Journal of Semitic Studies LVII/1 Spring 2012 doi: 10.

1093/jss/fgr032
© The author. Published by Oxford University Press on behalf of the University of Manchester.
All rights reserved.

TWO NEW NABATAEAN INSCRIPTIONS

FROM WADI MUSA, WITH DISCUSSION OF
GAIA AND THE MARZEAÎ

ZEYAD AL-SALAMEEN AND HANI FALAHAT

UNITED ARAB EMIRATES UNIVERSITY MAAN ANTIQUITIES OFFICE

Abstract

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This paper presents two new Nabataean inscriptions, which have
come to light from Wadi Musa near Petra. They were found acciden-
tally in September 2009 by the writers of the article. Both mention
the ancient Nabataean name of Wadi Musa and one of them refers to
the existence of a rb mrzÌ’, ‘Head of the Symposium’, there during
the Nabataean period. The texts may be considered an important
addition to the small gazetteer of Nabataean remains in Wadi Musa,
whose most important Nabataean remains are hidden beneath the
modern village.

Introduction

Wadi Musa is located 230km south of Amman and forms the main
entrance of the World Heritage Site of Petra. Remains of a consid-
erable ancient settlement can be seen here, although the ruins are
mostly covered by the modern village. Archaeological work indicates
that it prospered between the Neolithic and the Late Islamic peri-
ods. Remains dated to the pre-Nabataean period have been uncov-
ered in a number of localities inside Wadi Musa, such as al-Basi†,
™awilan and the downtown area of modern-day Wadi Musa (Fino
1997 and 1998; Bennett 1984: 1–23; ‘Amr and al-Momani 2001:
264).
Wadi Musa was one of the most important sites in the Greater
Petra area during the Nabataean period, most likely to be identified
with Gaia that is mentioned frequently in the Nabataean inscriptions
(Healey 2001: 89–90). Milik suggested, on the basis of epigraphy and
geography, that Wadi Musa was the administrative centre of the
Nabataean Kingdom (Milik 1982: 265). Nabataean remains have
been found in the city and its outskirts, including epigraphic, archi-
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 TWO NEW NABATAEAN INSCRIPTIONS FROM WADI MUSA

tectural and archaeological remains (‘Amr et al. 2000: 231–55). The

Wadi Musa Waste Water Project that was conducted in the late
1990s revealed evidence of a prosperous Nabataean town. This is
indicated by the discovery of remains of a Nabataean villa, in which
was found a fresco panel representing a scene depicting birds and a
griffin, pottery, capital fragments and coins. A mosaic floor was
uncovered in the town centre, made of small black and white tesserae
forming an interlocking circle motif with white border (‘Amr and
al-Momani 2000).
Archaeological discoveries in the Wadi Musa area indicate that
it was an important agricultural hinterland that provided the
inhabitants of the Petra area with some of their needs. Fragments
of two olive-oil presses, dated to the Nabataean period, have been

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uncovered, in addition to several crushing stones scattered at var-
ious sites within the village (al-Salameen 2004: 153). It prospered
agriculturally due to the availability of water and due to its soil,
which made it suitable for the cultivation of olive trees, vines and
cereals. The area today has many springs, which are used to irri-
gate the agricultural fields which are cultivated with olive, vine,
pomegranate, apricot and other trees. At the entrance to the wadi,
one of the main village springs is found: it was the major source
that provided Petra with its water during the Nabataean and fol-
lowing periods.
Archaeological fieldwork in Wadi Musa, mostly associated with
rescue excavations,1 revealed remains of several residential areas
within the village that were provided with sophisticated hydrologi-
cal networks, including ceramic pipes, channels, cisterns and other
installations (see ‘Amr and al-Momani 2000). Healey concludes
that there is ‘evidence of several temples having existed in Gaia,
including one of Dushara and one of al-Kutba’ (2001: 45). This
conclusion is reached on the basis of two inscriptions from ‘Avdat
and al-Jawf referring to ‘Dushara, god of Gaia’ (Negev 1963: 113–
17; Savignac and Starcky 1957: 198) and one from Wadi Ramm
referring to ‘al-Kutba’ who is in Gaia’ (Savignac 1934: 574–5).
One of these temples, which was bulldozed in 1978 and no longer
exists, was erected over an earlier Hellenistic phase, evidenced by
Hellenistic pottery uncovered in that area (Zayadine 1981: 350).
Possible reference to this temple may be found in the first line of
the text published by Khairy (1981), which was read by J. Starcky
and translates as ‘This is the sanctuary which was erected for
1
For more details see ‘Amr and al-Momani, Unpublished Report (undated).

