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to The Journal of English and Germanic Philology
179
3 For references en passant to the liturgy and this poem, see Genevi?ve Grotty,
"The Exeter 'Harrowing of Hell': a Reinterpretation," PMLA, 54 (1934), 349?58;
also Richard Meaker Trask, "The Descent into Hell of the Exeter Book," Neu
philologische Mitteilungen, 72 (1971), 419-35
4 O. B. Hardison, Jr. (Christian Rite and Christian Drama in the Middle Ages
[Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1965], p. 166) claims that the visit to the
tomb was "the accepted and traditional symbol for the resurrection."
5 James Hampton Kirkland (A Study of the Anglo-Saxon Poem: The Harrowing
of Hell ([Halle, 1885], p. 11) saw Matt. 28:1 as the major source for the prologue,
although Mark and Luke are used for lines 16-23 which he also considered a part
of the prologue; Julius Cramer ("Quelle, Verfasser, und Text des altenglischen
Gedichtes 'Christi H?llenfahrt'," Anglia, 19 [1897], 138-39) claims that although
Matthew may have influenced the first fifteen lines, such influence is purely acci
dental since the poet was using an Easter tradition drawn from all the Gospels.
image in Old English poetry, therefore isolating the idea, and con
ferring upon it a sense of completeness.
[ Ongunnon him on uhtan 3e{)elcunde masgO
J gierwan to geonge; wiston g?mena gemot
I ae]3elinges lie eorcSasrne bej)eaht.
Woldan werigu wif wope bimaenan
aejDelinges dea? ane hwile,
reonge bereotan. Raest wses acolad,
heard waes hinsi?; haele? waeron modge,
pe hy set ?>am beorge bli?e fund?n.
Cwom seo murnende Maria on dasgred,
heht hy of)re mid eorles dohtor.
< Sohton sarigu tu sigebearn godes
senne in f>ast eor?asrn paer hi ser wiston
^aet hine gehyddan hseleS Iudea;
wendan past he on {^am beorge bidan sceolde,
ana in f>aere easterniht. Huru f)ass o{>er ping
wiston ?>a wifmenn, pa. hy on weg cyrdon! (11. 1-16)6
What is particularly interesting, insofar as liturgical representation
is carried over into the poem, is that the poem repeats the antiphon as
it would be repeated before and after the "Magnificat." The Latin text
provides the material for lines 1-3; lines 4-8 give a motivation for the
women's visit (extreme grief) and foreshadow the mystery they bli?e
fund?n at the tomb. Lines 9-13 repeat the ideas of the antiphon; lines
14-17 provide the closure we have come to expect in an Old English
prologue. But since the Vespere autem is repeated in the ritual before
and after the "Magnificat," the repetition of its thematic content in
this prologue recalls its use in the Mass and Divine Office. The double
stress on what the women could expect to find signifies through litur
gical configuration the kind of promise and optimism appropriate to
the day of baptism.
The succeeding lines, to 23a, are not organically related to the previ
ous lines. Although they mention the coming of the angels and the
opening of the tomb, they do not mention the grieving women. In
fact, there is every indication that the opening of the tomb by the
angel was thought to take place before the women arrived there. This
is supported by the Quern quaeritis trope in the Regularis Concordia
where the women are shown the already opened tomb and the empty
shroud.7 But "The Descent into Hell" offers an even stronger textual
6 The Old English text cited here and elsewhere in this paper is that of George
Philip Krapp and Elliott Van Kirk Dobbie, eds., The Exeter Book, The Anglo
Saxon Poetic Records, in (New York: Columbia Univ. Press, 1936). The text is on
pp. 219-22, the notes on pp. 356-59.
