Tourism Management 24 (2003) 447–456

Managing Tourism and Islam in Peninsular Malaysia

Joan C. Henderson*
Nanyang Business School, Nanyang Technological University, Nanyang Avenue, Singapore 639798, Singapore
Received 30 June 2002; accepted 23 October 2002

Abstract

This paper is concerned with international tourism and the Islamic religion, using the example of Malaysia as a case study to
illustrate the problems and opportunities which arise when the two come into contact. Some general observations are made about
the difficulties of the relationship, and conflicts between religious practices and tourist demands are identified. The authorities in
Peninsular Malaysia, where Islam is central to everyday life for the dominant Malay Muslims, have responded differently to
resolving this dilemma. Contrasting actions at state, national and international levels are discussed, alongside the presentation of
Islam in official tourism marketing. The federal government is shown to place a high priority on meeting the needs of tourists while
certain states give precedence to the dictates of religion, and international initiatives seek to promote intra-Islamic travel. Insights
are thus offered into the management of tourism and Islam which may have a wider applicability beyond the particular
circumstances of the case.
r 2003 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved.

Keywords: Islam; Peninsular Malaysia; Tourism

1. Introduction facilitate the cultural exchange necessary to overcome

Tourism is traditionally closely linked to religion
which has acted as a powerful motive for travel from the
time of early pilgrimages to contemporary journeys to
sacred places. Religious buildings, rituals, festivals and
ceremonial events are important tourist attractions for
those with a casual interest as well as more devout
followers of the particular systems of belief represented.
However, there is scope for misunderstanding between
believers and non-believers in every religion with the
possibility of tensions when the lives of residents and
tourists of different faiths intersect at destinations
visited. This is especially apparent in the case of non-
Muslim tourists and resident Muslims, with consider-
able misunderstanding and a degree of mutual mistrust
between the two worlds in general compounded in the
aftermath of the 11 September 2001 attacks in the USA.
In view of these developments, it seems timely to address
issues arising when tourism and Islam come into direct
contact and consider some ways of managing the
relationship. It should also be acknowledged, albeit
optimistically, that tourism does have the capacity to
*Tel. +695-790-6116; fax: +65-791-3697.
E-mail address: ahenderson@ntu.edu.sg (J.C. Henderson).
the damaging stereotypes which prevail.
This paper examines circumstances in Malaysia, a
South East Asian country in which Muslims are
dominant, and assesses official responses to the chal-
lenges of effectively balancing the demands of a religion
which is central to everyday life and those of modern
international tourism. Findings are derived from a
review of print and electronic media and content
analysis of promotional material, supplemented by data
gathered during a period of fieldwork. The information
collected helps to construct a composite picture,
allowing comment on the interaction between tourism
and religion and conclusions about the implications of
such connections. Contradictions between religious
observances and visitor requirements are identified and
alternative methods of resolving them at an interna-
tional, national and state level are assessed. Malaysia is
an interesting context within which to explore these
processes given the friction in society between moder-
nisation and Islamic revivalism which has economic and
political repercussions. Divergences in positions on
religion between the federal government and an opposi-
tion party which has gained control of two states have
consequences for tourism, evident in the series of recent
events to be outlined.

0261-5177/03/$ - see front matter r 2003 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved.
doi:10.1016/S0261-5177(02)00106-1
448 J.C. Henderson / Tourism Management 24 (2003) 447–456
The multiracial composition of Malaysia’s population
adds another layer of complexity to the debate about
religion there and the study focuses on Peninsular
Malaysia where Malay Muslims form a majority,
although other ethnic groups are present with some con-
cerns about fragmentation. In contrast, Malay Muslims
are in a minority group on the island of Borneo where
the indigenous peoples of the states of Sabah and
Sarawak and their unique cultures are distinct tourist
attractions, heavily promoted in the marketing of
ecotourism which evokes images of native primitivism,
a jungle environment and colonial adventures (Douglas,
1999). Malaysian diversity is further apparent in
divisions separating urban and rural dwellers and the
progress and prosperity found in the capital of Kuala
Lumpur is not typical of the whole country; such
heterogeneity must be taken into account in any
discussion. Nevertheless, East Malaysia is still exposed
to the privileging of Islam and the erection and
redevelopment of state mosques in the capitals confirms
the priority attached to its affirmation by the federal
powers (Cleary, 1997).
