Hudt Strob ef MarertiALizING GENDER IN EIGHTEENTH-CENTuRY EuROPE Edited by Jennifer G. Germann and Heidi A. Strobel i Routledge Taylor & Francis Group LONDON AND NEW YORK16 by Ashgate Publishing, Published 2016 by Routledge ton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN 711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017, USA, First issued in paperback 2018 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business Copyright © Jennifer G. Germann and Heidi A. Strobel and the contributors 2016 Jennifer G. Germann and Heidi A. Strobel have asserted their rights under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act, 1988, to be identified as the editors of this work. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, juding photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval without permission in writing from the publishers, Notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent toi British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Materializing gender in cighteenth-century Europe / Edited by Jennifer G. Germann and Heidi stories of material culture and collecting, 1700-1950) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-1-4724-5631-1 (hardcover : alk. paper) 1. Art and society—Europe—History—18th century. 2. Material culture—1 History—18th century. 3. Sex role—Europe— —18th century. I, Germann, Jennifer Grant, editor. Il Strobel, Heidi A., 1968- editor. N72.S6M358 2016 704',0409409033—de23 2015029876 178-1-138-31613-3 (pbk) 178-1-4724-5631-1 (hbk) CONTENTS List of illustrations Notes on contributors Acknowledgements Introduction: Material culture and the gendered subject Jennifer G. Germann and Heidi A. Strobel Part I Part IT ‘Transgressive objects Men and hunting guns in eighteenth-century France Amy Freund ‘Taste d-/a-mode: Consuming foreignness, picturing gender Freya Gowrley Gendered souvenirs: Anna Amalia’s Grand Tourist veduce fans Christina K. Lindeman Majas, mantillas, and marcialidad: Fashioning identity in late eighteenth-century Spain Tara Zanardi Gender and domesticity Place and possession: Emma Hamilton at Merton, 1801-5 Amber Ludwig A gentlemen's purs' Elizabeth A. Williams Eighteenth-century chinoiserie silver in Britain 17 35 51 67 87 105MATERIALIZING GENDER IN EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY EUROPE, 7 Sexing sovereignty: The material culture and sexual politics of Queen Marie Leszczinska'’s bed Jennifer G. Germann Part III High art in low places 8 “Idleness never grew in my soil”; Mary Delany's flower collages, gender, and the moral authority of “Nature” in eighteenth-century England Felicity Roberts 9 Pocket museums: The display of art in women’s almanacs during the First French Empire Ryan Whyte 10 Stitching the stage: Mary Linwood, Thomas Gainsborough, and the art of installation embroidery Heidi A. Strobel Selected bibliography Index 121 141 157 173 193 2u10 STITCHING THE STAGE: Mary Linwoop, Tuomas GAINSBOROUGH, AND THE ART OF INSTALLATION EMBROIDERY Heidi A. Strobel When visitors walked into Mary Linwood’s London gallery in the early nineteenth century, they journeyed from an urban environment to a rural landscape. The gallery featured a picturesque cottage with props replete with five large-scale embroidered replicas of rustic paintings after Thomas Gainsborough. These included Shepherd's Boy, Girl Entering Cottage, Cottage Children with an Ass, Children at the Fire, and Woodman in a Storm, all of which were created between 1796 and 1809. The evocative placement of these images after Gainsborough was part of Linwood’s broader celebration of the English countryside, for her exhibition catalogs indicate that she also reproduced rural scenes after landscape, still-life, and genre painters Alexander Cozens, ‘Thomas Barker, Moses Haughton the Elder, George Morland, and John Russell. As Ann Bermingham and John Barrell have demonstrated, such pastoral imagery was appealing to early nineteenth-century viewers because it provided them with a safe and idyllic vision of Britain’s “good poor” removed from the chaos of middle-class urban life and the reality of rural poverty.’ Linwood intentionally reproduced paintings that elicited a strong response from her audience; many of them celebrated the rustic virtues of a bygone England and/or were after paintings by recently deceased British artists such as Gainsborough? Linwood utilized the traditionally feminine art form of embroidery in an unusual way. Prior to her popular exhibitions, embroidery was seen in the home or church and not exhibited in a gallery. In her Leicester Square gallery, Linwood created a hybrid artistic space for herself that situated her production between professional and amateur. Her embroidered copies and their theatrical display also produced an image of femininity that mitigated Linwood’s transgressive participation in the London art world, a firmly masculine sphere. Her unique installations of the Gainsborough replicas, circumvent early nineteenth-century assumptions about gender and originality, for theyMATERIALIZING GENDER IN EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY EUROPE Provide an alternative interpretation of copying, an artistic practice also often linked to femininity:' Because Linwood has reccived litte scholarly attention, certain aspects of her working process, such as her source material, are poorly documented. Her exhibition catalogs and scrapbook will be used here to reconstruct the creation of her replicas after Gainsborough. Her first permanent exhibition in 1809 will be a focal point of this analysis, for five of Linwood’s images after Gainsborough were part of this show. Linwood’s fascination with detailed material objects was certainly fostered by her family’s involvement in the production of material goods. Her maternal grandfather John Turner (d.1788) worked as a silversmith and buckle maker in London and then in Birmingham, where she was born in 1755." The bankruptcy and carly death of Linwood’s father likely precipitated the family’s 1764 move to Leicester where her mother Hannah opened a school for young women, the Priory, to support her six children.’ The school offered lessons in embroidery, drawing, writing, and dancing, subjects that were appropriate for well-born young women.’ Linwood helped her mother run the Priory and took it over following her mother's 1805 death. Mary Linwood’s students included Frances Flora Bond Palmer (1812-76), who later became one of Currier and Ives’s most productive lithographers, Alicia Whalley, the niece of John Constable, and natural history writer Mary Kirby.’ In addition to working at the school, Linwood exhibited her needle paintings of rural landscapes at the Society of Artists in London in 1776 and 1778.' In the late 1770s and early 1780s, she split her time between London and Leicester, where she taught at the Priory, worked on her embroidered replicas, and exhibited in new venues. In 1786, Linwood won a medal for her submissions to the Royal Society for the Encouragement of Arts, Manufactures and Commerce (RSA)? Unlike the Royal Academy, the exhibitions at the RSA and the Society of Artists displayed a diverse array of media. ; Exhibiting one’s art publicly, as Linwood did, was a primarily masculine endeavor, particularly at the Royal Academy. In such institutions and their related schools, the practice of copying a great artist’s works had long been an established stage of an artist's fine arts education, but these works were not to be exhibited as a finished product. The extended popularity of Linwood’s permanent Leicester Square gallery (open from 1809 to 1845) seems to complicate the artistic hierarchy of genres espoused by the Academy.” This hierarchy privileged both original works of art and large-scale history paintings; the latter required anatomical proficiency, a practice forbidden to women. Although Linwood’s genre prevented her from exhibiting at these venues i likely provided her with a greater degree of freedom (in comparison to oil painting for example) to experiment with her unique installations. She placed several of ba Gainsborough replicas in a cottage within her gallery—a mise-en-scéne that blurre the traditional boundary between the work of art and visitor. This type of aesthetic experience marks an intersection of art history, material objects, and popular culture. In The Subversive Stitch: Embroidery and the Making of the Feminine, Rozsika Parker demonstrated that in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, smaller-scale pictorial embroidery was considered a feminine, leisurely, and mostly middle- to es class accomplishment art. The union between embroidery and femininity was om by various cighteenth-century authors and moral reformers, Samuel Richardson ani STITCHING THE STAGE Mary Wollstonecraft viewed it as a waste of time that stifled women's intelligence. Conversely, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Hannah More, and Maria Edgeworth advocated embroidery as both a useful skill and a regulatory exercise that reinforced the role and place of women in the private domestic sphere. In Emile, or, On Education (1762), Rousseau suggested that a little drawing instruction was appropriate for women ae 2 means of learning embroidery: {would not want them to apply themselves to landscapes, til lss to figures. Leaves, uit, lowers, draperies, everything which is useful for giving an elegant turn to clothing and for making an ‘embroidery pattern for oneself when one does not find any to one’s taste—that is enough for ther.” For Linwood, copying the work of others in embroidered form often allowed her to draw figures and landscape, genres that Rousseau did not believe