7 Thomas Symons, ed., Regularis Concordia (London: Thomas Nelson and Sons,
Ltd., 1953), P- 5?- The trope, however, was performed on Easter Sunday when the
support for the separation of the visiting women from the visitation
of the angels described in lines 17-23. We are told that the women
Ongunnon him on uhtan, "began at dawn." A few lines later we read
that Mary Cwom on d gred, "came at dawn." But dawn came in at
least two degrees among the Germanic peoples. Uhtan was pre-dawn
or that point just before the sun was visible. D gred is later, after
light is visible.8 Line 17, describing the descent of the angels, uses on
uhtan as an indication of the time of that event, too. The poet indicates,
then, that at the same time that the women had decided to go to
Christ, He had descended into Hell. Their efforts to bring comfort
to the Son of God are allegorical representations of the much greater
solace He brings to the sons of men. On d gred indicates that the
women have progressed toward their destination just as lines 33-42a
indicate Christ's progression toward His ultimate destination, the con
quering of death. It is, then, entirely appropriate that the Vespere
autem should be employed here. It has the same temporal references
as would be found in the vigil, its liturgical context, which ends with
the dawning of the day of the Resurrection and the angel's saying,
Non est hic; surrexit sicitt praedixerat.9 It is important in the symbology
of Baptism that the Holy Sabbath ritual is basically a preparation for
the Resurrection.
To this point in the poem, the speaker has shown only his primary
voice, that of the narrating celebrant of the liturgy. But liturgical
celebrants, pagan and Christian, traditionally have one or more
secondary voices. The origin of this structure may be most obvious in
the form of the present-day s?ance in which the secondary voice of
the leader emerges as the voice of the summoned spirit. In the Holy
Liturgy one finds the celebrant speaking in the voice of Mary, for
example, when chanting the "Magnificat," or David, or Isaiah, or
Christ Himself. While not shamanistic, at least in the usual sense, some
holy manifestation is made personally present. "The Lord doth magnify
my soul," not "her soul." The celebrant's soul is magnified by the ex
tension afforded to him through whom the Virgin speaks.
This same principle governs the voices in "The Descent into Hell."
The primary voice is the celebrant's narration; the secondary voice is
the personal voice of John the Baptist.
Scholars, however, have debated John's claim for some time because
Lines 118-32 have all the references proper to any speech John might
make. Christ's childhood, the river Jordan, and His baptism therein
foreshadowing, by the way, the poem's series of apostrophes to Christ
all remind one of the associations between Christ and John.10 But the
problem has always been the pronoun git, "you two," followed by
Iohannis. If our reconstructed grammars are to have any integrity at
all, we must agree with Holthausen on this point, "da? doch nat?r
lich nur: 'ihr beide, (du und) Johannes' bedeuten kann, nicht: 'du
und ich Johannes,' wie Cosijn sophistisch vermutet!"11
I should want to modify Holthausen's position only slightly. The
dual is used here as a kind of transition from the secondary to the
primary voice. Lines 133-34 represent a petition to God in the primary
voice of the celebrant. These lines supply one of the pronoun's two
references, the weoruda dryhten or Holy Lord. "John" is, of course,
the other, and the sense of the line might be better translated: "as you,
John, with this help from God, fairly inspired, etc."
Those who have tried to attribute all of the speeches in the poem to
John in order to maintain the unity of the poem as it is centered about
the baptism image have had to resort to ingenious but unlikely situa
tions to explain these final lines which are too obviously oratorical to
be attributed to the narrator.12 But given the context of the poem?
10 However, Krapp and Dobbie (see The Exeter Book, p. lxii), give that whole
monologue, 11. 59-132, to Adam, an attribution first made by Ferdinand Holthausen
("Zur altenglischen Literatur, V., 21, 'Christi H?llenfahrt'," Anglia Beiblatt, 19
[1908], 49-53). Charles L. Wrenn (A Study of Old English Literature [New York: W.
W. Norton, 1967], p. 156) assumes without discussion that the speech is Adam's;
Stanley B. Greenfield (A Critical History of Old English Literature [New York: New
York Univ. Press, 1965], p. 141) is willing to accept either attribution.
11 Holthausen, "Zur altenglische Literatur," p. 51.
12 Crotty (p. 357) and Kemp Malone ("The Old English Period," The Middle Ages,
A Literary History of England, 1, ed. Albert C. Baugh et al. [New York: Appleton
Century-Crofts, 1948], p. 80) go the route of the scribal error: Crotty reads gio,
"once," "formerly," "before," for git; Malone claims many lines are lost between
that is, a liturgical tour de force based on major themes in the Easter
Saturday ritual?the last five lines are easily explained. They are the
celebrant's final invocation for Baptism in his primary voice and repre
sent the closure of his rite. All preceding lines (from 1. 59) represent
John's speech before Christ in the name of the hell-dwellers, which
is appropriate to the celebrant's secondary voice. Throughout that
speech, Christ's own baptism is stressed as the climactic point in His
life, symbolically responsible for His victory over death. The cele
brant's own invocation (during which his arms and eyes were un
doubtedly raised heavenward) begs that his English candidates may
experience that same Baptism which mid py fullwihte / f gre onbryr
don I I ealne pisne middangeard. There are in these lines, perhaps,
echoes of the post-communion prayer used in the Mass.
