Magia Ochronna Slowian We Wczesnym Sredn

Summary
Slavic protective magic

in the Early Middle Ages
on Polish territories
Introduction
T
he feelings of anxiety or fear have always accompanied various cultures. It
is possible to distinguish two types of fear, which in both of these forms is
manifested by anxiety: on the one hand, in relation to unknown phenomena
(e.g. a lightning strike); on the other hand, to the phenomena known but not en-
tirely “tamed” (e.g. ambiguous symbolism of an amulet). Fear filled the unknown,
was a constant companion of man. It also was the first and last experience of a man
and had “big eyes,” because situations that were not fully understood caused fear.
Despite the paralysis caused by anxiety/fear people tried to fight them. Anxiety
and fear are experiences that “produce” a diverse set of symbols or signs where, in
general meaning, a sign is something perceptible with senses, something that is in
place of something else, and allows to recognize that something else.
The sign is unequivocal and can be expressed in the form of a concept, it has
got a purely communicative function. On the other hand the symbol, as many re-
searchers think, is also a sign, but with an additional, deeper meaning. It has the
power of revelation, contains many meanings. The study of symbols from this an-
gle is also carried by the phenomenology of religion, which in a way is also a form
of “comparative religious studies,” whilst archaeological sites “become symbolic”
if their interpretation as certain archaeological facts is done on the basis of their
location in the broadly defined religious symbolism. This way of source research
remains in the circle of interpretation of Mircea Eliade, who, taking into account
the assumptions of Carl G. Jung, said that at the dawn of history some important
religious events (archetypes), which are a pattern for many activities and situa-
tions that in a way are a repetition of these primary events or a reference to them,
have occurred. Eliade concluded that the basic positions and religious views have
been fixed once and for all, and that it occurred as early as in prehistoric times,
2016 - Wawrzeniuk - Magia ochronna Słowian.indd 489 30.06.2016 10:32:32

Summar y
when man realized his existential situation in the Universe. The archetype fixed
“at the beginning” is still repeated, as it is universal. Such universal symbols were
also searched by Joseph Campbell. The current research on religion from the per-
spective of the symbol is also represented by Clifford Geertz. In this perspective
religion is a symbol of symbols, which build strong, pervasive, and long-lasting
moods and motivations among people by formulating a general order of existence
and creating around these concepts an aura of factuality, which makes these moods
and motivations seem extremely real. But religion creates something more; accord-
ing to Walter Burkert, recognition by symbolism undervalues the practical aspect of
religion, as not only symbols create this apparent reality. It is a permanent activity
of people coming into mutual interactions through symbols, exchanging signs, and
reacting to them, creating their own reality. In the beliefs of ancient Slavs the arche-
typal motifs are associated with the mythical model of the clash of two powers: the
God of Thunder – Perun, and the Serpent/Dragon, and on the Slavic ground with
Veles. The motif of duelling/fighting was probably present in the myths in the whole
Slavic world, it was associated with the war attributes of temple deities known un-
der different names: Svetovid, Rugiewit, Svarog, Svarožić. Their opponents were de-
ities associated with the economic cycle and annual rites, such as Rod in the case of
East Slavs, or the already mentioned Veles. The motif of mythical struggle between
two gods is a reflection of the ever-played action on the principle of action-coun-
teraction, which is visible in the vocabulary associated with the cult. The similari-
ties shown indicate that one can speak here of dualism, which assumed that happy
things come from the God of good and unhappiness is sent by the demon of evil.
This conflict resulted in launching apotropaic activities that had, on the one
hand, the task of “conciliating” with the unfavourable powers, and on the other
hand the tasks of deafening, suppressing the eternally existing feelings of anxiety/
fear caused by more or less unknown forces. The confirmation of such measures is
found in the symbolism of dualistic episodes where, for example, kindling a fire by
rubbing two stones is a reflection of the binary opposition fire-earth., This work is
therefore an attempt to see into the dualistic structure of thinking of Early Middle
Ages Slavs using the analysis of apotropaic rituals employed by them. Since it is
assumed that the archaeological material is “mute,” I will use written communica-
tions, ethnographic records, and analogies from comparative religious studies for
the analysis of archaeological sources. This work is a proposition to localise objects
from excavations in the symbolic context as well as an attempt to understand their
meaning in the perspective of magical thinking. The method of interpretation used
in the dissertation refers to certain assumptions of anthropological structuralism
and cognitive sciences, which means an attempt to analyse available symbolic facts
in terms of searching rules hidden behind what is visible and observable (material
correlates), while considering how one symbol functions in the context of others.
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The specifics of magic as a causative factor for dualistic apotropaic action will
be presented in this book. I will then try to characterize the “magical thinking”
characterizing the mentality of people in Early Middle Ages, or the religious syn-
cretism which, according to many scholars, can be seen during the said period. At
the same time the former “magical way of thinking” will be juxtaposed with the
phenomenon initially described by ethnologists as popular religiosity and after-
wards as folk religiosity, treated in this study as a specific, homogeneous kind of
mentality of Christian Slavs. It should be emphasized that the Polish lands under-
went the influences of two Christian ideologies – Catholicism and Orthodoxy –
that have somewhat shaped Slavic rites, but related differently to old pagan beliefs.
Traces of ancient Slavic beliefs, woven into the religious ritual cycle, have operated
until recently in rural communities. Examples of the vestiges of magical thinking
have been kept in, among other things, verbal folklore. One can also find them in
the phenomenon known as charm, where the use of apotropaic activities is par-
ticularly clear.
In the later chapters of this publication specified apotropaic actions will be pre-
sented within the context in which they have operated, and their relationship with
human life is undeniable. The forces of evil arrived and were active at home, at the
cemetery, in a holy place. In addition, they inhabited places untamed by man. The
belief in the presence of demonic entities with a twofold nature probably dates back
far into the past. A confirmation of this state of affairs can be found in written and
linguistic sources cited below.
The treatment of the sources will be as follows: ethnographic sources will be
presented first, then, if necessary, linguistic sources, then the written ones, and last-
ly – adequate archaeological sources. The clear separation, especially between eth-
nographic and archaeological material, is intentional, but the Author is aware of
the huge difference – not only in time – which separates them. Juxtaposing them
together suggests a similarity of the phenomena that is worth perceiving. In con-
clusion, I shall conduct a structural analyse in an attempt to summarise the re-
sults of studies presented in previous chapters. In my opinion a phenomenologi-
cal analysis of events may help recreate the richness of protective measures that
likely existed among the Slavs (primarily West) in the Early Middle Ages between
the 7th and 13th centuries (for a better presentation of the described phenome-
na, however, several examples will come from the beginning of the 14th century).
The source material and, most of all, archaeological sources used below come from
studies conducted in contemporary Polish territories, while omitting the North-
East part, which during the Early Middle Ages remained under the influence of
a different (Baltic) religious circle.
Recent excavations and the gain of historical material have quite clearly influ-
enced the presence of Scandinavians and their ideology on Polish territories in
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the Early Middle Ages. In the works of some Polish researchers there have been
some long prevailing trends to determine finds (mostly weapons, harnesses, some
form of jewellery, or graves with an unusual design) that are allegedly unusual
for Polish lands as “Nordic,” often without stating the reasons for such identifi-
cation (for more information see Gardeła 2014, p. 18 and the source literature),
creating a sensation and discussion on the role of Scandinavians on Polish ter-
ritories in the Early Middle Ages. Several of the artefacts in this work have also
been associated with the Scandinavian culture by some of the researchers: the
statue of Svetovid, anthropomorphic, multi-facial figurines, or some of the am-
ulets from the Wolin Island excavations. I will not, however, deal with the dis-
puted origin of the aforementioned items – Leszek Gardeła has dealt perfectly
with this topic in his recent publication (2014) – but I will rather focus on their
apotropaic function.
1. Source foundations and the outline of the state

of research
Determining the nature of apotropaic treatments in the present study will be based
on the analysis of excavated materials. The items used are recognized by archaeologi-
cal literature as “cult-related” and include the following: certain figures, so-called
toys, everyday objects (e.g. vessels, plates, bowls, beakers, cups, spindles, spindle
whorls, fishing floats), jewellery, musical instruments, painted eggs, rattles, amulet
bags, kaptorga containers, and crosses, or objects with specific characteristics placed
in the funerary complex (coins, amulets, needles, awls, sickles, hetkas, bell-shaped
pendants, rattles, painted eggs, egg shells, crosses, kaptorga containers, belemnites,
quern stones), gifts, and foundation offerings. The results of apotropaic treatments
at cemeteries could be burial structures, or the so-called unusual burials and ma-
terial remains of different types of ordinances designed to provide special care for
the fate of the dead. All archaeological sources will be discussed in the context of
the various spheres of human activity: at home, at the cemetery, in a place of wor-
ship, and in space.
Subsequently, historical messages, both Medieval and modern, will be dis-
cussed, as well as ethnographic material derived from 19th and 20th century re-
search. These are the monographs and records of field studies describing a num-
ber of superstitions in the family and annual rituals, as well as the state of research
on the religious phenomena of ancient Slavs, including the impact of archaeologi-
cal research on discussing this type of phenomenon.
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2. The specific of magical thinking