2. Tourism and Islam
Research has been conducted into aspects of the inter-
connectedness between religion and tourism (Rinschede,
1992; Vukonic, 1996) and parallels are often drawn
between the two (Allcock, 1998; MacCannell, 1992;
Schmidt, 1980). Tourist sites are shown to have acquired
a sacredness, travel to them exhibiting the qualities of
pilgrimage (Cohen, 1992; Smith, 1992), while actual
pilgrimage venues display some of the trappings of the
tourism industry so that the boundaries between them
are obscured. The topic thus has a place in the literature
that deals with the creation and representation of
tourism spaces (Britton, 1991), many of which combine
secular and spiritual meanings as evidenced in Indonesia
(Dahles, 2001). These centres may be visited by religious
and other tourists whose motivations, expectations and
experiences are at variance. For example, the Taj Mahal
is an Islamic emblem for Indian Muslims and symbol of
national heritage to all Indians while its fame has given
rise to a sense of universal ownership amongst Wester-
ners who also lay claim to it, each group possessing their
own ‘imagined geographies’ which shape interpretation
(Edensor, 1998, p. 40). The commercial potential of
the religious travel market has also been highlighted
(Bywater, 1994; Russell, 1999) and Shackley (2001)
writes about the effective management of sacred sites.
Tourism and Islam has, however, been relatively
neglected which is surprising in view of the resurgence of
the latter. An early study (Ritter, 1975) compares the
evolution of tourism in Europe and the Middle East,
revealing different patterns partly linked to religious
doctrine. Din (1989) records the influence of the religion
on tourism movements and policies in Islamic countries
as a whole, concluding that inbound and outbound
travel is relatively low in volume. Such conditions persist
and these nations are now estimated to generate only
about 7% of international tourism (BBC, 2001),
although several such as Iran (Travel & Tourism
Intelligence, 1998) are increasing their commitment to
tourism development and its revenues are vital to the
economies of the Maldives and the Gambia. Current
leading destinations are Turkey and Malaysia, followed
by Egypt, Indonesia and Morocco (World Tourism
Organisation, 2002). Regional instability has had a
detrimental impact on tourism growth in certain
instances, one example being terrorist attacks by
Muslim groups in Egypt (Aziz, 1995). Other commen-
tators have noted this effect and the significance of Islam
more generally in tourism research with a wider frame
of reference (Burns and Cooper, 1997; Richter, 1999;
Sharpley, 2002).
Several authors recount how Islam historically
enjoined particular types of travel which have retained
an important religious and social function, albeit
constantly adapting to the changing world. The hirja
incorporates an obligation to migrate, and the hajj
(pilgrimage) is one of Islam’s five pillars alongside belief
in Allah and the prophet Mohammud, prayer, fasting
and the giving of charity. Kessler (1992a, p. 148)
additionally lists ‘rihla (travel for the acquisition of
learning or some other appropriate purpose such as
commerce) and ziyara (visits to various shrines)’, these
visits a form of voluntary pilgrimage which exemplifies
the ‘spatially distinctive cultural traditions of Islamic
populations’ (Bhardwaj, 1998, p. 71).
According to readings of the holy text of the Koran,
Muslims should also travel in order to visit friends and
relatives and fully appreciate the beauty of God’s world.
They have a responsibility to provide hospitality to
visitors who, under Islamic law, enjoy the rights of
citizens. The emphasis is on purposeful movement with
the objective of fostering unity among the larger Muslim
community or ummah, and the long history of Muslim
travel is documented by Eickleman and Piscatori (1990).
In contemporary society, over a million travel annually
to Saudi Arabia for the hajj (Aziz, 2001) which requires
a massive organisational effort by the authorities
(Travel & Tourism Intelligence, 1997). Its scale is
depicted in accounts of Islamic religious circulation
(Rowley, 1997), but Bhardwaj (1998) argues that the
large numbers who take part in religiously inspired
travel to centres besides Mecca should not be neglected.
Many Muslims also appear to share the common
enthusiasm for leisure travel as domestic and outbound
tourism rise with growing affluence.