Spiritum nobis, Domine, tuae caritatis infunde;
ut quos sacramentis Paschalibis satiasti, tua
facias pietate concordes. Per Dominum nostrum . . .
In unitate eiusdem.
John's first speech in "The Descent into Hell" has several hiatus,
but enough remains to show that John, even here, is preparing for
Christ's visit. His exhortation to the hell-dwellers to the effect that
Christ promised to come to them on that day is reminiscent of his cry
in the wilderness before he baptized Jesus: "Repent ye, for the kingdom
of heaven is at hand" (Matt. 3:2). But John's most important speech
extends from line 59 to line 132 (see n. 10). Here, the poet emphasizes
baptism as a culminating religious experience, not only thematically
but also formally. The whole speech becomes a vernacular liturgy for
the Baptism, from the mouth of the ritual's most remembered celebrant.
Most of this speech depends upon four apostrophes, one each to
Gabriel, Mary, Jerusalem, and Jordan. The praises are similar to the
"Great O" antiphons which Albert Cook identified as sources of the
"Advent Lyrics."13 The poem could have no better structure to convey
the feeling of the Holy Saturday Baptismal Mass. The repeated form
of the apostrophes is ritualistically compatible with the elaborate
lines 134 and 135. Trask (p. 422) sees the words as a "kind of dual peroration of the
poet as persona as well as John, only in this climactic moment the poet's involve
ment is so great that he addresses his spokesman (John) and Christ together, as a
third party who embodies in words what the two effectuated by their deeds."
13 See n. 2 above.
The first two lines in each apostrophe are the same, with a single
difference in the nouns of address. The second half-line of the third
14 The more specific resemblance of lines 118-37 to tne preface of the litany
has been noted by Crotty, p. 365, and by Trask, pp. 433-34.
15 F. Dietrich, "Cynevulfs Christ," ZfdA, 9 (1853), 193-214. Particularly note
worthy for the present study is Cook's discovery (p. 115) that those parts of the
homily which influenced "Christ II" are all to be found in the shortened breviary
edition of the homily used on the feast of the Ascension.
19 Gratia Dei non potuit gratius commendari, quam ut ipse unicus Dei Filius
in se incommutabiliter manens indueret hominem, et spem dilectionis suae daret
hominibus, homine medio, quo ad ilium ab hominibus veniretur, qui tarn longe
erat immortalis a mortalibus, incommutabilis a commutabilibus, Justus ab impiis,
beata a miseris" (Patrolog?a Latina, xli, col. 308).
20 See Cook, The Christ of Cynewulf, p. 81; also see Edmond Mart?ne (De Anti
quis Ecclesiae Ritibus Libri [1736-1738; rpt. Hildesheim: Georg Olms Verlagsbuch
handlung, 1967], in, col. 440), who prints an antiphon designated as "Urbs beata
Jerusalem &c." before the benediction of the font in one version of the Holy Saturday
ritual.
the heavenly city, so the waters of Baptism are not poured randomly
on men's heads. People must seek the Baptism which will open the gates
of the Eternal Jerusalem.
The Vidi aquam ties these ideas together nicely, pointing out as it
does, the connection of the waters with the temple, God's presence in
Jerusalem, and conferring the notion that individual responsibility
must act to receive Divine Grace.
The liturgical use of the Vidi aquam is especially important to
understand the way the apostrophes of the "Descent into Hell" work.
In recent pre-Vatican II missals the Vidi aquam was an alternative
anthem to the Asperges me and was said before the opening of the
first Mass of the day from Easter to Whitsunday (or Pentecost).21 This
pre-Mass ritual has long been named the Asperges after the more
commonly used antiphon, but the Eastertide alternative is apparently
the older prayer, included in the earliest antiphonaries where often the
Asperges me is not.22
Both St. Gall antiphonaries list the Vidi aquam as an important
part of the Easter Sunday procession. The text of the so-called Hartker
Antiphonary follows:
[Rubric:] In die resurrectionis ad processionem
?[ntiphon:] In die resurrectionis meae, dicti dominus,
alleluia congregabo gentes et colligam r?gna et effundam super
vos aquam mundam alleluia
?fntiphon:] Vidi aquam egredientem de templo [etc.]