The word “magic” is derived from Old Persian language. The Old Persian word magu
(“mage”) means “the one who has power” and originates from the Indo-European
root *māgh-o with the meaning “strength, power, wealth.” Greeks (and later other
peoples) took it from the Persians. In this publication it is assumed that magic is
not a collection of chaotic actions as a consequence of superstitious fears or exag-
gerated ambition, but a relatively coherent system, having its own logic and sense.
The latter, however, cannot be measured according to modern standards. Magic –
understood as a system of actions – is in fact inseparable from the vision of the
world held by the people who practice it. “He, who acts in a manner referred to as
‘magical,’ does something to cause what he wants and with the conviction that he
will cause it. But the person talking about it is convinced that the performer’s acts
will cause no such things, or that it generally does not cause them. Magic is there-
fore a descriptive category, reporting on the various activities that belong to the
language of observers, and not the performers of the act” (Engelking 2000, p. 21).
The characteristic of magical thinking in the Early Middle Ages

Medieval culture connected cultural structures of the pagan/barbaric world with
the elements of Mediterranean heritage and Christian ideology. There is a close link
between the traditional beliefs and cult practices cultivated by the “barbarians” –
Slavic or Germanic tribes – which intertwined with the practice of everyday life,
and the relations between man and nature, as well as interpersonal relations. In
the early Middle Ages the traditional, primary magical thinking changed to some
extent. It was impacted by Christianity, which carried a lot of new beliefs, while as-
similating some old beliefs and practices at the same time. Because of this one can
say about the existence of a peculiar belief/magic syncretism of that epoch, which
remained mainly among the rural population.
The above cited views on changes in the Medieval system of belief do not repre-
sent the full extent of the then system of magical thinking. The earliest observable
thing in the described time interval is the functioning of professional magic (ac-
cording to Buchowski) with a developed role of a sorcerer-diviner within it. Profes-
sional magic appears with the development of the productive forces, i.e. specialized
production. In such communities sorcerers represent the appropriate cultural be-
liefs, which are applied for the magical type of worldview; they become “teachers”
of these beliefs and guard respecting them. The professional magic of Early Middle
Ages Slavs, however, was different in nature than Michał Buchowski proposes. It
is most likely that the function of the sorcerer-diviner in the farming community
was initially served by a selected family member with certain predispositions (early
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stage). Under the appropriate circumstances, however, magical rituals most likely
could be performed by anyone. At the later period (late stage) the “priestly class,”
which also acquired other social functions, appeared. The next phase of magical
thinking, appropriate to the Middle Ages and the Renaissance periods, has been
classified by Buchowski as “degraded” or “degenerated” magic . It was a set of con-
victions stemming from professional magic, but already in a situation where it was
not the only and decisive worldview and it did not regulate – which is obvious –
the only existing type of worldview-creation practice. Three areas evolved within
this magic: the technical-usable one, the symbolic one (in the narrower sense), and
the worldview one. According to the Medieval vision of the world reconstructed
on the basis of chronicle records, which are the image of everyday consciousness
of the Christian elites, the natural order, once created, worked in accordance with
earthly causality, while the sacrum, as if in hiding, intervened only incidentally
(miracles), to ensure the course of events it has planned and to not allow the an-
tisacrum to control the situation. This providentialism could occur either as a re-
sult of top-down initiative of the numinous or be implored, while the requests were
sent directly to God or were carried through the intercession of saints or angels.
The magical worldview did also not develop in a consistent manner. Two stages of
development can be distinguished here: the first one shall be conventionally called
“religious magic”, and the second one – “degenerated” or “degraded” proper magic
(in the later parts of this work, for simplification, the term “degenerated” proper
magic will be used). “Religious magic” functioned in the early period of accepting
Christianity in two forms, namely as “courtly” magic and “scientific” magic. This
second form of “religious magic” dominated among the greater part of the pop-
ulation. It is therefore possible to talk about the rural type of magic, which was
characterized by a predominance of pagan elements over the Christian ones. The
community was not able to understand why a new faith requires them to reject old
beliefs and the adoption of faith in the one God, so old cults operated in secret.
The second phase of magical thinking of the Middle Ages described- as “degen-
erated” proper magic occurs during the period of consolidation of Christianity on
Polish territories (from the 12th/13th to the 15th century). This type of magic did
also develop in several forms. The courtly magic could take the form of Christian
worship, where only a few magical acts were included in the scheme of Christian
celebration. In addition, still within its framework, “scientific” magic did develop.
In turn, the rural type of magic took a similar form to today’s so-called “popular
religiosity” or “folk religiosity,” in which there was a mix of two belief systems: the
pre-Christian and Christian ones.
Slavic folk religion has been and still is a heterogeneous and multi-layered phe-
nomenon. A farmer’s magical worldview applied to the sphere of his activity, name-
ly the ground. The most important thing for him was the agricultural calendar. The
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average peasant was practically oriented, but it does not mean that the character
of his cult was purely pragmatic. This religiosity, according to William I. Thomas
and Florian Znaniecki (1976, Vol. I) consisted of 4 elements: the belief in univer-
sal animism, the animation of the entire nature – animatism, the belief in integral
causality, dualism, or the existence of the oppositional order, and worship.
The set of archaeological sources deriving from villages, castles, cemeteries, and
settlement areas presented in the following chapters is an attempt to reconstruct the
then magical thinking. Religious syncretism existing at that time made it impossi-
ble to attempt the separation of magic and religion, for they were empirically braid-
ed, rooted in traditional society, and one can only distinguish them analytically. The
“magical consciousness” of the Early Middle Ages period discussed in this book re-
fers to the type of rural magic and “folk religion.” The essence of folk magic can be
described by dividing it according to the goal of taking specific actions: positive or
negative in the collective’s opinion (or, in other words – from the point of view of ma-
jor social values, which were the life and durability of the group). Such a division is
justified in folk nomenclature: white (healing) and black (spells and charms) magic.
3. The phenomenon of charm and its relationship with

apotropaic magic
The Slavs perceived the world as constant playground for various forces – not only
living beings, but also objects – which they attributed to plants and objects. Apo-
tropaic treatments are actually magical interventions used in circumstances that
posed a threat. Such situations could occur when a charm was cast. The charm
launched the use of protective action, and the fear of the charm inclined to reach
for different kinds of preventive measures. Throwing charms dates back to pre-
Christian times and this practice effectively resisted the Christianization process.
I therefore think that it was one of the major factors triggering the application of
protective measures, especially because Slavic folklore “was being stored” effectively.
According to linguists, the word charm comes from urzec [to charm someone],
and rzec means “speak,” which means that the charm must have been primarily
a spell of words, rather than a spell of eyesight. The charm is sometimes identified
with magical exhalation: wziunąć “tchem obwiać” [to enwrap with one’s breath].
Ethnographic material show that the belief in “evil eyes” was universal among the
Slavs; magical power was attributed to emotions like envy or praise. Those who
had the power to throw charms belonged to the exceptional members of a com-
munity. They knew ways to bring about harm, but also to prevent these spells or
liquidate them.
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The most commonly used protective measures against any kind of danger were
various objects known as talismans and amulets. Some of them shielded against
disease and death, others chased away evil spirits or destroyed harmful spells. The
archaic form of throwing charms in various forms leads to a conjecture that the of-
fering, which actually was a “given” boon, could be a particularly strong apothro-
peion [an item or activity protecting against evil] in the Early Middle Ages. The
phenomenon of giving-offering occurred at moments of importance to the com-
munity, in the circumstances relating to the need to rebuild social relations pre-
vailing in the local group (birth, marriage, funeral). The transfer of the gift levelled
differences, brought the donor and the recipient closer, and alleviated the anxiety
resulting from encounters with the unknown. The oldest and – at the same time –
the most important was the “ritual gift” offered to God (a deity or deities). Among
the Slavs, the offering was originally called obiata, namely “what they have been
promised” or třeba [trzeba, potrzeba – need, necessity], because it was necessary,
consumed, or žertwa [żarcie – food and żyr – grease].
In the Slavic lands sacrifices were known in numerous forms. It was believed that
the sacrifices most gladly accepted by deities were the bloody sacrifices of humans,
animals, and subsequently the offerings of plants and items. Among ancient Slavs
the rite of offering was conducted by żercy, or priests mentioned by written sources.
In Slavic folk culture bloody human sacrifices, usually during the erection of
a building, described as “erecting a building on someone’s head,” were also known.
Over time, human sacrifices were replaced with whole animals or their parts; the
ones most often used for this purpose include cattle, pigs, sheep, birds, and some-
times even wild animals. Offerings were also made of food, honey, plants, anthro-
po- and zoomorphic figurines, and other items. This type of offerings (particularly
exposed in the period of erecting the temple buildings in Połabie [a.k.a. the North
March of the Holy Roman Empire] is likely to be associated with military expedi-
tions. Offerings sacrificed in places of worship were primarily of prophetic char-
acter and decided whether the expedition will result in success or failure.
In the light of the available archaeological sources the offerings from pre-Chris-
tian times are generally divided into foundation offerings and others. Foundation
offerings are the ones made during the erection of new buildings, primarily resi-
dential, as well as sacral and defensive constructions, roads, and bridges. They also
include offerings made during the construction of furnaces and “corners” of the
house, and also at cemeteries, in places of worship, or in the broadly defined “space.”
Both amulets and offerings were an important means in order to reverse
a thrown charm.
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4. Apotropaic magic activities performed at home

