tury. There we can find this brief mention:
“Theodelinda Regina Basilicam Beati Johannis Baptistae, quam in Modoetia
construxerat – multisque ornamentis auri et argenti mirifice decoravit – in
honore Sancti Baptistae Johannis.”41
It is difficult to say whether the ampullae, as Grabar presumes,42 were considered to
be silver and are thus included in the “many ornaments in gold and silver.” But in
this case, there would be no mention whatsoever of the glass ampullae and as the
two collections are closely linked, this thesis seems unlikely. The second possibility
is that the metallic ampullae are not important enough for the historian to mention
them in this short reference, something which also seems rather improbable given
the still immense value of relics in this period. And finally it would be logical to
ask whether the ampullae were, in fact displayed. Was there a broader awareness
of their presence in Monza, or is it more reasonable to think that they were kept in
a safe place out of the sight of the public?
39 Henri Leclerq – Fernand Cabrol eds, Dictionnaire d’archéologie chrétienne et de liturgie, vol. XI, 2,
‘Monza’, Paris 1907–1953, pp. 2757–2758.
40 “Quas olea sca tenporibus Domni Gregorii papae adduxit Johannis indignus et peccator domnae The-
odelindae reginae de Roma”. English traduction: “which holy oils in the times of the pope, lord Gregory,
John, unworthy and a sinner, brought to the ruler Theodelinda, queen, fron Rome”. The latin transcrip-
tion is from Frisi (note 35), p. 21 or Leclerq/Cabrol (note 39), p. 2756, English translation from Trout
(note 28), p. 132.
41 Paulus Diaconus (note 27), IV, 21.
42 Grabar (note 1), p. 11.
22
As far as the collection of Roman glass flasks goes, we have several literary
testimonies about it: for example, in the Alcuin Bible (9th century) preserved in
the Capitular Library of Monza is transcribed the Papyrus, which enumerates the
relics contained in the vials. Furthermore, the Calendario Necrologico Monzese,
cited by Frisi, records the first finding and transferral of the Papyrus, and the relics
listed in it, to behind the old main altar of the basilica. This was in 1092, when
they were transferred from the old wooden box to a new marble one.43 It is, howev-
er, not known where the original wooden box had been kept. The relics remained
behind the main altar until 1300, as attested by Bonincontro Morigia,44 and then
they were miraculously “discovered” by the custodian of the basilica, Franzio da
Giussano. The 19 may 1300 was organised a big ceremony and the relics were
exposed in front of a large crowd of faithfuls; during that day numerous miracles
took place. This motivated a complete reconstruction and extension of the basilica,
with the first stone already laid on the 31 may of the same year.45 The basilica was
then completely rebuilt in the course of the 14th century. Almost nothing has been
preserved from the original building.46 In the new sanctuary, the relics were put in
the altar where they remained until the next public exposition in 1576. In 1602, two
lateral cupboards were adjoined to the main altar and the relics deposited there.47
At this point we should return to Frisi’s writings from the end of the 18th centu-
ry, where he claims that until he himself rediscovered the relics shortly before the
publication of Memorie storiche di Monza, the metallic ampullae were kept in one
of these two lateral cupboards, with no previous mention in the inventories. Frisi
describes the ampullae as “sedici Vasetti di metallo di bassa lega (…) le quali di
buon grado ora espongo alla pubblica osservazione degli Eruditi. (…) Nè vi ha
dubbio che questi recipienti contenessero i sacri Olj nominati nel Papiro, o Dittico
Gregoriano”.48
43 “Anno Incarnationis Dominicae M.XC. secundo. translatio reliquie sanctorum facta est in ecclesia beati
iohannis baptiste in Modoetia ex arca lignea in marmorea indic. XI.” Frisi (note 35), p. 24.
44 “propter decessorum virorum ignorantiam per multum tempus usque hodie incognitae remanserunt”
Chron. Mod. Lib. 2. cap. 4. De Miraculis factis in Ecclesia S. Jo. de Modoetia, cit. in Frisi (note 35), p. 24.
45 “Il 19 maggio 1300 cerimonia di ostensione delle reliquie trovate per visione a prete monzese in arca
marmorea posta dietro altar maggiore: alla cerimonia partecipa Galeazzo Visconti, vi accorre una
grande folla che assiste a numerosi miracoli. A causa del flusso di folla viene presa la decisione di
ricostruire la basilica: la prima pietra della nuova chiesa viene solennemente posata il 31 maggio“
in Roberto Conti, Il Duomo di Monza nella storia e nell’arte, Milano 1989, pp. 148–151; Augusto Merati,
L’obituario e il cerimoniale della Chiesa monzese: quattro secoli di storia borghigiana, Monza 1985,