Intfroit:] Quern quaeritis in sepulchro, Christicolae [etc.]23
21 E.g., Sylvester P. J?rgens, S.M., The New Marian Missal for Daily Mass (New
York: Regina Press, 1958), pp. 610-11.
22 See Dom Jacques Froger, ed. Antiphonaire de Hartker [980-1011 a.d.], Pal?og
raphie Musicale, 2e ser (Monumentale), 1 (Berne: Editions Herbert Lang et Cie Sa,
197?)? P- 231/57; Dom Andr? Mocquereau (Directeur), Graduel de Saint-Yrieix: Le
Codex 90) de la Biblioth?que Nationale de Paris [11e s.], Pal. Mus., xm (Tournay:
Descl?e et Cie pour Soci?t? Saint Jean L'?vang?liste, 1925), p. 145; Antiphonale
Missarum Sancti Gregorii: Codex 47 de la Biblioth?que de Chartres [10e s.], Pal.
Mus., xi (1912; rpt. Berne: ?ditions Herbert Lang et Cie Sa, 1972); B?n?dictins de
Solesmes, Antiphonale Missarum Sancti Gregori: Le Codex 121 de la Biblioth?que
d'Einsiedeln [?o^-ne s.], Pal. Mus., iv (1894; rpt. Berne: ?ditions Herbert Lang et Cie
Sa, 1974), pp. 391-92; B?n?dictins de Solesmes, Antiphonale Missarum Sancti
Gregori: Le Codex 339 de la Biblioth?que de Saint-Gall (10e s.], Pal. Mus., 1 (1889;
rpt. Berne: ?ditions Herbert Lang et Cie Sa, 1974), p. 75. I have found the Asperges
me Usted only in Saint-Gall 339 as the last of a series of versicles under the heading
Pro serenitate, p. 139.
23 Antiphonaire de Hartker, pp. 231-37. This codex, MSS. Saint-Gall 390-91, is
generally thought to be the earliest known antiphonary; reason to suspect, but
surely not to prove, its relationship to the Exeter Book lies in the fact that all of
the antiphons which we know "Christ I" (or "The Advent Lyrics") to be based upon
are written out on a single spread of facing folia in this particular antiphonary.
The establishment of a confraternity of prayer between the English houses and St.
Gall in the early tenth century offers the exact historical connection necessary to
support the textual relationship. See my doctoral thesis, "A Contextual Study of
the Old English Exeter Book," University of Maryland, 1975, pp. 1-53, 126-37, 318-25.
24 Kaske (pp. 47-59) sees the last five lines, excepting the final half-line, to be
the end of the sentence beginning Swylce ic pe halsige (1. 118). While I do not accept
his argument, its formulation is a compelling statement on the integrity of the
second petition (11. 118-32): the whole petition has to be considered as a single unit.
25 This is the traditional text on which modern use is based; on the definition of
I have quoted here about one-third of the litany, that part which is
particularly relevant to the Old English poem. The reader's attention is
drawn to two main points of comparison: first, both texts delineate
the stages of Christ's life, and second, both texts consist mostly of a
catalogue of phrases introduced with a repeated preposition, per in
the litany and for in the Old English.
Swylce ic pe halsige, haelend user,
fore [?>]inum cildhade, cyninga selast,
ond fore ?>aere wunde, weoruda dry[hten,
ond for] {jinum aeriste, ae^elinga wyn,
ond fore Jrinre me [der.ar]ian nama,
f>a ealle hellwara herga? ond lof[ia?,
ond for })am engjlum pe pe ymb stonda?,
J)a ?>u pe lete sittan [on {)a swif>ran] hond,
f>a J>u us on ?>isne wraecsift, weoroda dryhten,
f>urh {ri?es sylfes geweald secan woldest,
ond fore Hierusalem in Iudeum,
(sceal seo burg nu ?>a bidan efne swa peah,
}>eoden leofa, ?>ines eftcymes),
ond for Iordane in Iudeum,
(wit une in paere burnan bajxxian aetgaedre).
(11. 118-32)26