The house was a special place for ancient Slavs. It participated in family life and
annual rites, but it also was a reflection of the cosmos. The structure of the house
had therefore nothing to do with randomness. The central place of the house was
occupied by a stove or fireplace, which acted as a centre of the world, or a corner,
pokucie – the seat of ancestral spirits. All actions performed inside the house and
around it bore the hallmarks of magic. These were primarily protective rituals,
designed to protect the inhabitants of the house against other people, animals, or
spirits, as well as against charming eyes, bad words, or gestures. Protective meas-
ures were mostly performed around and inside the house. They can be divided
into three groups:
1. treatments related to the construction of the house;
2. treatments related to the direct protection of its inhabitants and livestock;
3. treatments related to farming and crafting activities.
The protective magic of a house with its inhabitants and livestock was of para-
mount importance. Treatments were also used to ensure the well-being and care
over a specific house and its entire inventory, as well as to ask for a good harvest
and favour for the residents of the house. Without adequate protection, howev-
er, one could not count on the prosperity and happy life in the world of humans,
gods, and demons.
4.1. Apotropaic treatments related to the construction of the house

The construction of a house is a kind of gesta deorum [history of divine actions] that
connected with the creation of the world. Choosing a location for the place of the
house was carefully thought out and characterized as a positive. People searched
for signs that were given by animals or nature. Various kinds of animals (including
dogs, cats, horse and dog skulls, black rooster and/or crow bones), or even coins,
were buried within the foundations or masoned into them.
In the aforementioned examples of foundation offerings one can find echoes of
rites dating back to ancient times. It may be noted that human sacrifice was initially
the most desirable, and that it was subsequently replaced by animal and plant offer-
ings. Other kinds of offerings known from archaeological sources are the ones of
infants, human skulls (Gdańsk, Wolin), animals – with a particular role of horses
– (Czersk, Gdańsk, Opole-Ostrówek, Wolin, Wrocław), aurochs – (Gdańsk, Nakło
nad Notecią, Szczecin, Wolin, Wrocław). Coloured eggs, whole eggs, or eggshells
(including coloured ones), which were buried in the ground in order to feed the
spirits, to ensure their care, as well as to placate demons, were also found (Gdańsk,
Opole Ostrówek). People used substitute offerings for animals – the so-called
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wycinanki (Opole-Ostrówek). Vessels (presumably filled with food) or placed sep-

arately plant products were also a form of offering and nourishment for demons.
An important part of this food were grains, nuts, seeds, bones, and fish scales used
instead of real fish (Gdańsk). Nuts and seeds, like eggs, had the task of absorbing
the forces of evil and containing them inside. Wicker wreaths could also be a spe-
cific form of offering (Gdańsk).
The products of human labour were also included in Early Middle Ages founda-
tion offerings; among them were mostly cart elements, wheels (Opole-Ostrówek and
Wrocław), amber lumps and semi-finished products, as well as a cross and a hammer
of Thor made from the same raw material (Gdańsk), or the so-called wooden “baba”
[woman] with a diagonal cross on its surface found under a beam in house no. 14 in
Opole, and some wooden utensils (Opole). It may be noted that the complex offer-
ings included components from the world of plants, animals, and people. They were
placed in special places: the eastern corner of the house, under the quoin, under the
still plate, under the building, the floor, or the walls (north-eastern, north-western,
and eastern ones), inside the house, beneath the fireplace and next to it, and in two
cases in the cavities, one of which was in close proximity of the fireplace. These of-
ferings were found in layers dating from 9th to the beginning of the 14th century.
4.2. The negative role of the threshold

Together with the door, the threshold co-created a part of the border between the
two fragments of space. It was placed in a point where the continuity of the bound-
ary was breached. The importance of the threshold resulted from its dual nature:
the separation of spaces and the chance to move between the two created areas. In
symbolic thinking, the threshold could be identified (and metonymically replaced)
with the critical points that occur when switching between two states of affairs (e.g.
nature/culture, night/day) or personal statuses (e.g. childhood/adolescence, single/
married). Being a fraction of the boundary and the exponent of its crossing, the
threshold had the characteristics of a border area, and therefore it was ontologi-
cally insecure. And so, because every crossing of the border was related to the risk
of contacting the undifferentiated chaos of the underworld, or with touching the
sacred, the threshold required special protection and the ritualistic behaviours.
The significance of the threshold in family rituals is quite clearly written in eth-
nographic material. The threshold was one of the important elements of weddings
or deaths, pregnant women were isolated from it. This boundary of the house did
also need magical treatments. Apotropaic actions were also related to the thresh-
olds of cowsheds and stables. The main motive of these activities was burying ani-
mals, coins, and/or unbaptized children underneath the threshold, or laying axes,
garlic, brooms, knives, and/or herbs braided in a wreath on its surface.
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Very few historical documents also describe the role of the threshold among
Early Middle Ages Slavs. According to archaeological sources, its protective role
(and, at the same time, protection over the whole house) can be confirmed by an
auroch’s skull found in Gdańsk (circa 1230-1255), which was found near the south-
eastern wall of a house, placed in parallel with it, in an alley between two hous-
es; it could have been nailed to the top of the house as a hunting trophy. Wreaths
made of twigs and hair could also fulfil an apotropaic function. A large number of
wreaths made of phloem (9 pieces) was found during excavations in Gdańsk and
Wolin. They were found on the streets, the square, and the vicinity of house walls
in Early Middle Ages Gdańsk. Willow wreaths from Wolin were found near a wat-
tle-and-daub house wall. In a nearby house some collections of wreaths placed on
a corner peg were also found1. The wattle-and-daub buildings were built in the 11th
and 12th centuries (Filipowiak 1979, p. 118; 1993, p. 36). They were 5 to 10 cm in
diameter and were made of willow (Filipowiak 1993, p. 36). A wicker wreath was
in turn found in Szczecin inside a log cabin dating back to the first half of the 12th
century (Cnotliwy, Leciejewicz, Łosiński 1983, p. 134-135; Kowalska 2010). Identi-
cal wicker wreaths were present in Slavic buildings in Lund (Filipowiak 1993, p. 37).
A possibly apotropaic meaning is connected with wreaths found in Gdańsk,
Szczecin, and Wolin that were made of different materials, including horsehair.
The incompleteness of archaeological material relating to the Early Middle Ages
period does not allow to determine the exact role of this part of the house in apo-
tropaic treatments. Deliberately omitted in this work is the ban on sweeping gar-
bage over the threshold (the broom was treated as a cleanser), which is evident
in ethnographic sources. According to Slavic beliefs the broom, when set on the
threshold of a house or barn, defended the entrance against witches and protect-
ed from evil eyes.
4.3. The symbolic role of the hearth

The important part of the house was a place used for preparing meals and getting
warm. According to ethnographic sources, the stove is a common component of
beliefs and rituals. It was clearly a developed form of the hearth in the form of
a fireplace and as such will continue to be considered, because fire was an insepa-
rable companion of existence. Stanislaw Ciszewski assigned the following func-
tions to the hearth:
1. it was a social environment and as such it merged individuals into a solidary
group of people;
1
They were interpreted as a foundation offering (Filipowiak 1993, p. 36, pic. 23).
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2. it was a symbol of life and existence;