Gender differences in tourism involvement observed
elsewhere (Kinnaird & Hall, 1994; Swain, 1995) are,
 J.C. Henderson / Tourism Management 24 (2003) 447–456
however, very striking in some patriarchal and ultra-
orthodox Islamic cultures which impose severe restric-
tions on women. Tourism movements and industry
practice are determined by conditions in society and
mirror unequal gender relations where these exist. Male
pre-eminence is a characteristic of many Muslim
countries where women are denied a place in public
life. Sonmez (2001, p. 123) claims that ‘women’s inferior
status is legitimized’ in the Middle East by ‘misinter-
pretation’ of the religious texts, resulting in barriers to
participation in tourism as well as other spheres of
activity. At the same time, a number of women believe
that a proper textual interpretation actually enhances
and protects their rights (Afshar, 1998), veiling also seen
as an assertion of cultural identity and not a symbol of
female oppression (Moghadam, 1994). While recognis-
ing variations in perceptions of the position and power
of Muslim women, overall they do appear to be
disadvantaged as tourists, hosts and workers in the
tourism industry.
Islam is not intrinsically opposed to tourism despite
these gender-based inequalities of opportunity, yet
international tourism is adversely affected by poor
relations between Islamic and Western nations. Islam
has been associated with conservatism, oppression,
terrorism and anti-Western sentiment (Armstrong,
2001) while the West is criticised as an imperialist
aggressor pursuing economic, social and political
domination (Al Ahmad, 1984; Said, 1979) whose people
are infidels of lax morals. Attitudes of tourists and their
hosts are likely to be coloured by such conceptions, and
cultures in which religion plays a fundamentally
different role may clash at destinations. The arrival of
non-Muslim inbound tourists is perhaps more disruptive
for local Muslim communities than the situation
reversed due to the religious codes which inform and
are manifest in their daily lives and which may be
violated by tourists knowingly or accidentally. However,
the satisfaction of the special needs of Muslim travellers
overseas may be a source of anxiety to themselves and
those with whom they interact (Syed, 2001). There is
evidence of a response by some in the Western tourism
industry to these worries with information provided
about halal foods and the location of mosques. Several
hotel bedrooms also have arrows pointing towards
Mecca for the purposes of prayer, but whether these
measures are adequate and the extent of their adoption
is still to be researched.
Possible social problems combined with political
ideology have led several Middle Eastern countries to
shun Western-style international tourism, deemed to be
incompatible with Islam (Burton, 1995). Brunei is an
interesting example of this strategy as a ‘reluctant tourist
destination’ whose wealth has undermined any econom-
ic incentive to encourage international tourism and
thereby helped to protect citizens from its ‘worst
449
excesses’ (Baum & Conlin, 1997, p. 91). There is no
consensus, however, about what constitutes compat-
ibility or true Islamic conduct and this is reflected in the
debate about the meaning and practice of Islam. The
Koran and the Sunnah or Hadith, describing the habits
and sayings of the Prophet set down by his companions
and family, are agreed to be normative. Yet new
approaches to the study of the texts and the Shariah,
the Islamic law in which they are enshrined, means that
‘questions of interpretation, authenticity and applica-
tion have become contentious issues’ for most Moslems
(Esposito, 1999, p. 684). Reconciling religious and civil
law is particularly problematic, as is the relevance of a
legal system grounded in an Arabic seventh century
agrarian society for 21st century nations and peoples
around the world.
Some Islamic countries and individuals or groups of
Muslims may therefore find tourists more acceptable
than others, partly depending on the degree of liberalism
as well as personal gains and losses. Malaysia is
generally considered comparatively moderate and posi-
tive popular reactions have been recorded there (Ap,
Var, & Din, 1991; Kayat, 2002). However, survey
respondents also raise concerns about Westernisation
and moral decadence (Din, 1997) and results are
inconclusive, with a need for further research into
Muslim views of tourism’s socio-cultural impacts on
their communities.
In terms of official attitudes, Din (1989, p. 557)
classifies these as ‘accommodationist’, ‘rejectionist’ and
‘isolationist’. Applying the typology to Malaysia, the
central government’s efforts to attract tourists sum-
marised later suggest that it fits the first category. In
contrast, state legislators have called for greater
conformity by visitors to Islamic standards of dress
and demeanour and there are also signs of the
emergence of an international pan-Islamic campaign to
foster intra-Muslim travel and thereby minimise chances
of disturbance. The range of responses suggests that
Din’s classification could be extended to incorporate
confrontation and cooperation and these options,
alongside the type of accommodation being practised
in Malaysia, are now discussed after a brief introduction
to race and religion there in order to set the scene.