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Ba‘alshamin, the god of Maliku’ (Zayadine 1981: 350). This is the

only Nabataean inscription published so far from Wadi Musa and
it is a dedicatory inscription consisting of six lines that mention
names of the members of the Nabataean royal family (Khairy 1981:
19–26).
The texts presented here are an addition to the corpus of Nabataean
remains uncovered in the town. Two Nabataean texts are analysed
below: the first was found in the JilwaÌ region north east of Wadi
Musa; the second was uncovered within a collapsing room of the
traditional village of Bani ‘A†a, located in the southern part of Wadi
Musa.

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Map of Wadi Musa showing the location of the inscriptions

The Inscriptions
Inscription 1
Transliteration
slm (?)… …Ìymwlhy bg’y’
Translation
Peace… Îymwlhy in Gaia

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Plate 1. Inscription 1

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Figure 1. Inscription 1

Commentary

This inscription was discovered in JilwaÌ by the writers of this

paper. It is inscribed on a rocky hill overlooking Îirbet Nawaflah,
which was inhabited as early as the Edomite period. The area was
densely inhabited during the Nabataean period, as early as the first
century BCE (‘Amr et al. 2000: 231–55). The only previously pub-
lished evidence from the JilwaÌ region was a Nabataean tomb dis-
covered accidentally by the team who participated in the Wadi
Musa Water Supply and Wastewater Project. It consists of loculi
built inside a natural cave located at the eastern edge of JilwaÌ
and three burials were recorded there (‘Amr and al-Momani 2001:
270).

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The text under discussion is carefully engraved, but it is partially

eroded as it faces the direction of the wind. However, its letters can
be easily read with the exception of its beginning, as the right edge is
broken and some letters are missing. The inscription is 90cm long by
8–11cm high. Palaeographically, the inscription may date back to the
first century CE, as a comparison of the letter forms with a number
of dated Nabataean inscriptions seems to indicate (Naveh 1979:
fig. 1).
The first word may be slm, ‘peace’. It might also be read as Òlm
‘statue’ since the upper part of the first letter is missing, but this
interpretation is doubtful as the region where the text is inscribed
does not have any religious significance. The second word has been
affected by weathering, but the reading of the rest of the inscription

