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Ue ysl pu PasIPy ay wiapoyy a42 UI AajouoREN puo “xas ‘a>0y :sapnuapy uosjraury eanoinduioy raBpennoy wow sajues un U aiqeirene osly ‘Ayenaue paysyand si Sunaaw =n 1oy paysajes sieded yo aun lon y Spley parwiau pur sasnyese 604 sauryesa +] ussuoury pur ysi8ug Ul suejoups paysinBuasip Aq >u0m peruaseud sey ayminsuy ysyBuy 24s "4461 S2UI5 BUALILSNI HSIIONA 3HL WOU SAVSS3“LIKE RACE” ARGUMENTS JANET E. HALLEY often claim that gay rights are just like righis already established for racial minorities or women by the black civil rights movement and the women's movement. Particularly when they argue to judges, who are formally if not actually constrained by precedent, and even when they make more gencral political appeals, advocates are oppor- tunists looking for a simile: “Your honor, thisisustlike a race discrimina- ton case; thisis just like a sex discrimi nation case.” ‘And indeed, sexual orientation and sexuality identities have formed impor- tant social movements that look like other identity-based movements. Gay ‘men and lesbians, transgendered people, and other sexual dissidents have been able to create legal change and legal controversy on issues falling under almost every taditional rubric of law. Contract, tort, procedure, consti- tutional lw civil rights, family aw, trusts and estates, employment law>~ housing law, taxation, regulation—sewually identified progressives lave legal reform aspirations and achievements affecting all of these arcas and more! They have gres-t0ots and national organizations, inlud- ing NAACP-lke national legal reform offices staffed with fllcime lawyers. They also have ferocious opponents convinced that if they realize any of thie reform aspirations, the entice national characte will LIKE RACE" ARGUMENTS collapse. Sexual orientation and sexuality movements have the look and feel of identity movements of the contemporary sort. Bur in importanc ways, they lack the substance. “Identity politi is usually waged on assumptions that identity inheres in group mem- bets, that group membership brings with it a uniformly shared range (or even a core) of authentic experience and attitudes that the political and legal interests of the group ate similarly coherent; and that group members are thus able to draw on their own experiences to discern those interests and to establish the authority they need to speak for the group. I will call these the “coherentist” assumptions about idencicy ics, Sexual orientation and sexuality identities dont suppore those assumptions very well. ‘Take lesbian identity for an example. One is a lesbian not because of anything in oneself, but because of social interactions, or the desire for social interactions: it takes two women, of at least one woman and the imagination of another, to make a lesbian. Lesbians have a huge range of experience and attitude relating to their sexual orientation: on issues as basic as whether being women makes lesbians really different from gay men, we dont agree. We are famously unable to agree with cone another about what our collective political and legal interests are— for example, we don’t agree about whether access ro mattiage should be 4 movement priority—and we are notoriously ready to punish any ‘woman who purports to speak for us. Similar things can be said about gay men, homosexuals, bisexuals (generic oF male and female), transvestte/(pre-op, post-op, and non- op) transsexusl/transgendered people, people living with AIDS/HIV, and sexual and gender dissidents of various, always changing, descrip- tions, Even more complex challenges to the coherentist assumptions about identity politics emerge when atténtion focuses on the question. of the merger, exile, coalition, and secession of these constituencies, fone from the other. Are gay men and lesbians “homosexuals,” ot, more properly, gay men on one hand, and lesbians on the‘other? Are bisex- uals “homosexuals” or traitors? Is there a single social movement chat seeks to relieve the social suffering of women who regard femininity as an engine of repression and transsexuals who identify as “women born in ments bodies”? Of people with AIDS, notwithstanding differences in a2 JANET E, HALLEY the ways they became infected and in their access to expensive new treatments? Sexual orientation and sexuality movements are peshaps unique among contemporary identity movements in harboring an unforgiv- ingly corrosive critique of identity itself, and they have launched sig- nificant activist and theoretical impulses in