3. Race and Religion in Malaysia
Malaysia secured independence in 1957 and the new
nation formally adopted the Malay language, religion
and monarchy. Constitutionally, a Malay is a person
who speaks Malay and follows Malay customs and the
Islamic religion. Islam has become a metaphor for
Malayness and a means to ‘preserve the integrity of its
boundaries’ (Kessler, 1992b, p. 139), religion fixing the
‘tone of life’ and ‘one of the principal sources of identity’
450 J.C. Henderson / Tourism Management 24 (2003) 447–456
(Nagata, 1987, p. 37). Malay Muslims are predominant,
but national identity is not so easily determined and
other groups make up 39.6% of the population with
large minorities of Chinese and Indians (Department of
Statistics Malaysia, 2001). Many religions are therefore
worshipped and while there are Chinese and Indian
Muslims, they do not enjoy the same status as Malays of
that faith (Nagata, 1993). Even amongst the latter, there
are variations indicated by the degree of support for
Islamic revivalism and differences between urban
residents and those living in rural areas who combine
belief in Islam with adherence to adat or traditional
Malay custom (Nagata, 1987). Thus ‘Malayness is
unimaginable without Islam’, but the ‘relationship has
constantly been redefined’ (Nagata, 1994, p. 84) and is
also highly politicised.
Race and religion are the traditional foundation of
Malaysian politics, recurring themes of which are the
‘maintenance of racial harmony, positive discrimination
in favour of the bumiputera and friction between the
Islamic parties and the government’ (EIU, 2001, p. 5).
Bumiputera is usually translated as sons of the soil and
an official term to denote a ‘quality of indigeneousness’
(Nagata, 1981, p. 109) which covers Muslim Malays and
the small number of non-Muslim aborigines in the
Peninsula and tribal peoples of the east. UMNO (United
Malays National Organisation) is the major Malay
party and has come to dominate the government as part
of the Barisan Nasional coalition, traditionally sup-
ported by Chinese and Indian parties in return for
guarantees of citizenship and freedom of religion. Its
leader, Dr Mahatir Mohamad, has been Prime Minister
since 1981 and a major and sometimes controversial
influence in shaping modern Malaysia (Khoo, 1995).
Underlying all government policy has been the
contentious and divisive issue of the protection and
promotion of bumiputera, in effect Muslim Malay,
interests which was embodied in the New Economic
Policy of the 1980s (Harper, 1998). This was replaced in
the early 1990s by the National Development Policy
designed to stimulate industrialisation (Shamsul, 1996)
and rapid economic growth occurred under the later
Vision 2020 programme, creating an urban middle class
drawn from all races (Worden, 2001). Nevertheless,
Malay Muslims still benefit from affirmative action and
the minorities have been subject to cultural margin-
alisation (Milne & Mauzy, 1998). There is disagreement
about how well ethnic diversity has been handled
(Crouch, 2001; Jesudason, 2001), with some expressions
of discontent, but an uneasy pluralism prevails. Multi-
racialism has also necessitated a degree of religious
toleration and is a constitutional and legal barrier to the
nationwide imposition of comprehensive Islamic law.
While embracing modernity and accepting a measure
of secularisation in the drive towards full development,
the government espouses Islam and presents the country
as a moderate Islamic nation which has avoided the
dangers of extremism. Its position has been attacked by
the principal opposition party, Parti Islam SeMalaysia
(PAS), which claims for itself the role of guardian of
Islam and has long-standing plans to turn Malaysia into
a theocracy. The party gained from electoral disen-
chantment with UNMO in the 1999 elections when it
captured an additional 20 seats in the lower Parliamen-
tary chamber, taking control of the northern state of
Terengganu and holding neighbouring Kelantan. Both
states have seen increasing ‘Islamicisation’ and PAS
leaders are taking steps to replace the existing civil and
criminal legal system with the Huddud, or full Islamic
law which would introduce punishments of amputation
of limbs for theft, stoning to death for adultery and
flogging for theft (The Straits Times, 2000a). Such
ambitions are a matter of political and religious dispute
and there are also consequences for the tourism industry
as explained in the next sections where federal policy
makers and those in Terengganu are shown to be
divided over tourism.