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is certain. On the personal name Îymwlhy, note that Îym and Îymw
are found in Nabataean and are related either to the Arabic Îayyam
meaning ‘nomad’ (Cantineau 1978, II: 95; al-Theeb 1993: 217) or
Îiyam, meaning ‘thirsty’ (Negev 1991: 28). The name does not
appear otherwise in the form Îymwlhy in Nabataean. The last word
is clearly to be read as bg’y’ ‘in Gaia’. Gaia is identified with modern
Wadi Musa. This toponym originated from the Semitic word repre-
sented by Hebrew gay’, which means ‘valley, place where waters flow
together, low plain’ (Gesenius 1844: 194). This name appears in dif-
ferent forms in Nabataean theophoric personal names such as ’mt’lg’
and ‘bd’lg’ (Littman n. 9, CIS II 157, 173, 1205), ‘bd’lgy’ (CIS II
3138): these mean ‘the servant of (the god of) Elji’ (al-Khraysheh
1986: 127; Negev 1991: 788, 790).
Dushara, the Nabataean god par excellence, is identified as the
‘god of Gaia’ in two inscriptions already mentioned. One from
Oboda in the Negev refers to ‘Dushara the god of Gaia’ (Negev
1963: 113–17). The other comes from al-Jawf and also refers to
‘Dushara the god of Gaia’ (Savignac and Starcky 1957: 198). The
Nabataean goddess al-Kutba’ is also associated with Gaia in an
inscription found near the spring of ‘Ain ash-Shalaleh in Wadi
Ramm, reading ‘al-Kutba’ who is in Gaia, al-‘Uzza’ (Savignac
1934: 574–5). The phrase ‘The god of Gaia and his angel Idaruma’
is attested also in a Greek text uncovered in the Hawran region,
which may be dated to the post-Nabataean period (Healey 2001:
90).
The name Gaia is mentioned in a number of sources. In the
Peshitto Syriac of Numbers 34: 4, ‘Kadesh-barnea’ is translated as
Rqem dgaya   (Trumbull 1884: 173). The identification
of Kadesh as Reqem de-Gaia, or Reqem of the Plain, is incorrect as
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these two toponyms refer to two different localities2. Eusebius, from

the fourth century CE, in his Onomastikon, called Gaia a polis, ‘city’,
saying ‘There is even now a city Gaia near Petra’ (62, 18–19).
BarÒauma, a famous figure of the Syrian church referred to Petra dur-
ing his trip to southern Transjordan between 420 and 423 CE, men-
tioning that he reached a great town known as rqem dgaya, Reqem of
Gaya (Nehmé 2002: 151).
The name ‘Gaia’ is not mentioned at all in Islamic sources and the
name Wadi Musa is used instead, a name which was derived from
the spring of ‘Ayn Musa. Al-Idrisi in his book, Nuzhat al-Mushtaq fi
IÌtiraq al-Afaq, refers to Elji, a small town of Palestine whose water
is hot and air is quiet, and is located between the Ghour and Scythop-
olis (Vol. 1: 356). Reference is not made to Wadi Musa. During the

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time of the visit of the Swiss explorer, J.L. Burckhardt, Wadi Musa
was called Elji: ‘the principal village of Wady Mousa. This place
contains between two and three hundred houses, and is enclosed by
a stone wall with three regular gates’ (1930: 420).

Plate 2. Partial view of Îirbet JilwaÌ

2
For a discussion of the two Reqems see Davies 1972: 152–63.

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Discussion

The area where the text was found is surrounded by agricultural

lands. It is worth mentioning that water management and irrigation
have played important economic and social roles for the inhabitants
of Wadi Musa, from the Nabataean to the Late Islamic period, as
water is the single most important substance required for survival.
There are many ancient terraces in the JilwaÌ region which were
constructed to collect and hold water, to reduce erosion and to sta-
bilize the soils, since the region receives less than 300mm of precipi-
tation per annum. Therefore spring water was used extensively.
Because springs are only available in some places and can irrigate
limited lands, surface runoff was used.

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The remains of the Îirbet JilwaÌ, which was constructed during
the Late Ottoman period, lie half a kilometre to the south-west of the
inscription. This village partly survives and is now surrounded by
modern buildings. The surviving buildings were constructed partly
over caves and some of the stones are dressed and regular.
Additionally, there are remains of many water mills that were used
during the Late Islamic period, confirming that cereals were of vital
importance in the diet of the local community. They were initially
constructed during the Late Ottoman period to fulfil the needs of the
local community of Wadi Musa and the surrounding areas. The
flourishing of cereal cultivation in Wadi Musa throughout history is
attributed mainly to the suitability of climatic and environmental
conditions and to the availability of water.
Inscription 2
Transliteration
………………. ’lhy br…
……rb mrzÌ’ dy bg’[y’]
…………Ìrtt rÌm ‘mh
Translation
………………. ’lhy son of…
……head of the symposium who/which is in Gai[a]
…………Îarithah, lover of his people