were necessary for the education of young women. Unlike Rousseau, Gainsborough felt differently about teaching his daughters artistic skills, for he believed that knowing how to paint landscape could be a means of economic support. In a letter from 1764 to a dear friend, he describes this recent decision: ‘You must know I'm upon a scheme of learning them both to paint Landscape; and that somewhat above the common Fan-mount si. think them capable of tif taken in time, and with proper Pains bestowid. I don't mean to make them ... partly admired & partly laughid at every Tea Table, but incase of an Accident that they may do something for Bread... think (and indeed always did ‘Dyse) that I had better do this than make fine trumpery of them, and let them be led away with Vanity, and ever subject to disappointment in the Wild Goose chase."* Gainsborough did not want his daughters to paint fans, a genre linked to both women and accomplishment art, but to be able to earn a living creating Iandscape paintings in case they never married. Linwood’ daily bread (in Gainsborough’s words) was earned from the dramatic display of her embroideries, many of which were landscapes. The public exhibition, but not sale, of her artwork tempered her participation in the London art world; the fact that she refused to sell her works also kept her safely in the realm of a talented amateur artist with educational intentions.'* Her work at the Priory as a teacher certainly contributed to her desire to educate the London public through the display of high quality, full-scale copies. Linwood exhibited her needlework in London in the 1770s and 1780s, winning a medal for her submissions to the Royal Society for the Encouragement of Arts, Manufactures and Commerce (RSA) in 1786." Buoyed by this professional success, she wrote to Birmingham inventor and family friend Matthew Boulton (1728-1809) in March of 1787 to arrange for an introduction to Queen Charlotte, which occurred on April 20. Following the advice and encouragement of the queen, Linwood first exhibited her work at the London Pantheon in May of 1787. It is tempting to suggest that Linwood’ replicas stemmed from a personal meeting with Gainsborough arranged through the queen, but there is no evidence that this happened in the shore window between her presentation to the queen in April 1787 and Gainsborough’s death from cancer on August 2, 1788. Instead, these replicas were based either on prints ot firsthand viewing following Gainsborough’s death,ee oETEEcoO—. on of the same."*In this venue, the Head of a Woodman was exhibited in the first room of the gallery, while the entire Woodman was in this technique foreshadowed its dramatic installation in the Leicester Square gallery." On March 30, 1801, Linwood closed the Hanover Square show. Following the signing of the Treaty of Amiens (1802), she prepared for a trip to the continent. This ps of Linwoi is sporadically documented, but according to several sources, she received the Freedom of Paris from Napoleon in 1803; she soon after created two embroidered images of the let” While in Europe, Linwood held temporary exhibitions in various cities such as Glasgow, Limerick, Cork, and Edinburgh; she returned to England in December 1804 following the death of her mother Hannah. ‘As demonstrated by the Hanover Square installation of the Weadman, in. Linwood’s temporary venues she experimented with alternative display techniques that became part of her permanent Leicester Square gallery, which opened in March 1809. In doing so, she may have been influenced by Gainsborough’s interest in dramatic environments. In 1781 and 1782, Gainsborough often visited Philip James de Loutherbourg’s Eidophusikon, a theater located near Leicester Square, which was known for its natural stage sets whose effects were enhanced by the use of transparencies, light, colored glass, and smoke. This fascination eventually led to Gainsborough’ Cottage Door series, his development of his own slide box and transparencies, and his practice of keeping bits of landscape material such as rock, bark, coal, and plants in his studio to replicate the stage sets of nature that de Loutherbourg made out of wood and glass.” There is no record of Linwood visiting the Eidophusikon or Gainsborough's studio, but she may have been aware of his interest in these practices. While both Gainsborough and Linwood crested in enhanced aesthetic experiences, she created elaborate installations that culminated in separate rooms, while he most often used The Leicester Square gallery featured a dramatic staircase, two 30-meter-long (100-foot) galleries, and several smaller chambers that she adapted for installations of her Gainsborough replicas. The Gothic Ri ottage, Grove, and Den also made their first appearance in the catalog to this exhibition, It seems to have been her