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A Sociological Case Study
A Sociological Case Study
'Virginia Parker
Collier
Semifinalist,
OutstandingDissertations
NafionalAdvisoryCouncilon BilingualEducation
DegreeconferredJuly 19S0
Universityof Southerncaliforniaschoolof Educafion
LosAngeles,California
DissertationCo mmittee:
HenryD. Acland, Chair
CarlosJ.Ovando
Eugdne J.Bridre
C o p y r i g h te l 9 3 l b y V i r g i n i aP a r k e C
r ollier
OVERVIEWOF CASESTUDYDESCRIPTION
The overallfocusof fhe studycenfersaroundhow change
occursin a school
s y s i e ma n d i t s i m p a c io n t h e c o m m u n i t y .W i t h i n t h [ f o c u s ,
iwo broacl
themesare developed:the graduarmaiurationof the D.c.
Hispaniccom-
munity and its relationship to the publicschools, and the p.o..r, of change
within schools. The casesiudy descriptionbeginswith backgroundinfor-
maiionon the Hispaniccommunityand the D.i public,.hooi,
in the mid-
1960s,as eachis perceivedby Hispanics and schoolpersonnelinvolvedin
publicschoolpolificsof that time.The readeris introduced
to the process
fhroughwhich the ideaof bilingualeducationevolved,the
early stagesof
adaptation o f b i l i n g u a ls t a f f t o t h e s c h o o ls y s f e ma n d t h e r e s i s t a n coef
regularsfaff,and ihe gradualevolutionof a complexand expanding
innova-
tion' The emergingHispaniccommunityis described, alongwifh ifs close
connections wiih the D.C. bilrngualprogram.parentand co-munify parti-
cipationin schoolsis analyzedwith focus on the Hispanic
community,
althoughsome of the impacton Chineseand English-speaking
parentsis
alsodescribed. A shift away from innovaiionand toward institutionaliza-
tion of the programis increasingly evidentas federalfunding addsmore
office staffpositions,beginningin 7974,and federallegisla6on
and court
decisions influencethe cours"of th" schoolreform.Thelnalysisends
with
fhe schoolyear 7g7g-7980, with all bilingualpositionssupporfedby federal
fundsabsorbed inLothe localschoolbudget.
ANALYSISAND FINDINGS
Throughoutthe casestudy description, analysisis woven info the story.
one overallthemeof fhe analysisfocuseson the
changeprocess within
'generaliy
schools'Whereas the literatuie on insiitutional
.hun!. has
examinedthe goalsof federalor ceniralistplanners
and measuredthe im-
plementation processby fidelityfo the origi"uigoul,.onrbinedwith adapta-
tion fo the local schoolsysfem(Farrar,D.su.,.tir,
and Cohen, 1979;Rand,
r974-7977),this study exfendsthe changeliterature
fhroughfocuslesson
an oriSinalplan and more on a complexview of evolutionof a programin
responseto multiple changinglocal and federalinfluences.None of the
observedchangesin schoolsin this study canbe seenas linearprogressions
from A to B; rather,changeis seenasthe creativeuseof confliclbetweenA
and B, here labeledunresolvedtensions, which emerge,disappear, reappear,
or find new manifestationsin the courseof evolution oi th" bilingual
program,
The subthemewhich best capturesthis characteristic of changeis the
tensionbetweena desireto remaininnovative,flexible,and charismatic, and
to prod the localschoolsystemfrom outside,on the one hand,and the need
to institutionalize the program,which is associated with bureaucratization
and standardizaLion, on the other. Additional subthemeswhich exhibit
similarcharacteristics are the unresolved tensions betweencontinuingflexi-
biliiy in teachingmethodsand useof materials, and the pushfor standardza-
tion through curriculumwrifing and testing;befween the reality of con-
stantlyexpanding,shifting,never-endingproblems,and the desireto solve
one fixed, predefinedproblem;beiween informality and professionalism;
between democraticdecisionmakingand authoritarianpatterns;between
deepconcernfor and directinvolvementwith studentsin schools,and office
isolafionfrom schoolproblems;betweenpressingfor new rulesfor inter-
nationalsfudentsand acceptingthe system'srules;and betweenthe desire
for cohesionamongstaffand the development of professionaldistance.This
study illustrateshow both sidesof each tensionmanifestthemselvesin a
varietyof ways throughoutthe nine yearscoveredin ihe research. These
tensions arenot seenasproblemsto be solvedbut assources of constructive
and unending,complexchange.