the direction of a “post-identity politic.” The term “queer” was adopted by some move ‘ment participants in part to frustrate identity formation around dissi- dent sexualities. And academic and street-level queer cheory challenge the coherentist assumptions about identity politics. The keynote of cis critique of identity is deep, strong constructivism. Starting with the finding that modern homosexual identities have emerged only in fairly recent historical times, queer theory suggests that they do not exist prior to, but are instead produced by, their politics. Noting that homo- sexual identity and heterosexual identity are diacrtially related —that cach negatively defines and makes possible the social urgency of the other—queer theory suggests that homosexual identities create a nec essary condition for the oppression of homosexual people, that is, the existence of a class of heterosexuals anxious to confirm their immunity from the designation “homosexual.” Queer theory argues that identity is not the core eruth and safe zone of authenticity and authority posited by our most widely shared assumptions about identity politics; instead ie suggests that identity may be part ofthe problem. This insight poses ethical questions that are particularly pressing for advocates of identity groups. K. Anthony Appiah stares the issue: Demanding respect for people as blacks and as gays requires that there are some scripts that go with being an African-American or having same-sex desires. There will be proper ways of being black and gay, there will be expectations to be met, demands to be made. Ic is at this point that someone who takes autonomy seri- ‘ously will ask whether we have not replaced one kind of tyranny ‘with another. ft had to choose beeween the world ofthe closet and the world of gay liberation, or between the world of Uncle Tams Cabin and Black Power, | would of course, choose in each ‘ase the latter, But | would like not to have to choose. 1 would ice other options. "LIKE RACE” ARGUMENTS {tis famitar thought thatthe bureaucratic categories of den tity must come up short before the vagaries of actual people's lives. Buti is equally important to bear in mind that a politics of entity can be counted on to transform the identities on whose behalf i ostensibly labors. Between the politics of recognition and the politics of compulsion, there is no bright line? The coherentist assumptions about identity politics make Appiah’s statement appear merely disloyal. Those assumptions posit that iden- tity preexists its ariculation in politics, and thus assume avy the con- structive power of identity advocacy. They also assume sway any difference berween what Appiah, “asa” black gay man, might opt to do or become and the script set out for him in che politics of identicy. But if advocacy constructs identity, ifit generates a seripe which identity ‘bearers must heed, ifthat script restriets group members, chen identicy politics compels its beneficiaries. Identity politics suddenly is no longer rete or simple resistance: it begins to look like power. Appialt’s challenge rests on the critical insight that power can be exercised not only zo make people do things they would not otherwise do, bur also to make them become people they would not otherwise be, ‘One important theory of this second function of power was offered by the Marxist political theorist Louis Alchusser, who posited that ideo!- oy could “recruit(]’ subjects amongst the individuals ... or ‘trans- form{]’ the individuals into subjects... by that very precise operation which I have called inserpellason or hailing, and which can be imag- ined along the lines of the most commonplace everyday police (or other) hailing: "Hey, you there!” Althusser elaborated this notion of “interpellacion” Further: Assuring that the theoretical scene | have imagined takes place in the street, the hailed individual wil tur around, By this mere one- hhundred-and-eighty-degree physical conversation, he becomes 2 subject. Why! Because he has recognized thatthe hail was “realy” addressed to hi, and that “i was realy im who was halled” (and not someone ese)+ Althusser's description of interpellation has often been criticized for its depiction of the “subject” as abject, as completely powerless to resist or 6JANET E. HALLEY reshape the “hail” issued by ideology. That is an important criticism, ‘but here I want to emphasize chat his description is incomplete because it assumes that the interpellative call will always come from above, fiom a high center of power. Dealing