intention to gradually arouse various em ss by having them progress from room to observation which is confirmed by antiquarian and author Robert Chambers’ description of Linwood's gallery: room, at a fine ‘The pictures appear to have been cleverly set for picturesque effect. The principal room, rthcore’s Lady Jane Grey Visited by the Abbot and Keeper of ight illusion being complete: Next was a cottage, with casement and hatch-door, and within it Gainsborough’s cottage childrens ig by the fire, with chimney complete. Near to this was a den, with further on, through a cavern aperture was a brilliant sea-view and picturesque shor Dolci had appropriated to it an entire room. The large saloons of Saville Il adapted for these exhibition purposes, by insuring distance and effect.” pula cera While Chambers, who wrote his description well after Linwood’s gallery had closed, does not mention the Ruins or the Grove, these rooms were located between the Cottage and the Den. The Gothic room served as a portal to other rooms that showcased more ic environments. The physicality of traveling through these tailored rooms in a specific way transformed the more passive act of viewing of art into a more active and multidimensional means of experiencing it. When the 1809 exhibition opened, it featured five of Linwood’s replicas of Gainsborough—a decade's worth of work designated for dramatic placement within her gallery. The final two that she completed were Country Child and Children at the Fire, which she exhibited as pendants in the Cottage room of her gallery. According to Joseph Farington, Linwood created some of the Gainsborough replicas by renting the originals from playwright Richard Sheridan.” In 1805, Farington wrote that Royal engraver James Heath had left a Gainsborough in his safekeeping that belonged to Linwood. Two years later, the diarist recorded that she had paid Heath £500 for the opportunity to copy “the Landscape by Gainsborough belonging to Mr. [Richard] Sheridan ... and two others by the same.” Although Farington did not identify any of these Gainsborough paintings, it seems likely that they were A Boy with a Cat—Morning and Children at the Fire, along with a third (unidentified) one, since Linwood’s replicas of these works appeared for the first time in her Leicester Square gallery in 1809. While Sheridan's rental fee seems steep, her ability to pay it indicates that she was fairly well off prior to the opening of her gallery in Leicester Square. ly borrowed the Gainsboroughs for lengthy period, for it took her roughly four to six months to produce each of these life-size works, with needle threading and background embroidery done by students at the Priory or assistants. Her other method for reproducing Gainsborough’s work was through the use of prints, which will be discussed later in this study.” Linwood’s replicas often seem more cheerful than their prototypes, as is seen in her Country Child (Figure 10.1).Itwas based on Gainsborough’s A Boy with a Cat—Morning (1787) (Figure 10.2), which features one of his favorite models, Jack Hill. A Boy with a Cat—Morning presents a somewhat confusing image ofa rural child against the backdrop of a tree. Perhaps lost, he is paused in thought and scratches his head. His robust health (and that of the cat), clean white shift, and red cloak contrast with the rag-like shoes that he wears. As one of Gainsborough’s fancy pictures, this painting seems to depict an although the ominous darkness in the background 's confusion belie a feeling of tranquility. Linwood’s embroidery stays fairly close to its prototype, but there are several features that are particularly noteworthy. She replaced Gainsborough’s androgynous boy with a less delicately featured girl, who takes Up more of the composition. Although s ’s work has faded, the use of lighter earth tones contrasts with G: addition to the difference in color, ameliorates the somber qualities of the original. Her signature on this work is particularly unusual, for she signed it “1809 Gainsborough.” ‘The 1809 is in the left corner, while Gainsborough’s name is in the right corner. 1wood rarely signed or dated her works and when she did, she used her own name.?