This kind of unresolvedtensionmay especiallycharacterize fhe nature
of bilingualeducationbecaupe of the many inherentconflictsthe innovafion
is intendedto addressin the United States.For example,in Washington,
D C., ihe informalknowledgeamongbilingualsfaffexiststhat the full, iwo-
way maintenance bilingualeducationhasbeenhighly successful in siudent
achievement and attitudes,with full equal-status integrationof both His-
panicsand Englishspeakers. Yet the reality of small numbersof Spanish
speakers in other schoolsnecessitates providingonly transitional biiingual
and Englishas a secondlanguage(ESL)services,which are regard"J by
staff and sfudentsas a lower-status, compensarory programwith iomewhaf
limifedsuccess. The sametensionexistsin bilingualeducationviewedfrom
ihe federallevel.Goalsof bilingualprogram,ui. frequentlybroadlysiated
and unspecificbecausethey reflecifhe valueconflictsinheientin the legis-
lation and prograrnguidelines,which in turn reflectlegifimatedifferences
and conflictswithin the broadersocietyitself (Marsh,Lassidy,and Mora,
1980).
The secondthemeof this casestudy focuseson the maturationof ihe
Hispaniccommunity and its relationshipto the public schools.Within this
theme, the following issuescome into the discussionand analysis:fhe
C o l l t u/ 6 Q
process of emergingleadership within a small,new, mafuring,urbanethnic
communityu ; s eo f t h e s c h o o l sa s o n e v e h i c l ef o r c o m m u n i t ye m p o w e r -
ment and consciousness raising;negotiations befweengroupsfor controlof
schoolsin a pluralisticurban setting;and the processof greaterparent
parficipation in schoolsand fhe limitsof parentalinvolvementin decision-
makrng.
over the ten yearscoveredby the study,many changeshave taken
placewithin the D.C. Hispaniccommunity.It hasmovedfrom earlyexperi-
menial,haphazard effortsaf communityorganizafion to the presenf,more
organized,but democratically expanded,basefor decisionmaking in the
community. Even though the Hispaniccommunity is relafively small,
Hispanicshave made considerable progresstoward becominga working,
effective,poliiicallyvisible,lively force within the iotal D.C. community.
Thissiudy found that the publicschoolshaveservedan importantfunction
i n t h i sp r o c e sos f c o m m u n i t yd e v e l o p m e nM
t . e m b e r so f f h e H i s p a n i c o m -
munity wereablefo usethe schoolsasone meansof providingsupportfor a
senseof communityidentity.They thenbuilt upQnthatraisedconscrousness
to makefull useof a minorifycommunity'srighfswithin thissociety.
The bilingualprogramwasan integralpart of thisprocess throughroles
played by the school-community coordinatorand bilingualcounselors,
actualhiring of Spanish-speaking bilingualstaff and ieacheraides,close
contacfwifh and leadership in the Hispaniccommunity,parentaltraining,
and many strucfures for directparentalinvolvementin schools.The even
smalleC r h i n e s ec o m m u n i t ys e e m st o b e f o l l o w i n ga s i m i l a rp a t t e r ns i n c e
bilingualservices wereestablished in 1925.
TheD.C.Setting
The D.C. bilingualprogramservesa relativelysmall populationin com-
parisonwiih otherlargeurbanschooldistricts, providingdireciinsiructional
servicesor counselingfor approximately1500 students who speak
languages other than Englishand 500 English-speaking sfudentsin eleven
elemeniaryand threesecondaryschools.The programhasthus servedas a
manageably researchable miniaturewhich can be comparedwith the ex-
perienceof others.It is hopedthat the detaildescribedwill yield insightsfor
ofhersimplementing bilingualeducationprogramsaroundihe country.No
one bilingualprogram can provide others with an exporfablemodel,
becauseihe socialand linguisticcontextof eachschoolsystemihat has
studentswiih limitedEnglishproficiencyis unique.Therefore,this sfudy is
not meantto serveasa prototypefor otherbilingualprogramsbut ratheras
a guideto fhe complexityof evolutionof this innovation,alongwith ihe
hope fhat it provide for a differentkind of schoolenvironmenifor boih
studeniswith limitedEnglishproficiencyandfor Englishspeakers.