3. it was a form of altar, and as such was an intermediary between a group of peo-
ple and the spirits of their ancestors and the extrasensory world (Ciszewski,
1903, pp. 177-178).
The hearth discussed in this chapter has been treated in two ways: as a sym-
bol of family life and spiritual life. The hearth constituted an integral part of life
for a man and his family. It connected them to the extent that any important event
was associated with it. In turn, the hearth manifested itself in spiritual life as the
eternal worship of fire, seen as a god who must be adored. I am aware that this is
an artificial division, but the clear application of it will help “organize” apotropaic
magic activities connected with the cult of the hearth.
The fireplace or stove were a symbolic centre of family life, around which re-
sided the guardian spirits of ancestors. Rituals associated with the hearth, which
are the expression of a particular respect, have been observed in ethnographic ma-
terial. The most archaic of them is the habit of “feeding” the fire, guardian spirits,
clan, and family. These treatments are also confirmed by written sources, which
speak about demons of destiny and a house spirit called uboże, which had to be
taken care of by leaving food in right places. Also the available archaeological ma-
terial of the Early Middle Ages allows to confirm the submission of different types
of bloody and bloodless offerings near the stove and fireplaces.
Both atmospheric fire and the earthly one had sacred value, because the effect
of contacting with them was the dissolution of all shapes, or, as a result, the liq-
uidation of the opposition that characterized human oecumene: beginning-end,
light-dark, right-left, and so on. This fire also had to be tamed by applying appro-
priate apotropaic treatments, which in this case took the form of prohibitions or
commands with regard to handling fire. On the other hand fire, ashes, charcoal, or
smoke were quite commonly believed to have purifying and protective powers. In
the light of archaeological sources the worship of a deified fire within the house is
probably the most difficult to detect. Over the centuries magical rites related to the
worship of fire have changed. Perhaps the two vessels (from Wyszogród near War-
saw and Radzim, Greater Poland Voivodeship) with special lightning-shaped and
figural engravings on them were used during the protective magic rituals.
4.4. The apotropaic role of the fire burning in the home and its
relationship with the cults of ancestors
The role of sacred fire in ancestral worship, which is reflected in the naming of a par-
ticular type of demons or presenting them as snakes, should also be emphasized. It
was believed that they lived in different places inside the house: the penance corner,
stove, or the attic. There are many examples recorded in ethnographic sources of
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how the inhabitants cared about the deceased ancestors that haunted their living
relatives during different seasons. Not only did the living left them food and drinks,
in some regions they prepared some water and a towel and lit fires.
Written sources also mention representing deceased ancestors in the form of
small wooden figurines. Single- and multi-facial wooden idols are known from ex-
cavations in Wolin, Szczecin, Gniew; anthropomorphic figurines were also carved
from antlers (Szczecin, Biskupin), amber (Wolin), tree bark (Opole), skin (Opole),
and bronze (Wolin, Zakroczym near Modlin). Phallic-shaped idols were also ex-
tracted from wells in Łęczyca as well as the settlement layers in Wrocław or Wolin.
4.5. Apotropaic treatments performed during household and crafting

activities
The house as a place of work required a lot of magical treatments – including pro-
tective ones – to ensure the safety of its residents and prosperity of the farmyard.
Each production activity was probably closely associated with adequate magical
rites. Magical acts, according to the manufacturer, could decide on the final result
of the production and the effects of work. Magical activities carried out during the
production process consisted probably of symbolic gestures, words, or marks per-
formed on a variety of household objects. It is probable that objects with magical
qualities were also used during production. Each of these symbolic actions was
closely intertwined, so that it was difficult to distinguish when a mechanical action
began and a magical action ended during the production process. People probably
were mostly afraid of enchantments and evil forces, which were present everywhere,
at any time of year, day or night. Preventive measures were therefore commonly
used. These were items or plants with “defensive characteristics,” for example:
1. sharp – thorns, needles, blackthorns, wild roses, hawthorns, junipers, thistles,
and other items with sharp ends – e.g. knifes, axes, tusks, horns, claws, teeth;
2. noisy – ringing, squeaking, buzzing, rattling, and others;
3. shining – shiny stones, metals, glass;
4. stinging – e.g. nettle;
5. intoxicating – e.g. wild rosemary;
6. bitter – e.g. wormwood;
7. causing disgust – e.g. animal faeces or dung
In protective magic connected with daily work people used items – “repellers” –
which, because of their symbolism, contained negative features and acted negatively.
Items with the above mentioned features were also present during the Early Mid-
dle Ages, as evidenced by a huge amount of archaeological sources. Amulets were
the most commonly used protective measures known from ethnographic material
(which was reflected in the excavation material from the Early Middle Ages). The
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main features of an amulet were: universality, versatility, and visibility. An amulet