4. National accommodation
Critics of tourism in Malaysia and elsewhere in the
Muslim world have dismissed certain forms of tourist
behaviour as offensive and unacceptable; these include
physical displays of affection and even making love in
public places, drinking alcohol, wearing scanty clothing
and sun bathing naked. Gambling and prostitution,
often features of tourism, are also forbidden by Islam
and expatriate hotel management may overlook reli-
gious rules regarding prayers and handling of pork and
other non-halal food by staff (Hong, 1985). Discord is
aggravated by exclusive and expensive enclaves which
alienate residents and provoke a xenophobic reaction,
especially where the gap in living standards between
them and tourists is wide. Mass tourism defined by its
‘hedonism, permissiveness, lavishness, servitude and
foreigness’ is thus on a collision course with Moslem
devoutness and its ‘stress on ascetic abstinence and
humility’ (Din, 1989, pp. 551, 552), yet there is a broader
spectrum of feeling and actions exhibited by both parties
than this statement implies with occasions of Muslim
hypocrisy. This, and the preference accorded to men
remarked on earlier, are illustrated by the numerous
brothels across parts of the Malay-Thai border whose
customers are mainly Malays (Horn, 2000).
However, the prevailing national stance on the
management of tourism and Islam, although mindful
of local sensibilities, is to satisfy international visitors
and not insist on compliance with Islamic strictures
(The Straits Times, 2002b). Commercial objectives to
maximise revenue through providing the leisure
environments demanded by the tourism industry may
 J.C. Henderson / Tourism Management 24 (2003) 447–456
therefore take precedence over religious considerations.
Proponents of accommodation and compromise point
to the economic rewards of tourism which accounts for
approximately 3.7% of GDP (Travel and Tourism
Intelligence, 2001). The Seventh National Plan
(1996–2000) boosted tourism and the National Econom-
ic Recovery Plan, to help cope with the Asian financial
crisis of the late 1990s, identified it as a key sector in
earning foreign exchange. Government invested an
estimated US$505 million in the industry in 1999 when
there were 7.9 million international arrivals (Musa,
1999), rising to over 10 million in 2000 with forecasts of
12 million in 2001 (The Business Times, 2001). Most of
these are from East Asia, notably Singapore and
Thailand; Europe, Australia and the USA are relatively
small, but lucrative, markets (Travel & Tourism
Intelligence, 2001).
Pragmatism also dictates the manner in which the
country is sold as a destination by Tourism Malaysia,
the National Tourism Organisation which reports to the
Minister for Culture, Arts and Tourism. Content
analysis of the Board’s printed and online information
affords an insight into those aspects of the country’s
people, including religion, which are deemed most
marketable. Social scientists employ this tool, associated
with semiotics and critical discourse analysis (Fairclough,
1989), to assist in evaluating the meanings of written text
and visual images (Slater, 1998). It has been found
useful by tourism researchers exploring issues of place
marketing (Pritchard & Morgan, 2001) and was adopted
for this exercise. Keywords related to Islam were
selected and the frequency of their use and the contexts
recorded, with additional qualitative assessment of the
material. The main travel guide for the country as a
whole, others devoted to two states and the opening
introduction to the destination on the official website
were all evaluated (Tourism Malaysia 2002a–c; Tourism
Malaysia website).
Tourism Malaysia’s latest campaign is entitled
Malaysia Truly Asia and showcases the country’s
multicultural heritage and natural attractions as well
as more contemporary attributes of sporting events and
a modern capital city; the Islamic religion is placed very
firmly on the periphery in this representation. While
Islam is recognised in the promotional material as the
official religion and advice is given on three points of
‘common courtesies and customs’ which arise from
Muslim observances, this connection is not made
explicit. The sovereign is described as a Malay-Muslim
and the traditional Malay State as an ‘interesting
combination of Muslim autocracy and feudal decen-
tralisation’. Moorish-style buildings, some a legacy of
the colonial era, are on display in the capital and certain
mosques and a few Islamic Museums are presented as
sites of interest. The religious influence is most marked
in the account of Putrajaya, the modern centre of
451
government administration; this integrates ‘Islamic and
local themes’ and was built according to ‘Islamic
principles which emphasise the inextricable link between
God, man and environment.’
A similar picture is drawn in leaflets for each state and
those for Kelantan and Terennganu were chosen for
examination as the locations are the heartland of PAS
support where Islamic feeling is very strong. However,
the only reminder of Islam in the Terennganu publica-
tion is to the visually appealing qualities of a mosque
which ‘creates an illusion of itself as floating on water’.
The Islamic factor is more obvious in Kelantan where
the Islamic Museum depicts ‘not only the importance of
Islam in Kelantan but also the position of the state as a
centre of Islamic learning’ and the state mosque is a
‘centre for Islam missionary activities’. Nevertheless,
images of fishing villages, nature and crafts take
precedence and religion rarely features in any of the
advertising. Where it does, the stress is on the cultural,
historical and architectural dimensions of Islam and any
contentious contemporary realities are overlooked.