* Ivis possible that she went back and added to the original signature following an 1810MATERIALIZING GENDER IN EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY EUROPE painting into a three-dimensional one, for the objects that were depicted in the embroidery were also present for the viewer to see and touch. Whi Linwood often used poetry in her catalogs to enhance the impact of her installations, its absence in this dual installation suggests that she wanted her visitor to focus solely on the aesthetic experience. One of her original works, Dog—From Nature was also placed in the Cottage. After exploring the Cottage, Linwood’s visitors walked through the Grove, where they viewed her replica of Woman and Child Taking Shelter from a Storm after J. Westall, a dramatic pastoral scene that foreshadowed the drama of the imminent Woodman (after Gainsborough), which was installed in the adjacent Ruins.” The bodily experience of walking through the various rooms in Linwood’ gallery, arriving in the Ruins with the Woodman, would have been similar to wandering through the forest and emerging at a dramatic clearing. The Woodman, the largest replica that Linwood created, was very similar in scale to Gainsborough’s prototype.” The spacious Leicester Square Gallery allowed her to display it in a more theatrical way than she had in the Hanover Square rooms. In the Woodman, man is at the mercy of Mother Nature and the large scale of Linwood’s replica recreated this corporal feeling of man's insignificance for visitors to the Ruins. According to a contemporary visitor, the Woodman was placed by itself “[in] a sort of grotesque cottage, surrounded with fir-trees; and the little light introduced, is through what appear like casements, made of canvas that cast a gloomy light on the rustic seats and other accompaniments.” Linwood utilized a pastoral setting and props to enhance the display of the Woodman, as she had done with Country Child and Children at the Fire. In her catalogue, excerpts from James Thomson's “Summer” (1727) also emphasize the capriciousness of the natural world in relation to man Pour a whole flood; and yet, its lame was quenched Th'unconquerable Ragged and And fires the mountains with re Black gles thro xce, ot in red whirling balls, oubled rage! blasting the smold’ring pine St shatterd trunk. The g woods Start at the flash, and at their deep recess, Wide flaming out, their tremblin tes shake Judging from prints after Gainsborough’s destroyed Woodman, it seems as if Linwood’s replica stayed fairly close to its model (Figure 10.3).” The woodman looks up towards the unpredictable skies, secking shelter from the oncoming storm, similar to Linwood’s replica after Westall in the previous room, The contorted placement of the dog, who anxiously follows his master’s gaze, contriby the image. He leans against a bundle es to the disquiet of branches that he has gathered, while a cottage (likely his) is nestled in the background. As Valerie Hedquist has recently demonstrated, Gainsborough’ depiction of the woodman as a pastoral pilgrim was likely indebted to his 1787 purchase of Sv. John the Baptist in the Bartholomé Murillo.” After viewing Linwood’ Wilderness, a painting then attributed i red Woodman in the Ruins, visitors to the gallery traveled through the Dens, which featu Linwood’s dramatic replicas of a Tygress and Lions and Lioness, both after Stubbs.” 10.3 Mary Linwood, Woodman, c. 1795: broidery, 244 x 170 cm (96 x 67 inches). The New Walk Museum and Art Gallery, Leicester Arts and Museum ServiceMATERIALIZING GENDER IN Semana CaN TURY EUROPE sborough the Weedman in the summer of 1787, although this ngs st 1748.” For him, the woodman was appearing way of life. His model for this painting and now a pensi gure had symbe as “a poor a description which pe." Despite the fact that it received a good deal of acclaim, a feature of of a simpler smith worn o where Queen Charlotte likely saw it as well The Woodman remained unsold at the time of Gainsborough's death in August 1788. The following y sclation) purchased it where he exh ated it in his Lon n of her civester They were hung close, rd Earlom’s 1781 me Her alter more proximate view of a less androgy ‘The boy's cloth 's waifs in Young Boys Playing Dice (1675). In Earl the boy looks towards the darkening sky, mimicking Woodman. A branch arches precipitous ns are similar to thos wer the boy; it and the sky appear less threatening how she reproduced Gainsborough’s Shepherds Boy, but it was likely based on a pris (paps cle ne)" The poetry accompanying this appeal is, the Agamemnon’s encounters with Idomer is. wing the wounding of Menel with an Ass information about how she made her rej a 1791 mezzotint insborough’s Cottage Children with an Ass by Henry Birch (aka Richard Earlom). Scrapbooking became pop the beginning of the early nineteenth century, reaching i Neither Gainsborough’s nor Linwood'’s versions of Cortage r among women in n the minds pastime future dexterity in amateur art, and embroidery, «+» because s scrapb component « needlework." was a fundament: nwood’s participation in the London art world. The embroidering he reproduced ‘HING 10.4 Mary Lim 57 inches.’ d's Boy in a Storm, 1800, en 170 x 144.8 cm (67 x 1d Museum Service described these mementoes, is mor contains few o' a board, similar to Pinterest.