had to be universal, i.e. its form and the content it carried had to be evident to eve-
ryone. The role of amulets of animal, plant, or man-made origin is also attested by
written texts as well as numerous examples of Slavic folk culture.
Amulets are common findings at Medieval excavation sites, which may indi-
cate their widespread use among the Slavs. It is likely, however, that an amulet pro-
tecting against evil eyes, witchcraft, etc. could be basically any item that, when ap-
propriately utilized, served its role once or several times, since (as it was believed)
they never lost their properties and power. This “multiple use” amulet was usually
passed down from generation to generation. Objects with apotropaic features in-
cluded: animal bones, beads made of cherry pits or bladdernut, as well as moss, be-
lemnites, mica flakes strung on a cord, discs made of various materials, pendants
made of graphite slate, pine bark, lead, elderberry twigs, and coins. Star-shaped
objects made of glazed clay or metal could also be amulets (Table 9).
Amulets worn around the neck were often hidden in pouches and kaptorga con-
tainers. In the Early Medieval Period amulet-carrying pouches were made of fab-
rics like wool or silk, or leather (Table 10), while kaptorga containers were made
of metal (tin, copper, silver, bronze) (Table 11).
In pre-Christian times the most common form of man-made amulets was a knot.
The magic of binding and unbinding was used in every major point in human lives,
but above all it was connected with fertility; for this reason it was dubbed “Alc-
mene’s magic.” Archaeological material includes a number of examples of the knot
as a protective measure, but single items described without the ritual context do not
reveal the essence of magical rituals. It should be noted that previously reported
findings of wreaths and their location, suggesting the protection of the house and
its inhabitants, can be an example of the knot (braided twigs) and circle (circular
shape) being used at the same time. Rings, necklaces, etc., which could also be a spe-
cific form of the knot, are not included in this analysis of archaeological material.
The motif of closing was often associated with making an adequate mark. The
most popularly used for this purpose was the sign of the cross, which prevented
evil powers from entering, and thus protected the item and its owner. Rituals con-
nected with the sign of the cross (which is currently associated with Christian cul-
ture, but probably dates back to pagan times), concerning for example the work of
potters, who, prior to starting their work at the wheel necessarily had to make the
sign of the cross over their workplace, are also noted in the ethnographic material.
The presence of the cross and its variants on various items from the Early Middle
Ages is an evidence of its widespread use (Tables 12, 13, 14). It did also often act as
a boundary or mining symbol (Silesian Beskids), as both a sign of belonging and
protection. Crosses were found on Early Medieval led seals (ołowianki), which were
presumably used for marking goods by a buyer; marks in the form of the swastika
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and the cross, among other symbols, are known from eastern Polish territories
(Drohiczyn). Spindle whorls, wooden toy horses (Nakło nad Notecią, Opole), and
a holder made of antlers (Wiślica) were also marked in this fashion. Another ex-
ample of double faith and, at the same time, of magical use of the cross in protec-
tive magic are crosses found in layers dating from the 8th to the 13th century, with
straight shoulders made of amber (Chmielno, Gdańsk, Wolin), stone (Będkowice),
slate (Czermno, Drohiczyn) pink stone (Drohiczyn), pinewood (Gdańsk, Opole), or
limestone (Opole). Of particular note is the content of a sack from Gdańsk, found
in a layer dated to the beginning of the 12th century, which, apart from an amber
cross fragment, contained an amulet in the form of a beaver incisor and a strand of
red threads. A set of pagan attributes occurring together with Christian ones con-
firms, according to most researchers, the co-existence of symbols from two differ-
ent ideologies of belief. A similar interpretation can be ascribed to the presence of
an amber cross next to a Thor’s Hammer found in a house in a layer dating back
to the turn of 10th and 11th centuries (980-1000), or close to a beaver incisor from
a 11th century layer (1045-1065).
The colour red, which was eagerly mentioned in ethnographic sources, had also
an apotropaic meaning. An example of the use of red dye are the aforementioned
two woollen sacks from Gdańsk. One of them contained an amulet from a beaver
incisor, a fragment of a decorated amber cross, and a strand of red threads. Red as
a colour of magic is also present on ceramic painted eggs, which were mainly re-
lated to graveyards (Brześć Kujawski, Lutomiersk) and Slavic gords (Gniezno), as
well as on eggshells (Opole).
Sharp-ended items used for apotropaic reasons were mainly axes or knifes. In
the Middle Ages those objects probably played a large role in apotropaic activities.
Katalog magii Rudolfa [Rudolf ’s catalogue of magic, part of Summa de Confesionis
Discretione] contains records of using axes by midwives or inserting iron to a bath
after baptism. Sharp iron objects in the Early Middle Ages were probably also used
in protective magic. It is proven by some artefacts, like miniature hatchets, axes, or
Thor’s Hammers, which probably took over the properties of the original, combin-
ing magic power with daily functions like cutting or chopping. They were made
of different materials: iron, copper, silver, wood, or amber (Cieszyn, Drohiczyn,
Gdańsk, Kruszwica, Łęczyca, Łupawa, Siemienice, Wolin).
In the described set of items with apotropaic attributes a special role should be
attributed to the ones with a spherical shape. The circle and sphere as symbols of
excellence were essential figures of serving the purpose of spatial subordination of
the world. Creating a circle closed a space, protecting it from evil. Houses, farms,
and fields were encircled in order to protect everything inside and ensure pros-
perity. This action had apotropaic value, but physically existing circles were con-
sidered to be definitely better. The circular shape found its use of magic in items
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related to apotropaic magic. The above mentioned amulets in the shape of circu-
lar pendants (made of different materials: bark, wood, metal) would provide mag-
ical protection when worn closely. The sphere connects with the symbolism of the
circle. Through a combination of an infinite number of circles it creates a perfect
division for interior and exterior, and thus allows, as it was believed, the magic
to be affective. The main attribute of the sphere was its “fullness,” which was also
identified with fertility. The sphere had infinite bestowing possibilities, as infinite
(ideal) as was the spherical shape itself. The use of spherical objects therefore had
to serve a purpose in apotropaic treatments. Their role was to symbolically fence
the world of good from the world of evil, thus banning entry to demonic powers.
Eggs and their substitutes (coloured eggs and rattles – which also, as a symbol of
new life, could have double magical value) were perfect designates of sphericity.
The same function was sometimes served by vessels and other objects of circular
shape, such as beads, nuts, round fruit pips, seeds, or grains.
The special protective role of eggs and coloured eggs in family and livestock rites
is reflected in ethnographic material and written sources. Eggs were painted yel-
low, green, red, and black and prieviously they were coloured red, blue, and black.
Eggshells and clay substitutes of coloured eggs are also known from archaeologi-
cal excavations, settlements, and forts dating from the Early Middle Ages. Glazed
ceramic eggs, some of them containing a stone inside, had clear ornaments in the
form of fastening buckles or short horizontal omnidirectional arcs, as well as sig-
moidal characters (Czermno, Gniezno, Kruszwica, Opole–Ostrówek, Poznań,
Wrocław), wavy lines (Radom, Kruszwica), straight lines (Opole-Ostrówek, Sand-
omierz), straight and wavy vertical lines (Czacz), horizontal lines dashed with ver-
tical grooves (Karnice, Przemęt), or intersecting lines (Opole Ostrówek).
Noisemaking objects are also believed to have an apotropaic role. Silence and
noise are two opposite forms of existence. Silence, as the contrary of orderly sound,
belongs to one of the basic (just like darkness and stillness) metonymic represen-
tations of death; noise, being a kind of “wild” and unstructured racket, belongs
to another world. Rattles, knockers, and various types of bells were used as repel-
lers. It was believed that ghosts were afraid of iron and other metals, as well as the
sounds produced by them.
In the Early Middle Ages noisemaking items were probably used more often.
From archaeological sources one can single out different objects fulfilling this func-
tion. These include rattles, bells, and bell-shaped pendants as well as musical in-
struments: hetkas, fifes, whistles, flutes, and other aerophones and idiophones. The
role played by them has not yet been defined clearly by researchers. Some scien-
tists attribute them (based on ethnographic analogies) with additional features of
toys and musical instruments. It should be noted that various kinds of noisemaking
objects are known from Early Medieval settlements and towns, namely glazed or
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not-glazed ceramic rattles of different forms and shapes with or without bumps and
in the form of bottles, pears, barrels, or ovoids. The majority of items from this pe-
riod were produced on pottery wheels; their production was similar to the produc-
tion of pottery. Almost all specimens were made of white, well-fired clay and were
often decorated with pricked, dotted, or horizontal wavy ornaments (only at the
top of the rattle). They were presumably manufactured in local workshops. Some-
times their origin, like the origin of coloured eggs, is connected with Kievan Rus’.
The archaeological material also contains “bells” in the form of pendants with
round eyelets (e.g. Giecz, Kruszwica), egg-shaped eyelets (Drohiczyn, Ogrodniki),
in the shape of a pyramid on a square base (Łęczyca), semi-circular, or as flat, rec-
tangular specimens (Table 22). They were made primarily of bronze, occasionally
of silver. The opening at the lower part is predominantly cross-shaped, and occa-
sionally it forms a vertical line. Some of the bells are decorated with an ornament
in the lower and/or middle part. They occur over a large area and in wide chron-
ological boundaries.
Among the items closely associated with apotropaic magic are probably also
those which aim was to protect the manufacturer and his work. Together with
signs and gestures they created a magical procedure, which had an impact on the
proper course of the creative process. The ethnographic material provides many
examples of commands and prohibitions that had to be performed during differ-
ent stages of production. Each of the elements was important: the manufacturer,
place, time, and semi-finished products. These commands and prohibitions did
also “aid” items that served functions not limited to “magical” ones. These objects
resembled the shapes of produced items. Miniatures (usually preserved only frag-
mentarily) of: circles, rings, wire-spoked wheels, canoes, small tables, and vessels
are known from archaeological sources. Together with rattles, axes, and figures of
birds and other animals they were treated as toys. Another category of everyday
items that were probably used in craftsmanship-related protective magic are those
with the signs of the cross or the like. The next group are the amulets worn in order
to avoid actions of evil forces towards the manufacturer and his product. The last
category includes items having the character of substitute offerings, which aimed
to ensure the craftsman’s success and prevent any failure.
Some miniature objects that mimic large copies and were generally regarded as
toys draw particular attention in the archaeological material. Items not discussed
widely in this paper, such as miniature spindle whorls, cups, shovels, troughs, cart
axles, vessels, child swords, arrowheads or animal figures, are known from exca-
vations dating to the Early Medieval Period. They were mostly made of wood or
bark. These include miniature canoes (Table 23). The small boats from Opole and
Gdańsk are mostly unfinished, as opposed to canoes from West Pomerania. A large
number of semi-finished products or deliberately destroyed copies can attest that
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these items were produced in Opole, and then sold outside the gord. Those that
were finished very carefully resemble the appearance of the originals. On the oth-
er hand, small boats made of bark from West Pomerania were made of floats that
were previously used and often damaged (Wolin, Szczecin). Other artefacts includ-
ed in this category were the earlier discussed so-called zoomorphic cut-outs, which
were leather scraps stylized in the shape of an animal and were found only at two
sites: in Gdańsk and Opole, of which the vast majority were discovered in Opole
(see Tables 1, 3). Some of them were found in layers on streets, in a pile of garbage,
or inside the houses (in the corners). Zoomorphic cut-outs have been interpreted
as substitute gifts depicting the animals people were asking for, they could also be
associated with substitute offerings, or they could be related to productive magic.
Amber amulets in the form of shoe-shaped pendants (Gdańsk, Wolin) could also
serve a role in magical treatments.
The above presented archaeological material points to a diversity of objects used
in protective magic, for it was not enough to apply protective actions against the
homestead and the people living in it – the cattle and the entire inventory also re-
quired protection. Treatments were constantly repeated, their impact was perhaps
amplified by adding other, “stronger” magic formulas with the help of different
words and gestures that are elusive for archaeological methods. It is likely, howev-
er, that protective measures were embedded in the everyday and festive life of the
inhabitants of a Medieval settlement or gord.
5. Apotropaic role of magic rites performed in the cemetery

The act of death, which is the end of physical life, was also the beginning of a new
life. But before the dead could arrive to the land beyond, the living must take
appropriate ritual activities. According to the ethnographic sources, death in the
family or community “was starting earlier.” People believed in various harbingers
and prepared for the trip to the afterlife on their basis. The land where the dead
went was a specific realm of the sacred. On the one hand the deceased, as exclu-
ded from the world of the living, became a stranger to the other members of the
family, and on the other hand a series of treatments aimed at maintaining ties with
the deceased was performed. In the Slavic tradition the afterlife was defined as naẃ
i raj [paradise], but the location of this land was left undetermined: beyond the
seven mountains, at the other bank of the river, or beyond the sea. There is almost
no evidence that West Slavs located the land of the dead on the other side of large
water reservoirs. The archaeological research did note, however, the relative proxi-
mity of the cremation burial grounds to rivers, streams, and other natural bodies
of water – an average of 200-600 meters.
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Before the deceased went to the land of the dead, the living had to farewell him
with dignity, but also remain vigilant, for the dead could harm them. A number
of protective measures was used at that time. Based on ethnographic descriptions,
similar rituals could be performed in the Early Middle Ages.
5.1. Apotropaic symbols of deceased in the rites of passage

The preservation of protective measures was especially important in the rites of
passage. If one considers burial rituals from this point of view, it is consequently
possible to isolate and characterize several forms of social passages related to the
change of status of individual groups and people. This applies to the deceased and
his or her soul, the immediate family and relatives as well as the community with
which the deceased was connected. Belonging to a state – the original status of
which the deceased is to be excluded – is the starting form (1). Afterwards is the
exclusion from the hitherto state – the separation (2). The middle phase is mar-
ginal, it is characterized by adherence to the “abnormal” (3). Inclusion with the
new status (aggregation) is the penultimate stage (4), and the final one is affiliation
to the new state (5).
5.2. General characteristics of the burial rite in the Middle Ages