Religious neutrality and colourful multiculturalism seem
more appealing to international tourist markets than
strident Malay Muslim ascendancy and King (1993,
p. 113) terms this effect as one whereby Islam is
‘distanced’.
Wood’s (1984, p. 365) observation about the ‘un-
marketability’ of Islam in Malaysia still appears to have
validity and removing the Islamic religion from the
forefront of Malaysian life may be seen as part of the
effort to reduce any sense of tourist unease and
insecurity. This orientation is not confined to the
tourism industry and UMNO faces the general eco-
nomic challenge of maximising ‘investment without
offending local religious sensitivities’ and achieving
‘industrialisation without excessive Westernization or
moral decadence’, establishing a ‘style of capitalism
acceptable to most Muslims without sacrificing Malay-
sia’s credibility overseas’ (Nagata, 1997, pp. 92, 100). At
the same time, the government has to match the
religious rhetoric and protestations of devotion of PAS
in communications with Muslims at home and abroad if
it is to retain power. Achieving these ends is a daunting
task, but there have been successes in tourism if
measured by the steady growth in arrivals already
noted, largely from non-Muslim markets. Success in
terms of popular accord is harder to assess and there is
political resistance in the PAS controlled states as
outlined below with regard to Terengganu.
5. State confrontation
The state government in Terengganu has dedicated
itself to a programme of ‘Islamicisation’ since taking
office, criticising the Western secularism of the Mahatir
452 J.C. Henderson / Tourism Management 24 (2003) 447–456
government and its exploitation of Islam for political
ends (Kazi, 2001). A series of reforms to combat what
are judged activities contrary to Islam have already
impinged on the tourism industry. Karaoke outlets,
pubs, gaming establishments and unisex hair salons were
officially closed in 2000 (The Straits Times, 2002b) and
the awarding of licences to sell alcohol at liquor shops is
extremely restricted. Hotels and resorts do sell beer, but
spirits are not easily available, and the government has
said that it desires to earn revenue only from halal
sources and not to depend on the sale of alcohol (The
Sunday Times, 2002). Local Muslim women are being
urged to wear the tudung or headscarf to maintain their
modesty and attempts have been made since 2001 to
enforce separate supermarket queues for men and
women. Many roadside signs of verses from the Koran
have been erected and those in parks warn against
irreligious behaviour (The Straits Times, 2002b). As in
other Malaysian states, local councils have Islamic
enforcement units whose officers are responsible for
ensuring compliance with regulations.
Plans to amend the state constitution to impose
Shariah law were proclaimed in 2002, followed by news
that female images would no longer be featured in
tourism promotion because the ‘use of women and sex
as well as other hedonistic influences are against Islamic
guidelines’ (Ramli, 2002). Newspaper articles construed
this as the introduction of an ‘Islamic concept of
tourism’ (The Star, 2002). The State Tourism Commit-
tee Chairman spoke in the same week about devising a
new dress code to discourage tourists from wearing
revealing outfits such as bikinis. The construction of
separate hotel swimming pools and staff hostels for men
and women was also mooted. In addition, there was a
warning about stricter alcohol prohibition, particularly
in island resorts. According to officials, this was ‘part of
an educational programme to ensure tourists respected
the local culture and tradition y necessary in the
interests of Muslims’ and ‘required of Islam’ (The Straits
Times, 2002c).
These pronouncements were condemned by hoteliers
worried about having to explain them to tourists. Others
maintained that denying them licences for even an in-
house karaoke or one-man band were forcing guests to
cross state borders in search of entertainment and food.
Local politicians complained about the alienation of
tourists, arguing PAS had to be realistic and accept that
foreign tourists expected enlightened policies, not rules
which would damage the industry and the state (The
Straits Times, 2002d, e). Similar views were expressed by
the Federal Minister for Culture, Arts and Tourism who
asserted that the image of the country was being
harmed, leading to cancellations by European tourists.
The economic importance of tourism to Malaysia and
the dangers of losing its substantial revenues were
stressed (The Straits Times, 2002f). The Minister stated
that the moves were ‘Taleban-like’ and ‘consitutionally
incorrect’ and ‘true Islamic teaching did not impose the
religion on others’ (The Straits Times, 2002b).