*” laces Linwood’s oeuvre at of ry and . Blogger Michele Gerbrandt describes this type of bo nterseince pieceme IZING G ENDER IN EIGH" ndscape sketch ability As Ben ENT! ‘CENTURY E OPE — draw ng an ‘ath century. I a private, domesti rallery seems replicas that were ofter it those w anything of the id lose their energy for w: y study past art, , for she posi exercise not copy According to h made copies as part of her le as finished products, ch erased most of the vestiges of Linwood’s own artistic style. In the realm of nwood, the act ig ~Conway (1800-70), the field often associated wi de oweve ive arts, was viewed less pejoratively. For example, Richard Sey 4th Marquess of Hertford, c ned and s XV desk and a desk beloi E an ébéniste David Roentgen (1743-1807) used his recipe lacquer uum resin and shellac) to create y. Her repre articularly s certainly confin the 1810 fir igs jeted in 1785, em Two years her cat self-port sure. As she had ty of her portrait by add young woman enhanced bows on her dress that dangle outside the 0110.6 Mary Linwo (23% x 18 inches). C Linwood’s left elbow rests on da Vi reflects centurie Its te eighteenth and ca It is unclear whether Linwood owned a copy of this treati is also possible opularity in Bri nineteenth although it that it was part of Russell’ library.* The inclusion of the text, which nclusion certainly STITCHING THE STAGE iso been a subtle acknowledgement of how much ce adds to the al success in Lo ic with her rey artist on the cusp of who wanted to educate the pi and present. Linwood’s social status was also uncertain. Her it stemmed from her role at the Priory, the school that her mother established to support es after the early death of her husband. At the Priory, Mary Linwood taught cas of famous artworks from the past engagement with embroidery embroidery, a domes skill and leisure activity that signified politeness, o well-born m the same class as her ae its. In 1814, writer Mary Lamb (1764-1847) published in which she urged middle- and upper-class women who pursu pastime to al commodity which is al believed that if middle- women (such as the embroideress, corset-mak ind nwood), for it is “that great staple If-supporting part of our sex.” Lamb ‘, and dress-maker) would have a surfeit of paid commissions.” Lamb’ ike Linwood would have a better chance of supporting areer combined two of the few opportunities that women had to supp lework and educatior her embroidered p: themselves. Indeed, ings acted as objects that produced a version of public femininity that countered what was essentially a masculine activity, the ion of her works. This displ such ; however, was likely tempered by several facto et she charged admission to her gallery." The opening of her cester Square placed her among fellow proprietors nces that united high and low culture, such mpathy, creating an interactive encounter between object, woods visitors physically reenacted a tranqu by moving from room to room in her uth .e Ruins and the Den), the gallery offered a safe version of a prosperous pre-industrial pilgrimage free from the realities of enclosure and rural poverty: manm and the Gro ide environments (such as the Cottage (New York Tradition, 1740-1860 (L cape: The Rural Poor in En The Dark Si dge: Cambridge 87); and 1730-1840 (Canune GENDER IN EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY EUROPE z a 2 Painting and the Politi the CT and London: Yale University Press and Paul Cultural History ofa Polite and Useful Art (New Haven, Mallon Centre for Studies in British Art, 2000) accessed December 7, iness in 1779, brother Matthew (1754-1826) is grandfather's by 5. Matthew,a wine merchant, went bankrupt ly 1760s. 6. Birmingham Archives, MS. 3782/6/Mrs from Hannah Linwood to Mr. Matthew writing materials. woods Bills. This document contains several bills Iton for Miss Nancy Mynd for drawing, dancing, and 7. Ch te Streifer Rubenstein, “The Early Career of Frances Flora Bi id Palmer (1812-1876), American Art Journal 17 (Auturne, 1985): 71-2; Susan Lasch ‘or Crewels and Yarns: Mary Linwood's Needlework,” Country Life 159 (April 15, 1976): 958-9, at 959. 8, In 1778, Linwood exhibited a Landscape in Needlework at this exhibition. «Society: Her mother also participated in PG. Trendell, “Miss Linwood and Her Ni participated llework Pictures.” Embroideress 2 (1925): 370, Linwood 1776, 1778, and 1792 Society of Artists exhibitions 10. Marcia Pointon, Hanging tbe Head. Portraiture and Social Formation in Eighteenth-Century England (London and New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1993), 2-3, 11. See Parker, The Subversive Stitch (London: Women's Press, 1984), 120, fora discussion of this topic in Richardson’s Pamela, Or, Virtue Rewarded (1740); and ch. 4 of Mary Wollstonecraft A Vindication of Be Rights of Woman with Strctures on Maral and Political Subjects (London: Joseph Johnson, 1792). 12, Bermingham, Learning to Draco, 146 13. Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Emil or, On Education, tans. Allan Bloom (New York: Basic Books, 1973),368. insborough to James Unwin, March 1, 1764, in The Leters of Tomas Gainsborough ed John Hayes (New Haven, CT: Paul Mellon Centre for Studies of British Art and Yale University Press, 2001),25-6. 1 am grateful to Amber Ludwig for drawing my attention to ths letter ‘inwood!'s fellow needle painters included Mary Morris Knowles (1733-1807) and Anne Eliza Morrie (1726-97), who ‘ry: The “Ingenious Quaker” and Her Connections ion, VT: Ashgate, ighteenth-century examples of embroidered paintings, see Rosemary O'Day, “Family Galleries: Women and Artin the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries," Huntington Library Quarterly 71:2 (June 2008), 327. 16. Trendell, “Miss Linwood,” 370. Linwood participated in the 1776, 178, and 1792 Society of Artists exhibitions, STITCHING THE STAGE 2; Joseph Farington, Tbe Diary of Joseph versity Press and Paul Mellon Centre for 3,714 (December 9, 1796). in 1787 and the second sae i created 17 more works and embroidered a banner to raise 19. Classified advertisements in the Morning Chronicle (London, May 12, 1800 and Daily Advertiser mt, May 12, 1800; Issue 22 284). 20 Linwood's replicas may be after por portrait of Napoleon as First like to thank Alexandra L & Albert Museum ic Matronage of Queen Charlote (1744-1818): How a Queen Promoted Both Art and Female Artists in ty (Lewiston, NY: Edwin Mellen Press, 2011 2 Bermingham, “Gainsborough’s Cottage Doors,” 40-41; Bermingham, Sensation and Sensibility inwood!'s Exhibition of Needlework,” Chambers’ Book of Days, at hitp://wvww.thebookofdays. ‘com/months/march/9.htm, accessed April 9, 2013 . s after terior of a Cottage,” which also likely cont ‘ous popularity. Neither Gainsborough’ nor Linwood!’ versions of ildren at the Fire survive 24. William Thomas Whitley, Thomas Gainsborough (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1915), 292-3; Katharine Baetjer, British Paintings in the Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1575-1875 (New York: Metropolitan Museu and New Haven, CT: distributed by Yale the former work from 1807 to 1816 and sold the latter in 1813. 25. Farington, The Diary of Joseph Farington, vol. 3, 53 (February 1, 1805) and vol. 4,235~6 (December 12, 1807). 26. Mary Kirby, Leaflets from My Life: Narrative Autobiography (London: Simpkin, Macs ‘This is an estimate, for there is no record of how long it took Linwood to layed several embroidered compos appeared in tages created by ‘others. Foran extens ayes, The Landscape Paintings of Thomas Gainsborough: ical Text and Catalogue Raisonné (Ithaca, NY: i University Press, 1982), appendices 1-2 28. Linwood also signed these works: Shepherd’ Boy (after Gainsborough), Pastoral Scene (after Rosa), A Goldfinch Starved to Death in a Cage (after Russell), Pomeranian Dog (after Catton), S¢ill Life with Birds and Dead Hare (both original compositions).29, 34, 35, 36, 37. 41, 42, ING GENDER IN EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY EUROPE, Eatl of urchased Cottage Children from Gainsborough’ gallery in 179 1¢ other two paintings fro incle Sir Henry Noel, who bough, replica of Westall’s work survives. West ized in portraits, as well as histor was likely Richard ind literary scenes, 765-1836), an artist 10 speci }. At 244 x 170 cm (96 x 67 inches d 235.5 x 156 em (92% « 61% ii inwood’s replica was slightly larger than its prototype, which east ‘The Monthly Magazine or British Register 9: 1 (January-July 1800): 482-3, Hedquist, “How a Lost Painting 265 and footnote 83 Gallery of Bry Poets’ Gallery) and publications relating to the gallery influenced Lim ice of embroidered paintings in her gallery. In other words, some of the work that Linwood chose to reproduce in embroidery (including another Woodman by Thomas Barker of Bath) were based on images that were initially part of Macklin's collection, 1787 plans for his Linwood’s earliest version of the Woodman was exhibi also highlights her appreciation of rustic subject m: with Hoppner’s portrait of her, an image that Mary Linwood, 1810 exhibition catalog, copy in author’ possession, “Summer” was part of Thomson's ‘Seasons, which he wrote between 1726 and 1730. See _http:/Avwwibritishmuseum.org/research/collection_online/co image_gallery.aspx?assetld=8814268cobjectld=3153433&par Prints after Gainsborough’s Woodman. Hedquist, “How a Lost Painting Endured,? 