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Plate 3. Inscription 2

Figure 2. Inscription 2

Commentary

This inscription, which is a fragment of a longer text, was found

inside one of the rooms of the Bani ‘A†a traditional village in the
southern part of Wadi Musa. The preserved dimensions of this sand-
stone block are approximately 10cm high and 18cm long. Because of
the breaks in the stone, only parts of the first line are visible, and the
beginnings and ends of lines are missing. The beginning of the first
line in the fragment is broken and the remaining traces can be pos-
sibly read as [ ]’lhy br, ‘[ ]’lhy the son of’. The reading of the second
line is almost certain. The term rb mrzÌ’, ‘head of the symposium’,
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occurs in some other Nabataean texts as we shall see below. This is

followed by the word bg’[y’] which may be interpreted as ‘in Gai[a]’,
viz. ancient Wadi Musa. The text is clearly dated in the last line to
the reign of the famous Nabataean king, Aretas IV (9 BCE–40 CE),
since the title rÌm ‘mh is uniquely used for that king.

Discussion

The significance of this inscription is twofold: the location where it

was discovered and its content. As far as its geographical location is
concerned, it was uncovered within the traditional village of Bani
‘A†a, which is known also as Îirbet Ray∂an close to Ray∂an spring.
The village, which is partially destroyed, was built during the Late

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Ottoman period over an earlier village. The village was named by
Glueck as Îirbet Mehallah (1935: 108) where ‘Nabataean and medi-
aeval Arabic sherds have been noted’ (1935: 110).
The Ottoman village was constructed in a well-secured place where
water and arable land are available. The houses of the village share a
typical constructional technique. Doors were built of many long tim-
ber panels nailed together and a wooden lintel is set directly above
the entrance. Roofs, on the other hand, rest on a series of vaults,
which are in turn supported by the walls. These roofs are equipped
with drainage systems. The walls were built of roughly dressed stones
with a rubble and mortar infill, totalling approximately 2.5m in
height and more than one metre in thickness. The houses have several
vents measuring 15 x 20cm. Inside these rooms some divisions and
niches for bedding and storage exist. Like other local traditional vil-
lages, the Bani ‘A†a village was built over an earlier village dated to
the Nabataean and later periods. Still visible are remains of dressed
stones and pottery fragments dated to different periods, as well as
crushing stones from olive-oil presses.

Plate 4. Some structures in the Bani ‘A†a Village

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Judging from the evidence, we may conclude that the place where the
village was constructed was inhabited, or at least was densely used,
during the Nabataean period.
Regarding the content of the inscription, it refers to the presence
of a rb mrzÌ’ ‘Head of Symposium’ in Wadi Musa. The word mrzÌ
was a common term in the Levant and it can be traced from the Early
Bronze Age to the Classical period. It occurs in various literary and
epigraphic references. Full details about the primary sources referring
to the term marzeaÌ in the ancient Near East are found in Bryan’s
1973 dissertation, Texts Relating to the Marzeah: A Study of an Ancient
Semitic Institution. Friedman has pointed out that the term marzeaÌ
had different significances: it could refer to a feast, the association of
participants, and possibly the meeting-place where the association