Burial rites, or the set of religious practices associated with death and the body of
the deceased, belong to the universal behaviour shared by all human societies since
the Palaeolithic period. The tradition of choosing the resting place of the deceased,
as some researchers note, is a supracultural one, for it is continuously present despite
the ongoing changes in material culture. Examples of this kind can be also indi-
cated in other cultures, even prehistoric ones. The “secular” space was at the time
transformed into “sacred” one, according to the archetype of sacralisation of space.
Different forms of burial, including cremation, biritual, and skeletal, existed
during the Early Medieval Period. In Polish territories the cremation ritual oc-
curred on a larger scale in the Pre-Lusatian culture and the Trzciniec culture in
Period II of the Bronze Age; it was, however, encountered earlier in Late Neolith-
ic and Early Bronze Age cultures. Cremation is considered typical for Early Mid-
dle Ages Slavic burial rites; there are three phases of functioning. The Slavic and
primordial characters of cremation are mentioned in Arabic, Russian, and Ger-
man sources. The construction of graves in the cremation rite could have impor-
tance in apotropaic magic. The most commonly construction “used” in protective
treatments seems to be the barrow design, which relates both to the symbolism
of the wheel and the sacred mountain. Constructing a barrow was equivalent
to performing the following steps: separation of cemetery land for the barrow,
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performing the ceremony required by the rite, and raising a soil or stone mound.
Trenches around barrows were found on Early Middle Ages cemeteries, but their
function has not yet been recognized. Four types of wooden construction have
been identified in the barrow structure: 1. stacks, 2. chambers (chests), 3. fences,
4. structures situated near the barrow or on its surface (also stone-made ones).
These structures were attributed with magical function, because they were the
“symbolic closing of the grave,” and thus they fenced the dead from the world of
evil powers or from the world of the living, acting as an effective insulation. An
interesting example of a “magical fence” are the five mounds in Krzętle. It was
noticed that, prior to constructing the embankment, a ploughing ritual was used
at the place of the future grave, the remains of which were spiral circles ringed
outside by a closed circle.
The transition to burying unburned remains on Polish soil took place very
slowly since the beginning of the 11th century, so for a period of almost 150 years
there were two parallel types of burials. The so-called “houses of the dead” were
found on cemeteries in the Pomeranian region (northern Połabie and Western
Pomerania in contemporary Poland). These were usually quite extensive and
deep cavities with a circular, oval, or quadrangular shape, sometimes with en-
trances recessed in the ground . The lower part was usually culturally scarce and
the upper one was marked by a layer consisting of burning with charcoals and
fractions of burned human bones. A repetitive feature of this type of objects was
the presence of individual stones or boulders, a skeletal grave, or traces of suc-
cessive burning. The “houses of the dead” motif appeared also in the construc-
tion of cremation barrows. This idea was known in the Indo-European tradition.
From the above mentioned materials it appears that the concept of “houses of
the dead” – Totenhäuser – can manifest itself in both barrows of quadrangular
shape and flat Alt Käbelich burials.
Skeletal burials appeared in the Early Middle Ages at the beginning of the 11th
century. In its initial phase, that is to say for approximately one and a half centu-
ry, they occurred in parallel with cremation burials, like for example at cemeter-
ies in Końskie, Lutomiersk, or Wolin. Skeletal burials on Polish territories func-
tioned in two main stages. The first one lasted from the 11th century to the first
half of the 12th century and was characterized by the presence of “churchyard”
and “non-churchyard” burials that were flat or in the form of barrows. The sec-
ond phase (called the parochial stage) began substantially in the mid-12th centu-
ry and lasted, according to some researchers, as long as to the early 19th century.
It is believed that the non-churchyard burials contained many features that were
pre-Christian; they were created on hills and uplands. The deceased at the skeletal
cemeteries of the Early Medieval Period was usually buried in the supine position
with straightened arms and legs.
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5.3. Sacral power of the deceased

According to ethnographic sources, material remains such as clothing or equi-
pment could be a result associated with the undertaken apotropaic activities. Ar-
chaeological material concerning outfits given to the deceased is preserved only in
vestigial form. It is difficult to say whether the fragments that were left are parts of
the garments of the deceased, or rather the shroud in which the body was wrap-
ped. All activities related to the dead were performed in order to fulfil a particular
goal. Gifts were inserted before closing the tomb and raising the mound. There
are three main categories of objects given to the deceased. The first one were the
items directly related to the deceased person that were his or her property, which
could consist of clothing, adornments, and items related to his or her profession,
weapons, tools. The second category of items was related to the burial rite, those
were usually offerings in the form of pottery remains, food leftovers, and other
items that are difficult to identify, such as wreaths or shavings that were the result
of coffin-making. The third category are incidental items which did not belong
to the original equipment. Multiple reasons for equipping the dead are present in
ethnographic descriptions and written messages.
In the light of materials from archaeological research the equipment of the de-
ceased could be divided into four categories. The first category includes items con-
nected with the outfit of the deceased (clothing, ornaments, and those having pos-
sibly a relation to the profession and social status of the deceased), the second one:
objects-gifts for the deceased from his or her family and the residents of the settle-
ment. The third category of equipment are items that were with the deceased (or
inside him/her) as a result of using special, additional steps of a symbolic nature.
The fourth and last category are items relevant to the active cult of the dead or an-
cestor worship. Unfortunately, it is often difficult to distinguish which gift was not
part of the direct equipment of the deceased and assess the type of apothropeion
on the basis of archaeological data.
The present study presents amulets, kaptorga containers, crosses, coins, eggs,
painted eggs, rattles, and selected items from the funerary inventory occurring
only occasionally at cemeteries (such as needles, awls, sickles, hetkas, bell-shaped
pendants, belemnites, quern stones, nuts, and the like). They relate to the previ-
ously reported findings that were combined with apotropaic treatments performed
within the household. Like the previous ones, they were characterized by: sharp-
ness, noisiness, sphericity, and the like. They could be, in the Author’s opinion, the
most glaring example of the possibility of applying apotropaic treatments by the
Slavs in the cemeteries during the Early Middle Ages.
Pottery originating from Medieval cemeteries (particularly skeletal ones) was lo-
cated in the burial pit or beyond it. Pottery coming from the pit will be the concern
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of these considerations. Among the vessels originating from skeletal cemeteries one
can distinguish: vessels of small size, usually poorly made (such vessels were the
most popular ones in Silesian graves; Wachowski 1975, p. 46), then are the vessels
purposefully resembling ceramics, kitchen pots known from settlements and gords,
buckets, and bowls. They were placed individually in the legs of the deceased, occa-
sionally at the height of the shoulders. Sporadically, more than one vessel is encoun-
tered in the pit (Stradowie VI, one vessel was placed on the legs, and the other at the
height of the skeleton’s right forearm; Zoll-Adamikowa 1971, p. 109). Sometimes
they were also placed in the vicinity of the hand (Gruczno). It was also concluded
that some vessels bear no signs of use (Strzemieszyce). It is very possible that they
were used only for ceremonial purposes – hence their small size – in a similar fash-
ion and with the abidance of adequate commands and prohibitions that the posthu-
mous shirts were sewn. Wooden buckets with iron fittings occurred much less fre-
quently than clay pots (e.g. Wolin, Osiek, Kłokoczyce). Sometimes they coexisted in
mass graves with other vessels (e.g. Kałdus). Bronze or wooden bowls were rarely
found in graves (e.g. Wolin, Kałdus). Bronze bowls are often attributed with func-
tions related to Christian liturgy. Meals (in the form of animal organs) and drinks
for the deceased could be placed inside the vessels originating from the graves.
In addition to entire vessels, there were also fragments thereof inside grave pits.
It is believed that these were the remains from the funeral feasts that took place
above the open grave. Things like fragments of vessels, animal bones, and burnt
coals from the fires on the grave or in its near vicinity were then getting inside
during the grave’s backfilling. It has been reported that items were sometimes in-
tentionally destroyed or placed upside down, which is particularly noticeable in
cremation barrows. These actions were taken so, firstly, the deceased could do no
harm (especially regarding weapons), secondly – to release the soul of the object
(for the idem to “die”), and thirdly – to resemble objects in order of them to func-
tion in the afterlife: because everything there is reversed (things are damaged, in-
complete, belong to the underworld).
5.4. The so-called unusual burials as a result of apotropaic treatments