256-7, ‘The third and final section of the gallery provided a for Linwo it contained religious works after Carlo Marratt, Carlo Dolci, Raphael, and Ludovico C: 18 (May 1994): 48; Michael Rosenthal and Marti Gainsborough (New York: Henry N. Abrams, 1993), 215-19. According to Rosen re Woodman featured a return to and enlargement of one ofthe key figutesin his Wooden Landscape with Old Peasants sand Donkeys Outside a Barn (1757-59). Nee and Plenty: Images ofthe Agricultural Landscape in England, 1780-1890 (New ondon: Yale Universi as Thomas Barker's. 1790 depiction, which was also replicated and exhibited by Linwood. Linwood’s version of Barkers Woodman predates her Gainsborough replica for it was first included in her frst Hanover Square exhibition in 1798. Jane Roberts, Royal Artists: From Mary, Queen of Seats to the Present Day (London: Grafton Books, 1987), 70-72. Gainsborough enjoyed over a decade of royal patronage during. wi Portraits of the royal family and provided art lessons to the queen and several of her children. 4 STITCHING THE STAGE n: Tate Gallery, 1980), 40-41. Soon after its purchase in 1789, John Hayes, Thomas Gainsborough (Lo homberg House. There is no record of Linwood having viewed she used poetry in her catalog. Poetry by C ildren with an Ass Rosenthal studio prior to his death or Exton Hall be Shepherd's Boy in a Storm (1781) at the Royal Ac stopped exhibiting 1784. Homer, Te Iliad at http:/vww.poetryintranslation.convPITBR/Greck/Tliad4.Itm, accessed September 18, 2014, For more on Ladies’ Albums and their contribution to the commercalization of amateur art, see Bermingham, Learning to Draw, esp. 127-74, Deborah Smith, “Consuming Passions: Scrapbooks and American Play.” The Ephemera Journal 6 (1993): 67, cited in Jessica K. Dallow, “Treasures of the a Late Nineteenth-C Ca 1995), 21. Linwood!’ process of converting smaller-scale prints into larger compositions differed from how earlier needle workers had worked wit see Susan Frye, Pens and Nec University of Pennsylvania Press, 2010), 137. wsan Stewart, On Longing: Narratives of the Miniature, the Gigantic, the Souvenir, the Collection . “To ink=669, accessed July 23, 2012. Bermingham, “The Origin of Pai Ackermann, Lessons for Beginners ‘The Artist or Young Ladies Instructor in Ornamental Painting, Drawing, &c consisting of Lessons in Grecian Painting, Japan Painting, Oriental Tinting, Mezzotinting, Transferring, Inlaying, and Manufacturing Ornamental Articles for Fancy Fairs London: Chapman & Hall, 1835). Sir Joshua Reynolds, Discourses, ed. Pat Rogers (LLondon: Penguin, 1992), 92-3, Be “The Origin of Painting,” 160. ‘or not to copy? Reproducing Righteend wallacecollection.org/blog/2014/03/t0-copy-or-not furniture/, accessed '4,2014. Both copies are on display Reed Benhamou, “Imitation in the Decorative Arts in the Eighteend iy" Journal of Design History 4:1 (1991): 3; and Anna Lena Lindberg, “Through the Needle’s Eye: red Pictures on the Threshold of Modernit immer 1998): 503-10, at 507. ‘This volume was first published in England in 1716 and 1802. Reynolds (who owned a copy of the Treatie) cited Leonardo in his Discourses as part of his argument for elev painting to a liberal art. The treatise itself, however, was not a popular teaching tool century England.58. 59, 61. 62. 63. MATERIALIZING GENDER IN FIGHTEENTH-CENTURY EUROPE, Geoffrey Quilley,“The Trattato della Pittura and Leonardo's Reputation in Eighteenth-Century British Art and Aesthetics,” in Rereading Leonarde: The “Treatise on Painting” across Europe, 1550-1990, Claire Farago (Farnham, UK and Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2009), 500. Linwood never reproduced any of Leonardo’ paintings. In the late eighteenth century, there were two Leonardo paintings in England: the cartoon of The Holy Famity, in the possession of the Royal Academy before 1791, and ‘The Virgin of the Rocks, which was acquired by Gavin Hamilton in 1781 and ended up in the Earl of Suffolk’ collection. | would like to thank Melissa Hyde for this observation, “On Needlework by Mary Lamb,” at http://vww-janeausten.co.uk/on-needlework-by-mary-lamby/, accessed September 24, 2014. Lamb, along with her brother Charles Lamb (1775-1834), were best known for their children’s series Tales from Shakespeare. They were part of a London literary circle that Juded Samuel Taylor Coleridge and William Wordsworth. For more on the artificial division between amateur and professional female artists in eighteenth- and. carly nineteenth-century Europe, see O'Day, “Family Galleries," 348. See Hedquist, “How a Lost Painting Endured,” 259-60, for a thorough discussion of the influence of print seller and picture dealer Thomas Mackliis (1752/3-1800) Poets’ Gallery on Linwood’s Leicester ‘Square Gallery. Like Linwood, Marie Tussaud’s business united high- and low-brow endeavors. She first exhibited works in London in 1802 at the nearby London Lyceum. She opened her permanent gallery in Baker Street in 1835. Some of the more traditional exhibition techniques that Linwood used in her gallery include red walls and printed catalogs. Linwood’ gallery was the first one in London to feature gas lighting, feature that extended her hours of operation. See Payne, Toil and Plenty, for a discussion of numerous issues stemming from rural poverty, such as unrest and poaching. 192