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gathered to feast (1979–80: 200–1).
Eblaite texts from the third millennium BCE refer to the day of
marzeaÌ and a text mentions the superintendent of the mar-za-u
(Pettinato 1980: 88). The word marzeaÌ occurs in Akkadian in
various forms such as ma-ar-ziÌ-i, mar-ze-i and mar-zi-i (Huehner-
gard 1987: 178). This word is mentioned frequently in the Ugaritic
sources, including a reference to ‘house of the men of the mar-ze-i’
(Eissfeldt 1966: 191). El, the head of the Ugaritic pantheon, ‘pre-
pares the marzeaÌ as a banquet and invites gods to this marzeaÌ,
drinks wine to satiety, finally collapsing to the ground as if he were
dead’ (Armstrong 1993: 128). It has been argued by some scholars
that the people of Ugarit sacrificed to ancestral spirits in the marzeaÌ
ritual (Astour 1980: 233; Armstrong 1993: 128), in which the par-
ticipants were expected to achieve an alcohol-induced trance in
order to descend to the netherworld (Armstrong 1993: 155).
Despite the fact that there is nothing explicitly funerary about the
marzeaÌ in Ugarit, it seems that its function centred on drinking
(Lewis 1986: 161). A text from Emar of the thirteenth century
refers to marzeaÌ men who brought gifts to gods (Margueron 1992:
488–90).
Evidence from Elephantine in the fifth century BCE, refers to the
marzeaÌ and is linked to a funerary rite, ‘a banquet in memory of a
late member’ (Porten 1968: 184). The word marzeaÌ is attested twice
in biblical sources (Amos 6:7; Jer. 16:5) and the Septuagint renders
it as thiásos. Amos 6 refers to a banquet with wine from unusual
bowls, food, music, singing and laughing. Jeremiah refers to the
mourning rituals that include ‘sitting to eat and drink’ and refers also
to drinking vessels. The marzeaÌ occurs in Targumic and Rabbinic
literature (Num. 25:1–5; Sifre Numbers 131).
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A Phoenician text found written on a bowl at Dan and dated to the

fourth century BCE refers to the offering of two cups to the marzeaÌ
of Shamash (Avigad and Greenfield 1982: 118–28), indicating that a
marzeaÌ could be considered as a place dedicated to the consumption
of wine. Palmyrene Aramaic inscriptions refer frequently to mrzÌ’
‘banquet’, rb mrzÌ’ ‘head of the banquet’, and bny mrzÌ’ ‘members of
the marzeaÌ’ (Teixidor 1977: 133ff). These texts indicate that Bel’s
priests were the most important participants in these gatherings.
To sum up, marzeaÌ associations were very common in the ancient
Levant, and feasting and drinking were essential elements of these
festivals. Regarding the rites and rituals that were practised in these
marzeaÌs, they were either funerary rites, which aimed at commemo-
rating the dead or rituals associated with living persons (Schmidt

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1996: 4–13).
The marzeaÌ is the only Nabataean banquet known from inscrip-
tions, occurring several times in inscriptions. Its social functions are
difficult to gauge but it seems that drinking wine3 was an integral
activity of this association. The word mrzÌ’ is mentioned in three
short texts (Dalman 1912: 92–4; Negev 1963: 114–18; Zayadine
1976: 139–42) to refer to a meeting, probably the same gatherings
mentioned by Strabo that might have been held in rock-cut chambers
or triclinia such as those found in Petra, Îegra and Bay∂a in par-
ticular. Cultic meetings might have been held in these rock-cut caves
headed by a rb mrzÌ’ ‘head of the marzeaÌ’ (Healey 2001: 167–8).
In one of the Nabataean texts there is a reference to a Nabataean
marzeaÌ under the patronage of Obodas I, a Nabataean king who was
deified after death. This text reads ‘May ‘Obaydu son of Waqihel and
his companions, the marzeaÌ of Obodas the god, be remembered’
(Dalman 1912: 92–4). It is not clear whether this cult is linked with
the king after his death or existed because he was a god (Bryan 1973:
226; L’Heureux 1979: 209). Lewis considers Obodas a deceased
ancestor (Lewis 1989: 90, 91). Other evidence comes from Oboda in

3
During the early Nabataean period, it was the custom ‘neither to plant grain,
set out any fruit-bearing tree, use wine, nor construct any house; and if anyone is
found acting contrary to this, death is his penalty’ (Diodorus XIX.94). After the
dramatic change that occurred in their lifestyle throughout the second and first
century, the Nabataeans started to produce and consume wine. Bay∂a was a signifi-
cant agricultural spot within the outskirts of Petra during the Nabataean period.
Archaeology has revealed evidence of large-scale agricultural production through the
discovery of dozens of water catchment and drainage installations and many wine-
presses. Recent archaeological fieldwork yielded thirty-six Nabataean wine-presses
there, constructed inside agricultural fields (al-Salameen 2004).