Magical protective measures performed at cemeteries did probably concern not
only the equipment and construction of graves. At the cemeteries from the period
in question one can meet burials that are unusual when compared to others. These
are the so-called vampire graves as well as empty burials and partial ones. Their de-
sign may provide a special form of caring for the dead, which forced the living into
this unusual behaviour. Empty burials include those which do not contain human
bones within the grave pit, and partial ones are those with only single bones with-
in the grave pit. Partial burials are the one that, after their discovery, contain only
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Summar y
a part of the skeleton. Empty burials, the so-called cenotaphs, occurred quite spo-
radically at cremation cemeteries, as exemplified by the alleged barrow no. 23 from
Świelubie and (not fully confirmed), the Białowieża Forest, or Kornatki (where no
clear signs of cremation were found, while the inventory of the graves – bone frag-
ments, iron, and ceramic artefacts – occurred in the external horizon of the burial).
Partial burials consist mainly of skulls found in the burial pits (Psary). At the cem-
etery in Ulejno, in one of the tombs a skull was buried that had been enclosed with
stones first. Headless skeletons did also sometimes occur (Cedynia, Wolin). Perhaps
“they were the bodies of those killed in battle, who had their heads (or other mem-
bers) cut off during the fight, possibly taken by the opposing party as a trophy, or the
graves of criminals, convicted for the offense committed and mutilated or decapitat-
ed accordingly, or finally the results of some ritual practices” (Rajewski 1937, p. 57).
Such burials are explained as bloody sacrifices associated with the cult of fertility.
Another type of unusual burials occurring at the Early Medieval cemeteries
were the graves of vampires. Faith in them was born out of fear of the deceased,
who were suspected to harm the living. The identification of the burials of this
kind, however, raises emotions and controversy despite numerous hints from Slav-
ic folklore. In light of the materials from the Early Medieval skeletal graves it can
be seen that there were many ways to neutralize the evil deceased (Table 28). Their
juxtaposition (Table I) reveals many similarities in the application of anti-vampire
practices recorded in folklore and among Slavs before the adoption of Christian-
ity. The dead suspected of vampirism was placed away from others, usually on the
outskirts of the cemetery or in other border places. They were placed on the side
or on the abdomen, with limbs tied down, and bodies covered with stones. Anti-
vampire practices in the case of cremation burials consisted of throwing certain
items inside the urn, flipping it upside down, or pressing it with stones.
5.5 Protective treatments performed around graves

Following the submission of the deceased to the grave and equipping him or her
with the right items was the subsequent part of the funeral ceremony. The name
strawa [pabulum] – used at the earliest in the description Attila’s funeral (454 A.D.)
by Jordanus, and since the 16th century known as stypa [wake] – is a term for the
banquet carried on with relatives and other participants of the funeral, the impor-
tant role of which is attested by a number of ethnographic records. Feasting with
the dead took place several times a year during precisely defined days. Celebra-
tions took place both at home and in the cemetery. Specially prepared foods were
consumed, people arranged races and amusements, burned lights, prepared baths.
This type of habits is described by historical sources not only from the Middle Ages,
but also from later times.
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Summar y
Archaeological material confirms the usage of magical treatments at cemeteries

(Table 30). They were linked to the rituals of Zaduszki [All Souls’ Day] performed at
specific times by family members. The material vestiges of such rites are the hearth
and fireplaces, the remains of animal bones, animal burials, and non-burial clusters
of ceramics. Vessels could be placed in the grave for numerous reasons. It is possi-
ble that they were a gift to the deceased. Such vessels, as it was mentioned earlier,
were usually set in the legs, and rarely at the head of the deceased. In turn, frag-
ments of pottery found in the burial pit and beyond could be material remains of
a ritualistic feast or unspecified sacrificial activities (Starogród).
Elaborate funeral rites that occur in Slavic folklore suggest, however, a quite
strongly rooted obligation to perform certain tasks around the deceased, which
probably dates back to pre-Christian times. Perhaps the vessel buried in a cavity
between graves from the Starogród cemetery is another archaeological attestation
of this phenomenon.
It can be thus assumed that giving a gift (also in the form of grave deposits that
are considered a case of the broadly defined exchange of goods) was from the ear-
liest times a special moral requirement, which in some communities resulted from
the perception and valorisation of divinity itself. In the context of death the gift is
associated primarily with the equipment of the tomb/deceased: the clothing and
body ornaments, tools and insignia, valuables, and, above all, the food and money
being the viaticum on the way to afterlife. The gift submitted to the grave could de-
termine different types of relationships with the living, furthermore the dead (and
substantially the fact of his or her death) resulted in granting a gift or some for-
tune to the living. Traces of the original forms of gifts-inheritances manifest them-
selves in the group of words generated by the Indo-European lexeme leikw- “leave.”
In the light of archaeological material it is possible to talk about the functioning of
extensive funeral rites both in the Medieval cremation and skeletal cemeteries, despite
the fact that there was a whole range of apotropaic treatments, some of which did not
leave perceptible archaeological traces. It cannot be ruled out that most items that
are considered to be the burial equipment played precisely an apotropaic function.
6. Apotropaic magical actions in Slavic places of worship
6.1. General characteristics of Slavic places of worship

Apotropaic treatments could also have been carried out in places of worship. Offer-
ings made there could also have a protective aspect. Slavic places of worship gen-
erally can be divided into “open” and closed ones. “Open” sanctuaries are a special
512

Summar y
area created in nature, which mostly focused around a tree or forest/grove (Tables
II and III), water, on elevated ground, around a stone, or within a circle. Closed
sanctuaries are mainly temples and the so-called cult halls, which in addition to sa-
cred functions also served public functions.
It is often difficult to find material traces of worship in places where the object
of worship was a sacred stone, tree, source, or any other specific location, which
thereby often makes such places completely elusive for archaeological prospec-
tion. Sacred trees, water, rocks, and mountains as places of pagan worship did
never function separately. The “microcosmic landscape” was limited over the
years to only one (the most important) of these elements – the tree or the sacred
pole. In the end, the tree itself expresses the whole universe, incarnating in the
seemingly static form the “power” of the Cosmos, its life and the ability of pe-
riodic renewal.
In the light of archaeological sources, among the Slavs this regularity revolved
around patterns: water-stone-tree or mountain(tree)-stone-water, and although
each element was marked by power in its own right, only when set together did
they constitute the cosmic unity and order. A holy place could never lack a tree
(column), which with its periodic regeneration expressed the belief in a certain or-
der of life. In turn, the stone imagined reality in the form of indestructibility and
durability. Where the landscape was supplemented by water, determining hidden
possibilities and the seeds of purification appeared.
Different types of fences, embankments, stone circles, and trenches located on
elevated points in the field played an important function in the holy place. Slav-
ic sanctuaries were open squares shaped in different ways, often with statues and
other symbols of deities (e.g. Jazdów, Płock) or a grove. Trees, water, or stones were
often found within them (Castle Hill at Lake Żarnowieckie).
The oldest word describing a temple is the Russian chram [shrine] (saved in
the 11th century script “Remembrance and praise of Prince Vladimir”); this word
could also describe a Catholic or Orthodox church, as well as a house, a hut, or
a room – it never described open spaces. The word kącina (mentioned for the
first time in the 12th century) comes from the word “angle,” or determining one’s
house or apartment. “The Czech word kutina and Bulgarian kъtina represent the
hut” (Słupecki 1994a, p. 48).
Slavic cult buildings covered with roofs can be divided into temples and cult
halls. Temples, such as the one dedicated to Svetovid in Arkona (Saxo Grammati-
cus, XIV, 824; also 842), were surrounded by strong taboos and were apartments
of the gods available only for priests. The faithful gathered at the gates. Cult halls –
like the kąciny of lesser importance in Szczecin which were mentioned by Herbord
(II, 32) – served as places for both cult and secular gatherings, and feasts for the
tribal elite. Similar structures were also described in sagas.
513

Summar y
Pre-Christian structures discovered in Gniezno, Wolin, or at Chełmska Moun-

tain near Koszalin raise a lot of speculation, but they are interpreted by some schol-
ars as places of worship. From the excavation on Cathedral Island in Wrocław
comes a carved wooden board, which – together with a discovered structure – in-
dicates the existence of a building serving a “special function” at that place in the
first half of the 11th century.
Cult halls mentioned in sources relate to three temples in Szczecin and are dating
back to earlier times – Lubomia (8th/9th-9th century), Chodlik (8th-10th century).
6.2. The offering as an apotropaic treatment in places of worship

Sacrificial actions can clearly be seen in sanctuaries of various types. Thanks to the
aforementioned written sources one can know that they constituted an important
element in the functioning of the community. It is believed that votive offerings
could also be a form of sacrifice. According to ethnographic data, such gifts were
quite often thrown into sources with alleged medicinal properties, into wells, and
rivers – like, for example, during wedding ceremonies among Balkan Slavs. Nu-
merous items were thrown into lakes (Bnińskie, Biskupińskie, Gągnowo, Lednickie,
Ostrowite, Steklin, Zarańskie), rivers (Barycz) wells (Wrocław, Łęczyca). Sacri-
fices were also made on stones, such as on Castle Hill at Lake Żarnowieckie, in
the Wyszogród gord, or on Dobrzeszowska Mountain. “God’s feet” may also have
been previously used for worship (Ołdrzychów, Nowogrodziec Osiedle; Strzelno,
the surroundings of Kołbiel and Grodzisk Mazowiecki).
In the light of collected archaeological material from Polish territories it may
be noticed that in many places of nature worship stones are found within sacri-
ficial cavities, or in the form of clusters forming flat pavements or mounds. They
were uncovered in both elevated places and in the lowlands. Pavements were usu-
ally localized within trenches. They occurred together with furnaces (Czarnogłowy,
Mołoczki, Radzikowo, Trzebiatów). Other forms of offerings (such as the ones
placed under trees) were not found during excavations, despite the fact that they
are mentioned in ethnographic messages.
In every place of worship there was a sacrificial site where gifts or sacrifices were
made. The apotropaic goal of an offering was usually combined with other ones,
which were more important at the time. It is almost unreadable in archaeological
sources. The abandonment of offering or donation could lead to the loss of a pro-
tective circle around the donator. On the other hand, this activity was performed
to provide protection. The offering could be either made for appealing or thanks-
giving, by an individual or a group. There was a designated person or priest active
during group sacrifices on behalf of the donator, which was particularly clearly
stated in temple worship.
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Summar y
7. Apotropaic magical actions of “taming” space