One characterisfic unique to Washington,D.C. is ihat the minority
Hispaniccommuniiy(estimated to be roughly5-10percent)existswithin a
Blackmajority(73percent),with Blacksdominatinglocalpoliticsand school
administration. The give-and-take at the centraladministrative
level in iocal
schoolpoliticsis thereforelargelynegotiatedwith a minority group already
somewhatsensitiveto ihe need for different school structuresfor the
varietyof schoolchildrenbeingserved.
Another feature is the great heterogeneityof the linguisticgroups
beingservedby the bilingualprogram.For the lastfifteen to twenry years,
the Washington,D.C. area has played host to an increasingnumber of
immigrantsfrom many differentpartsof the world. Within the D.C. pubiic
schools,the largestgroup of internationalstudentsis Spanishspeakers
(r,os-lin7979),but thisgroup is very heterogeneous, with no singledomi-
nant group.CentralAmericansare a slightmajority when the six countries
are countedas one unit, but thosewho dominatethe Hispaniccommunity
powersiructureareof middle-class background and comefrom a variefyof
Lafin Americancountries.Likewise,the secondlargestlinguisticgroup in
ihe public schools,the Chinese,is greatlyvaried in background,with zzg
students(in 7979)who speaksevendifferent Chinesedialectsand come
from many different parts of China, Taiwan, and Hong Kong (Bilingual
Office, 1979).Because of the heterogeneityof studentsto be servedand the
fact that ihey are scatteredthroughoutthe schoolsof the District,the D.C.
bilingual program has a variety of models being implementedin each
school,rangingfrom two-way maintenance bilingualeducaiion,io transi-
tional bilingualclasses,to Englishas a secondlanguage(ESL)classes with
someconteniareainstructionin the nativelanguage, and includingSpanish
as a secondlanguage(SSL)instructionfor English-speaking studentsin
schoolsorganized arounda clusterconcept.Therefore,thisstudydiscusses a
variefyof modelsof implementation of bilingualeducationwithin a very
heterogeneous schoolsetting.
QUALITATIVE RESEARCH
With thistype of study,therecanbe no true beginning,middle,or end.Ncr
problemsare solved(Diesin g, 1971).For the researcher,eachnew insighi
uncoverednew areasthatraisedadditionalquestions and concerns.In tryLng
to be ascomprehensive aspossible
in a studyof thisnature,one mustcheck
and cross-check data throughcommunityand schooloffice files,through
interviewswifh many peopleat many differentlevels,and throughpartici-
pationin day-to-dayactivifiesin the schoolsand communify.This process
of soakingin the total environmentis endless. Therefore,fhe unulyiisdoes
not presenifidy answers;rather,if tries to describethe many layersof
reality thai are a part of everyday school life. No one .un ,uy that ihe
Washington,D.C. bilingualprogramhas solvedall problemsfor students
who speakother languages. Thereare many questionsleft unanswered, and
many unresolvedtensions,unaccomplished goals,and new concerns. yei
somechanges havetakenplacein both the communityand the schoolsthai
:9.rn to be significaniin variousways for many of the peopleinvolved.
Thiscasestudytriesto showthe constructive natureof thatcomplexiiv.
Colliu/7t
IMPLICATIONS OF THE STUDY
The casestudy descriptionhas significant
messages for bilingualprogram
administraiors, bilingualschoolpe.rsonnel, programevaiuators, parenis,and
communitymembers.It extendsthe change
literaturethroughfo.u, on the
prioriiiesof localplannersascentralto
the-successful evolutionof a projeci,
ratherihan evaluationbasedon implementation
of an originalfederalor
ceniralistblueprinf'It providesdeiaiieddescripfion
of fhe complexitiesof a
schoolinnovation,demonstrating the needfo. ,.hool personnelto be open
to consiantadapfationto changingpriorities
mafcheclwifh the unpredict-
ablerealifies of schoolpolitics.lt itirrt.utesihe creafiveuse
of many aspecis
of what are iermed unresolvedtensions
in working toward constructive
change.