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the Negev, referring to the ‘marzeaÌ of Dushara, the god of Gaia’

(Negev 1963: 113–14; see earlier reference). The last Nabataean
marzeaÌ, text, dated to the first quarter of the first century CE, comes
from Bay∂a and reads as follows: ‘in pious remembrance and peace
of Ganimu the Symposiarch and his son Wa'ilu’ (Zayadine 1976:
139–42).
It is very hard to describe the social group involved in the
Nabataean marzeaÌ. Healey proposes categories of Nabataean cultic
spaces, one category of which are the localized cults at small, private
and often secluded sanctuaries, often terraces, cults of particular dei-
ties such as Isis, cults based on social groupings especially exemplified
by the marzeaÌ of particular professional associations — slaves,
scribes, workmen and soldiers (Healey 2001: 75).

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Strabo mentions in his Geography that the Nabataeans had festi-
vals, symposia and meetings where no one drinks more than eleven
cupfuls. He says: ‘They – the Nabataeans – prepare common meals
together in groups of thirteen persons; and they have two girl-singers
for each banquet. The king holds many drinking bouts in magnifi-
cent style, but no one drinks more than eleven cupfuls, each time
using a different golden cup. The king is so democratic that, in addi-
tion to serving himself, he sometimes even serves the rest himself in
turn’(XVI.4.26). It seems that these gatherings were dedicated to dif-
ferent affairs, mostly religious and/or funerary, where wine was con-
sumed within a religious and ritual atmosphere.
These marzeaÌ meetings are seemingly to be linked with the
Nabataean banqueting halls known as triclinia, biclinia and stibadia
which might have been the places where the marzeaÌ and other reli-
gious, social and funereal meetings were held and where wine was
drunk. It is worth mentioning that such gatherings are represented in
Nabataean terracotta figurines. One such figurine represents three
seated musicians: one male sitting in the middle, flanked by two
females, with the male playing a double-flute while the females play
stringed instruments (El-Khouri 2002: 35). The use of the flute in
the Nabataean religious context may be deduced from the fresco of
the Siq al-Barid in Bay∂a, depicting a figure playing a flute (Glueck
1966: 5–6).
Judging from this discussion and in the light of Strabo’s account
we may conclude that the following are major features of the
Nabataean marzeaÌ:
1. The marzeaÌ was a banquet and association whose participants
were mostly among the high-rank officials, and was comprised
mostly of males, as indicated by Strabo.
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2. It was an association of a group who had a specific deity as its

patron. Each marzeaÌ was led by a rb mrzÌ’ who was responsible
for managing and organizing the meeting, which was held in
special places designed for this purpose. Basically, each marzeaÌ
had its own patron deity, Bel in Palmyra and Dushara in
Nabataea. The Nabataeans constructed rock-cut triclinia, bicili-
nia and stibadia for these funerary and religious festivals and
meetings. These dining and banqueting halls were constructed
to celebrate the feast of the dead (Winnett and Reed 1970: 49)
and some of these installations had ritual and religious functions
(Negev 1977: 588) and might be connected with the marzeaÌ.
3. Wine formed an integral feature of the marzeaÌ and was one of
the major beverages consumed. Dozens of Nabataean rock-cut

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wine-presses have been found in Bay∂a north of Petra, con-
structed within the agricultural fields. Religious and cultic fea-
tures, as well as inscriptions, have been noticed near some of
the presses, suggesting a close relation between the wine pro-
duction and the cult.
4. marzeaÌ meetings were seemingly held in most of the Nabataean
regions. Some regions like Petra and Oboda in the Negev prob-
ably had more than one mrzÌ at the same time.

Addresses for correspondence: Dr Hani Falahat, hani_petra@yahoo.com

Dr Zeyad al-Salameen, Department of History and Archaeology, United Arab Emir-
ates University

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