Space with its enormity has always raised fear, and incomprehensible natural phe-
nomena raised anxiety, and therefore since the beginnings of time people have tried
to tame it. In the mythical space the four sides of the world were associated with
astronomical phenomena and changes of the seasons, which exercised the power
of life and death. The border, being a strip of land between adjacent areas not be-
longing to any of them, likning and separating them simultaneously, played a spe-
cial role in this landscape. In folk culture the division of space was implemented
in two basic ways: pointwise and linearly. The border was a dangerous place and
thus it required protective measures.
Studies show that in the Early Medieval Period ramparts – boundaries of the
settlements – were especially protected. Offerings were embedded into their struc-
tures. Skeletons and skulls of horses were found in the groundworks of ramparts
in Gdańsk, Biskupin, Pułtusk. A cow skull was located underneath the rampart in
Gniezno. A sheep skull was in turn found at Ostrow Rzępowski (part of Kruszwi-
ca) in the mud of a breakwater. Vessels were quite often used as foundation offerings
inside the rampart or beneath it. They contained poppy (Bonikowo), grain (Bon-
ikowo), groats (Bonikowo, Źlinice), and animal bones (Źlinice, Sądowel). Animal
mandibles found in rampart heaps of the gord in Spławie were originally (accord-
ing to the discoverer) attached to the rampart from the outside as magical protec-
tion that secured the fortress. A horse skull discovered in the rubble of the rampart,
previously hooked onto its top, fulfilled a similar role. A unique foundation offering
was found beneath the wooden structure of a rampart in Grodzisk in the Lublin re-
gion. Present there were ceramics from at least three vessels, divided by a clear spac-
er (plate) made of ashwood, a single bovine bone, and several pieces of rowan wood.
Rowan remains were also discovered under the wooden structure of the outer ram-
part and at the same level as ploughing traces (possibly of cult-related character).
According to folk beliefs, protecting the border was done in several ways: by
making sacrifices at crossroads, leaving votive offerings, erecting shrines or crosses,
ploughing characters (oborywanie), and chanting ritual incantations. At the same
time people sacralised space to make it a safe place to live. It was therefore a place
that was both sacred and damned.
8. Conclusion
Apotropaic treatments described in this book have been considered a kind of mag-
ic commonly practiced by Early Middle Ages Slavs. In fact, it may be noted that
the protective measures were applied throughout the entire life of an individual,
515

Summar y
they were also closely related to the proper functioning of the community. Pro-
tective measures in the Slavic folk culture were used in activities related to family
and annual rituals . Apotropaic activities were also used in everyday household
chores and crafts. Protective measures ought to “be done” at the right time and
place; performing them were specially designated individuals, mostly priests, sor-
cerers, and fortune-tellers, but in emergency situations anyone in need could be
the performer. To get the right effect, i.e. protection, the right magical accessories
were necessary. This purpose was served by a variety of items acting as amulets,
which were also often an integral part of a costume, because it was believed that
they protect against possible attacks of evil forces. Exposed to the contact with
variously conceived evil forces were mostly those weak, ill, those “not yet ac-
cepted” to the community (e.g. children), or temporarily “removed” from it (e.g.
pregnant women). It was, however, believed that each person could be influenced
by the actions of evil powers (e.g. families that feared a dead relative or avoided
contacts with “vampires”). People also feared charms, enchantments, which, ac-
cording to popular belief, were one of the main reasons for failure, disease, bad
crops, and other misfortunes. That is why it was so important to wear amulets or
display other objects that were considered to be apothropeions. It can be argued
that protective measures were extensive activities, consisting of actions, gestures,
prayers, and corresponding accessories.
Summarizing the above considerations, the reader should pay attention to cer-
tain patterns in the use of magic. Within the houses these were mainly founda-
tion offerings (as an expression of concern about the future of the house and its
inhabitants) in the form of gifts or nourishments for the deity. Similar sacrific-
es given to demons or spirits of the dead were found at cemeteries as a result of
concern about the memory of the deceased, and at the same time as a protective
treatment. Sacrifices were also made in places of nature worship, the sacred places
closest to man. Particularly well known and evident was the protective function
of amulets that were used because of their “multilateralism,” both in action and
in symbolism. Other items were valued because of the sharpness, tone, sphericity,
form of the cross, knot, or colour, which is also attested by archaeological sourc-
es. At the same time each of these items, just like amulets, could contain several
parallel apotropaic features, which were supposed to “increase” its power. Magi-
cal treatments at cemeteries were a continuation of apotropaic actions. Here, the
most dangerous was the deceased, against which people protected themselves by
making offerings in a cyclical manner and equipping the deceased with appropri-
ately selected items. The reader must remember, however, that treatments related
to the deceased were a result of intentional action or behaviour of the mourners
or cultural behaviours. In the case of places of nature worship the sacrifices or vo-
tive offerings were addressed to all the forces of nature and other demons present
516

Summar y
around mankind. Offerings of this kind had a preventive effect, their purpose was
to protect against the possible wrath of demons.
The most dangerous element, however, was space. This world, alien to the hu-
man one, required creating boundaries, which in turn had to be protected. The
confirmation of this is the presence of offerings placed under ramparts or (which
was mentioned earlier) under thresholds in the Early Middle Ages. Ethnograph-
ic sources also give examples of apotropaic treatments performed under fences, at
crossroads, at the borders of settlements, and fields. Similar treatments might have
been present in earlier periods.
The rituals of offerings have been treated at some length in this publication,
since they were not only gifts for the demons, but also a form of magical preventive
measures designed to protect against charms that came not only from the world of
demons, but also from people (and the archaism of which is exceptionally clearly
preserved in folk culture).
In the summary listed in Tables IV and V the Author tried to present a set of
accessories used in the apotropaic treatment that are possible to be traced based
on archaeological sources, and their relationship with the various spheres of hu-
man activities.
The described apotropaic treatments should also be considered in terms of du-
alistic relationships. In the light of the material assembled (Table VI) it can be seen
that protective actions centred around the oppositions: death-life, disease-health,
happiness-unhappiness, which may indicate their special relationship with every-
day life, while magic actions occasionally occur in the circle of oppositions: mois-
ture-dryness, winter-spring, and water-land with its significance in the rituals as-
sociated with fertility. The application of apotropaic treatments in the light of the
above reference material was therefore of twofold character. On the one hand they
protected against evil (both from the human world and the supernatural one),
and on the other hand they liquidated the effects of evil. The knowledge of forces
and negative powers allowed to prepare early enough for confronting them. The
set of protective treatments of conservative-preventive nature that is available in
ethnographic sources must have existed in the magical consciousness of the Slavs
even before the adoption of Christianity, because the fear of the unknown inclined
to reach for all possible remedies. People appealed therefore to traditional knowl-
edge that was deeply rooted in the subconscious, and thus somewhat archaic. Be-
cause of this some forms of old treatments have survived – of course in a modified
manner – in ethnographic material.
517

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Summary

Slavic protective magic

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1. Source foundations and the outline of the state

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2. The specific of magical thinking

The characteristic of magical thinking in the Early Middle Ages

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3. The phenomenon of charm and its relationship with

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4. Apotropaic magic activities performed at home

4.1. Apotropaic treatments related to the construction of the house

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wycinanki (Opole-Ostrówek). Vessels (presumably filled with food) or placed sep-

4.2. The negative role of the threshold

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4.3. The symbolic role of the hearth

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2. it was a symbol of life and existence;

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4.5. Apotropaic treatments performed during household and crafting

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main features of an amulet were: universality, versatility, and visibility. An amulet

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5. Apotropaic role of magic rites performed in the cemetery

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5.1. Apotropaic symbols of deceased in the rites of passage

5.2. General characteristics of the burial rite in the Middle Ages

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5.3. Sacral power of the deceased

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5.4. The so-called unusual burials as a result of apotropaic treatments

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5.5 Protective treatments performed around graves

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Archaeological material confirms the usage of magical treatments at cemeteries

6. Apotropaic magical actions in Slavic places of worship

6.1. General characteristics of Slavic places of worship

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Pre-Christian structures discovered in Gniezno, Wolin, or at Chełmska Moun-

6.2. The offering as an apotropaic treatment in places of worship

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7. Apotropaic magical actions of “taming” space

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