The hostile reaction amongst some interested parties
and international media coverage of a ‘bikini ban’
(news.com.au) led to public ‘clarification’. The State
Tourism Chairman was reported by the Federal
Minister as having been misquoted in the press with
no official statement ever made about banning bikinis.
Less controversially, the state assembly had merely been
informed by the Chairman that a working committee
was to be set up to ‘study tourism in the state including
the behaviour of tourists and their attire when they visit
religious places like a mosque’. The new message,
delivered by the Federal Minister, was that ‘we want
tourists to know that they are welcome here, at our
beaches, hotels and resorts’ (The New Straits Times,
2002).
Whether the Minister’s enthusiasm was shared by his
state counterpart is unclear, but it would be misleading
to label the Terengganu government as anti-tourism. It
has declared its commitment to general development on
a path of ‘progressing with Islam’, tourism listed as a
specific investment opportunity founded on nature
products. The state’s own advertising closely resembles
that of Tourism Malaysia with themes of adventure and
recreation, islands and beaches, local delicacies, places
of interest and arts and culture. The only reminder of
religion is in a note at the end of an account of
traditional dances which ‘no longer have a spiritual
element’, old animist forms of worship being ‘discarded
with Islam’ (Terengganu State Government webite).
How far the state authorities are prepared, or
allowed, to go in ‘Islamicisation’ and its impact on
international tourism are debatable. They confront
obstacles of practical execution and obstruction from
the central government over legal and constitutional
questions, and distorted media coverage at home and
overseas is an additional factor to contend with.
Arrivals have expanded from 1.33 million in 2000 to
1.4 million in 2001 (The Sunday Times, 2002) when the
tourism industry contributed 543.5 million ringgits to
the economy (Terengganu State Government website).
These are mainly domestic tourists and overseas visitors
numbered only 142,041 in 2001, a fall of about 11%
from 2000. There is no information about main purpose
of travel, but religion as the primary motivation appears
unlikely and a further decline in international arrivals
might precipitate a re-evaluation of tourism policy.
Despite these uncertainties, actions to date and inten-
tions for the future demonstrate one way of tackling the
problems facing more conservative Islamic regimes
exposed to modern tourism, and hint at the significance
of the Muslim domestic market.
Plans for a dress code might be confused, but the
outcry from some quarters about the idea itself is also
 J.C. Henderson / Tourism Management 24 (2003) 447–456
instructive. Opponents cite economic and political
reasons for their arguments, but there is an assumption
that there are limits to the degree to which foreign
tourists should be respectful of local norms and patterns
of behaviour. An expectation of such respect cannot be
dismissed as entirely unreasonable, even if specific
guidelines may seem excessively strict to an outsider,
and the lack of consideration given to it is indicative of
where power frequently lies in the relationship between
international tourists and their often reluctant hosts.
6. International cooperation
The decision about whether Islamic destinations
should seek to meet the demands of international
tourists and, by doing so, risk upsetting Muslim tenets
obviously is not so contentious when visitors are fellow
Muslims from within or outside national boundaries.
Although Muslim identities are not uniform (el Zein,
1977), conflicts over food, dress, conduct and religious
and social observances are less likely. While intra-
Islamic travel has been limited to date, apart from
pilgrimages to Saudi Arabia, there is growing interest in
this area. It is the subject of an initiative by the
Organization of Islamic Conference (OIC), an inter-
governmental organisation of 56 Islamic nations dedi-
cated to the well-being of Muslims worldwide; these
total approximately 1.4 billion or 20% of the world’s
inhabitants (SESRTCIC website), forecasted to rise
to over 30% by 2025 (Maynes, 1998). The Muslim
population is thus a sizeable market, the exploitation of
which is a partial solution to the predicament of
adjustment to tourists from a more alien culture and
the figures for Terengganu reveal how important
domestic activity can be.