with the challenge of Appiah observation, however, requires us to imagine that interpellation, with all its invisible subjections, can come ftom below. from within resistant soctal movements. ‘As long as law and legal institutions help to build and protect iden- tity-generating social hierarchies, legal reformers must invoke identity. But whenever activists invoke identity in ways that “cransfores” it, they may approach and even cross the dangerous line that Appiah specifies bberween advocacy and coescion; they may “interpellae” subjects just as invidiously as Althusser's imagined cop-in-the-stret. How should a critical politics of law think about the possible coercive effects of identity-based advocacy? The features of queer legal movements that make them particularly inape examples of the coherentist assump- tions about identity politics also make them correspondingly useful for probing this long-deferred question, SOME PRELIMINARY QUESTIONS Departing from the coherentist assumptions about identity politics ‘opens up some new versions of familiar problems. First, the coheren- tise assumptions make it important to know whether a given identity claim carries an accurate description of che identity base. But che ques- tion of accuracy is much more complex if identity claims have the power to transform the very identities they describe, Then, an identicy claim’ accuracy may be the product not of truthtelling bur of its own social constructive power. So the question of accuracy must be com- plemented by additional questions, such as: does a desctiption of the ~ ‘movement have the effect of making people see group members to be “like that,” or does it make people see themselves as “like that”? Does a description of the group have the effect of bringing ic into existence or repositioning its boundaries? To borrow 2 telling phrase of Jan Hacking, does a deseription help to “make up people”? ‘Second and third, identity politics is frequently waged asa debate over whether a particular representational act, seen as a strategic move, is LIKE RACE® ARGUMENTS cither useful or dangerous; and whether the ac, seen asa selP interested ‘or sel-confirming gesture on the part of the person or subgroup making i is either ethically acceptable or unacceptable. The first question isthe question of strategy the second is the question of “speaking for others.”6 ‘On the coherentist assumptions abour identity politics, these questions are sometimes framed with great facility because everyone supposedly knows who is being benefited or harmed, and who is being spoken for bby whom, Buc without chose assumptions, the questions of straregy and of “speaking for other” bring with them prior questions: useful or dan- serous so whom ethically acceptable or unacceptable according 20 what normative view of identification or representation? Fourth, che coherentist assumptions aboue identity politics make it possible to have an extremely rich discourse of loyalty among group ‘members. This is 2 useful politcal tool, allowing collective action often at the expense of group-member liberty. The discourse of loyalty encourages group members to believe that chey ean identify each other readily, to measure the degree to which group members are behaving. in a way that fosters che group's interests, and to punish dissidents for disloyalty. The coherentist assumptions also make i possible to tell when one ie speaking to outsiders, and thus support strictures against “washing dirty linen in publi.” But without stable assumptions about who belongs to the group and what their interests are, and about who can speak for the group, disloyalty loses much of its sting as an accu- sation and a new normative project opens up, of intragroup and non- group-based justifications for politcal action? ‘These reftamed questions about identity politics are particularly pressing for advocates of identity groups. Movement advocates enact ‘wo different meanings of the term “representation.” They represent subordinated groups boch in that they function as agents sent by the ‘goup on some mission for material change, and in that chey manage the discursive rendering of the group. Keeping the second function of advocates in mind puts critical pressure on an important new branch (of writing about the ethical obligations of lawyers representing disem- powered social groups.