p. 43.
46 Besides two stone plates (lastre di pietra) now exhibited in the Museo e Tesoro del Duomo, in Monza.
See for example Conti (note 45).
47 Frisi (note 35), p. 25.
48 “sixteen little vessels of low-alloy metal (...) which I now willingly exhibit for public observation by
Scholars. (...) Nor is there doubt that these vessels contained the sacred oils named in the papyrus,
or Gregorian Diptych”. Frisi (note 35), p. 25.
23
 In any case, none of the above-mentioned textual attestations specify the nature
of the relics; they mention just the Papyrus and the relics listed in it. Nevertheless,
it would seem that at the time these texts were written, the two collections were
already “mixed up” in the manner evident in Frisi, and concealed together near the
altar, a typical place for relics from the early Middle Ages onwards.49
The inventories of the Treasury, all composed after the 10th century, are silent
regarding any sort of ampulla, not considering them as part of the Treasury. This is
probably due to the fact that they were really kept as venerable relics in the main
altar. Thus we can conclude that starting from at least the 10th century, the ampul-
lae were not considered a part of the Cathedral treasures that was to be seen. And
that between 1092 and 1300, they were even forgotten. As Cynthia Hahn puts it,
“(...) without some form of recognition, a relic is merely bone, dust, or scraps of
cloth. An audience is indispensable. It authenticates and validates the relic.”50 The
new validation of the relics came with the reconstruction of the basilica, at least at
for a time, between the public veneration and the deposition in the new altar. We
cannot retrace the oral tradition concerning the knowledge of their presence in the
altar. We know only that until the next public exhibition in 1576, no surviving text
mentions them. Nor, after the move to the altar’s lateral cupboards in 1602, do we
have any evidence about whether were publicly exhibited after this date.
This leads us to the conclusion that in the later middle ages and in modern times,
the ampullae were no longer fulfilling the function of a visible metonymic link
with the most sacred sites of Christianity – the function John Elsner51 considers the
original one for these collections of ampullae assembled at the time of the Lom-
bard kingdom. Nevertheless, preserved inside the altar – the most sacred place in
the church and in the city, they fulfilled the function of protecting Monza’s church
and community.
In the beginning, the ampullae were conceived as single objects, containers of
contact relics, destined for the personal use and benefit of a pilgrim who had visi­
ted the holy places of Christ in Palestine. In a second era, these personal eulogiai
were assembled into collection and preserved in the treasury of the newly built
basilica of the Lombard rulers in Monza where they served, together with a sec-
ond group of glass ampullae from Rome, as a palpable and visible link to the most
sacred Christian places and thus confirmed the decision to anchor the Lombard
kingdom to the roots of Christianity. In the last era, and here we are referring to
a period of several hundred years, the ampullae were kept, as venerable relics, in
the main altar of the basilica. While they were there, there were times when the
faithful were conscious of their existence and they were publicly displayed for
veneration, and there were times in which they laid forgotten inside the altar where
they remained until their rediscovery at the end of the 18th century.
All things considered, we can see a profound shift from these ampullae being
a real object of memory (souvenirs from the Holy Land) to being part of a collec-
tion of sacred objects, the memory of which was lost for long periods.

In conclusion, we should emphasize how, in these three different historic moments

– the era of Early Christian pilgrimage to Holy Land, the founding and endowment
of the first Lombard basilica in Monza, and finally the existence and rebuilding
of this basilica during the next centuries – a single object can change radically in
signification and function depending on the context. At the same time, we observe
how the memory of an object can easily mutate or – indeed – be lost over the cen-
turies, and thus the object can acquire numerous new meanings.

49 Cynthia Hahn, Strange Beauty; Issues in the Making and Meaning of Reliquaries, 400 - circa 1204,
Pennsylvania 2012, pp. 24 and 61.
50 Ibidem, p. 9.
51 “Unlike the Bobbio relics, which affirmed the holiness of the monastery and its founder through burial,
the Monza ampullae do their work through display”; in Elsner (note 29), p. 123.

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