The OIC has held two Tourism Ministers Meetings
and a conference since 2000 which have discussed
expanding tourism through improved research and
training, marketing and upgraded infrastructure. Non-
Moslem visitors are acceptable and there is a recognition
of the value of working with the World Tourism
Organisation and other international agencies, but much
of the emphasis is on tourism as a vehicle for reinforcing
the solidarity of the Islamic community. Greater travel
by Muslims within the Islamic world could lead to better
understanding, stimulate collaboration and serve the
common good. At the latest meeting, a delegate advised
creating more Islamic tour packages devoted to a
Muslim heritage which has been largely ignored (Sayed,
2001). The Islamic Development Bank (IDB), the
purpose of which is to stimulate economic growth and
social progress amongst its 53 Muslim member countries
as well as Muslims elsewhere in accordance with the
Shariah, also expressed support for tourism. While the
effectiveness of both the OIC and IDB have been
453
questioned (Choudhury, 1997), their acknowledgement
of the value of Muslim tourism does mark a departure
and suggests it is acquiring a higher priority; this
includes in Malaysia which hosted the second con-
ference in 2002.
The terrorist attacks in the United States on 11
September 2001 and subsequent events have also
enhanced awareness of Islam as a selling point in some
markets. Appreciating the fears amongst many Muslims
about visiting the West, Tourism Malaysia has sold the
country as a safe destination with a familiar culture
which is able to cater to Islamic travellers. For example,
a new shopping centre in Kuala Lumpur designed to
appeal to Middle Eastern tourists was publicised in early
2002 (The Straits Times, 2002g). Advertising themes
highlighting religion may therefore become more notice-
able when Malaysia is marketed in parts of the Middle
East and Asia.
While a focus on Islamic travel, both international
and domestic, is a possible future direction for Muslim
destinations, there are economic constraints as well as
ideological barriers to be overcome. Notwithstanding
the affluence of some Muslim groups, others in densely
populated states such as Bangladesh, Indonesia and
Pakistan have very low incomes (UNDP, 2001) which
will exclude participation in tourism. There may also be
a lack of funding for investment in infrastructure. The
evolution of a pan-Muslim market to its full potential is
a long-term process and a country like Malaysia, with
an already comparatively advanced international tour-
ism industry, cannot rely on such visitors. Greater
inclusive Muslim tourism achieved through cooperation
thus is only a viable option commercially in combina-
tion with other strategies, at least from a national
perspective.
7. Conclusion
Selected critical aspects of the often troubled relation-
ship between Islam and tourism have been discussed in
this paper, using recent developments in Malaysia as
illustrations. Religion allied to race is a defining feature
of Malaysian society where Islam is central to public
and private life, but not the only religion worshipped,
with potential for conflict between Muslim residents and
non-Muslim international tourists. The central and state
authorities have addressed this issue in different ways
linked to religious, political and economic imperatives
with strains between centre and state orientations which
are part of a wider political struggle. The accommoda-
tion practised by the federal government compares with
the more confrontational stance of the state while
international cooperative ventures are being undertaken
to stimulate the larger Muslim market.
454 J.C. Henderson / Tourism Management 24 (2003) 447–456
Policy making in all three arenas has implications for
visitor arrival flows, affecting how Malaysia is perceived
as a destination and facilities and services on offer.
While national authorities extend an enthusiastic
welcome to tourists irrespective of their religion and
origin, state decisions could inhibit Western-style tour-
ism. Those at work in the tourism industry within
Malaysia and its principal markets need to be aware of
the changing conditions and have an appreciation of
religious sensitivities, helping to educate tourists about
appropriate behaviour. There is scope for consultation
with religious figures, as well as local communities,
regarding the formulation of codes of conduct and
presentation of sites such as mosques and shrines as
tourist attractions. The difficulties of establishing a
consensus cannot be ignored, however, and the struggle
to enforce Shariah law is another source of unease,
although PAS has stated that only Muslims would be
subject to its regulations. Further studies are necessary
to fully evaluate outcomes and the effects of media
reporting as well as attitudes amongst official decision
makers and residents. The limitations of observations
made in this review must also be acknowledged,
including their greater applicability to Peninsular
Malaysia compared to East Malaysia where different
conditions generate other tourism management chal-
lenges (Mayer, 1999).
Circumstances in Malaysia are unique, yet the case
does offer insights into the dilemmas confronting
Muslim nations as they attempt to come to terms with
modern mass tourism. Some might choose outright
rejection or seek to isolate tourists, but others face the
task of striking a balance between pleasing visitors and
achieving possibly much needed economic gains whilst
ensuring that religious demands are respected. Although
there are particular political dynamics at work in
shaping policy and a range in Islamic orthodoxy, it
may be that other destinations could learn something
from the Malaysian experience. Its efforts to resolve the
problems and those made elsewhere in the Muslim
world should provide a worthwhile topic for future
research, the results of interest to tourism practitioners
in both generating and host countries as well as
academics.
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