* It posits that lawyers acting for subordinated social groups have a duty to strive for cransparency in representing them, Lawyers for social groups should take the client group as they find icin the social world, defer if a ll possible to its selection of goals 45‘ur os op Aap nq ‘wouBumyse WO Yr COSI Bea sauowanouT snyfis par 3peqg atp axes, Ajuo roe Aaya "D'q] “uossuryse;g wy UOR -enguowp aajsseus © oes soprunurureo poropuaSsuren pre jeMxosiq, suergsay €e8 aun Arana ‘9jduexo 10g APupquppUM pareadas ane f>xp ne Arourur wo pose asorp o7 ren Aayumunaso> ® 2 suatp. PUASIpUN POMS sTENAsOUIOY TP pani. as ee qE aTe per 1 380s soafong saying Mee) uy uayo sores0ape jo st8oe 2tp spun woor puy on Buppeg ey yeu '9q ose pftom uomeuTuasNp aes Jo suIOy JaNpO seTp. 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[980K KroA LRRNUTY-UEUFY FOpuN WOH, ysl TAPS ay peas stengse] pure wou ‘48 ys, 204 sf uonsonb ap rep s10u ang “su ,27e1 es tae Ae anoge wroje weoyoury-uesnyyy sognn! Aqdure aposido si, @ Powuuapun sem -esi8ay softs pro yo apy asa axp Sone] ap se sumes ays az9a Aaya Sut ‘jump soto; atp sure a104 08 paoutato9 2q pynoo aqdoad 31 sor aanwumyge pue suey sys pap feonou Aung usoooq di ~eja1 ap amoqe vorsnyuo> zeyndod parezaua8 uopesnooe ,swyBts eeds, stp BuSeuep sour Aiqisod “wpmey puy “ae sys Yap pUUCU, se sooueurpro 2tp puayap 01 potsa Koga Tyas Sst pure pmods, orp yuia—gp,eqmoad * « ‘98uens yeumow 10 pensn st tym woy Kem po suros ut SumayEp,—,s9onb, axp Jo vonroyRUapr SINBWNDY 25¥4 HN, ASTI 3 LNW66 JANET E. HALLEY difficulties that vex intra-gay ethics of representacion are recapitulated haere across a broader range of differences, ‘To putit simply, a “like race” argument chat A is ike B also implic ity claims thar B is like A. Operating meta-incersectionaly, “lke rec claims can create interpellative links between gay minoritixing repre- sentations and racial universaizing ones: ot. almost but noc quite con- versely, between gay nominal representations and racial realist ones. Consider an example of the former case. When gay rights advocates began to invoke the “immutable characteristic” simile, they were work- ing from a set of scattered, sketchy rationales occurring at happen- stance in the race and sex discrimination cases. By translating these “immutable characteristic” references into an “indicia of suspectness” checklist, and implying that its items were not merely sufficient but necessary conditions for heightened judicial protection, they invited judges to “harden up” the law in this area, Which is just what judges did: federal districe courts increasingly stipulated for immutability nor as 1a mere factor but as a prerequisite for heightened scrutiny, even as they persistently concluded that sexual orientation was not an immutable characteristic. This development has made it harder for groups distin- guished by cheorerically mutable characteristics—fat people, for instance—to make antidiserimination claims (why dortt they just lose \2)3 Moreover, the “immutable characteristic” rationale is springloaded to harm cacial minorities: ts hidden assumption that racial discrimination would be morally acceptable if blacks could change the color of their skin leaps into prominence when employers tell black ‘women on their payrolls that they canit wear braids, or latino employees ‘that they cant speak Spanish (why cant they just conform to white cul- tural norms?).4 Gay advocates making the immutability argument, then, bear some responsibility for a legisimation of universaizing, understandings of race and a delegitimation of —indesd, a constriction of the social space for—minoritizing ones, Almost but not quite conversely, there is @ subtle tension berween ‘queer nominalism and a certain tendency of critical race representational choices to hew to realism. It seems to me that racial realism is not the sole property of nationalist and other minortizing racial understandings; it appears also in hybridizing/mestiza/stong-social-constructvist ver LIKE RACE ARGUMENTS. sions of race-universalism, To look at just one example, in a coda “On. Caregories* to her book The Alchemy of Race and Right, Patricia J, Williams makes a series of nominalizing gest been the most powerful eal attribution in my life cis only one of a umber of governing narratives or presiding fictions by which T am con- stantly reconfiguring myself in the world.” {Terms like “black’ and ‘White? do not begin ro capcure the rich ethnic and political diversity of any subject” So far so nominal. But Williams concludes: “I prefer ‘Aftican-America’ in my own conversational usage because it effectively evokes she speifc cultural dimensions of my identizy, bucin this book T use most frequendy the term black in order ro accentuate the unshaded onolsbiom of color itelf asa social force. Those are the last words in this important strong-constructvist, racial nominalst book. I suppose that we could all agree thar they bring in a certain realism, Queer theory, on the other hand, is notoriously ready to abandon realism in ies encaprured embrace with nominalism. The resule in legal argumentation isa shift away from “like race” pictorialism and toward seed pea that focus on the distinctive social and discursive iynamics of gay injury. My own argument that equal protection argu- Kendall Thomas’ argument thar sodomy laws should be understood ‘0 violate not aright to privacy but a right to be free from cruel and ‘unusual punishments” Lisa Duggan’s recommendation that “like race” arguments be replaced with like-the-relationship between-thestate- and-religion;S8 Toni Massaro’s argument that equal protection claims should forgo “thick” social description and go “thin? ?—all of chese are crafted to make room for universalizing, particularly queer, under standings of sexual otientation in civil rights discourse. For reasons known only to themselves, a majority of the Supreme Court in 1996 issued a favorable gay sights decision, Romer u Beans This important decision adoprs an extreme form of nominalism. Hold- ing Colorado's Amendment 2—which had barred the state in any ofits subdivisions and agencies from entertaining any “claim of discrimina- tion” based on “homosexual status’—unconsticutionally irrational, che Court pesistendy refused to base its decision on any social description of the group harmed by the challenged law. Ie describes and populates o6 JANET E. HALLEY the class under consideration in a self-consciously nominal gesture: “the named clas, a clas we shall refer t0 as homosexual persons oF gay men and lesbians{J"® This is “a single navred group" defined by “a single trait" “Homosexuals, by sate decree, are putin a solitary las che ‘Amendment “classifies homosexuals... . co make them unequal to every- cone else”; “Ie is a elasficsion of persons sonderuaken for its ow sake” and jn that sensei i a “eacus-based enactment”: *[C]ass legislation . [is] obnoxious. . "85 Jt remains uncertain whether Romer nominalism will appear in other equal protection decisions. But itis clear thas, ifc appears in the context of nace discrimination, it will be inflected by an important racial trope that has no counterpart in the constitutional discourse of sexual orientation: the maxim, drawn from Justice Harlan’s dissent in Plesy u Ferguson, that “our Constitution is colorblind.”6 If under- standing the distinctive dangers of race requires attention to “the tunshaded monolithism of color itself as a social force,” a queer shift coward nominalism could contribute, perhaps dangerously, to its doc- tinal erasure. It seems to me that this is an ethical problem for gay advocates to consider, and that to do so we will have to make simulta- cous use of distributive and critical tools that are not now designed to ‘work well together. CONCLUSION ‘When we say that something is “like race,” we imply that we know swhat race is like. But do we? Ever since the Supreme Court’ decision in Adarand Constructors v. Pena, which held that race-based affirmative action could be subjected to the same degree of judicial scrutiny chat courts must apply to acts of overt anti-black racism,S? there has been a strong strategic reason for equal protection rights-claims to take a new form, “nor like race.” As Stuart Minor Benjamin indicates in fasci- nating article on Native Haviian rights claims, the considerable edi fice of special programs now dedicated under federal law to federally recognized mainland Indian ibes and under Hawaiian state law to Native Hawaiian cultural preservation could be erased from the land- scape if native groups were understood to be “like race.”** This rever~ sal in the normative content of intra-group comparisons could hardly LIKE RACE” ARGUMENTS. have been anticipated twenty years ago, buc it is now part of the con- text of any “ike race” claim, Ina situation this volatile, in which so many different kinds of social hharms are so finely connected, it seems important to exercise consider- able caution. Working within coherentist identity constituencies is not enough; forming coalitions across them, thotigh crucial, is also not ‘enough. When identity can be deployed to harin its own subjects, the search for equal justice also requires that we move beyond identity pol- itics aleogecher. 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