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brief communications arising

Human behaviour Fehr and Gächter reply — Fowler et al. raise


an important question1. They correctly
Egalitarian motive and altruistic punishment argue that the desire to reduce inequality
Arising from: E. Fehr & S. Gächter Nature 415, 137–140 (2002) may motivate cooperators who altruistically
punish free riders in our experiments2. Also,

A
ltruistic punishment is a behaviour in deviance is exactly equal to contribution the evolutionary history of humans sug-
which individuals punish others at a deviance: gests that egalitarianism shaped many
cost to themselves in order to provide human cultures3 and that egalitarian
a public good. Fehr and Gächter1 present
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0.4(ci)cj  0.4(ci)cj
3
( ) motives may, therefore, be a powerful force
experimental evidence in humans indicat- i ij i behind the punishment of free riders. In
1
ing that negative emotions towards non-  (ci)cj addition, recently developed proximate
cooperators motivate punishment, which, 3 ij theories4, which formalize the notion of
in turn, provokes a high degree of coopera- inequality aversion, also suggest that egali-
tion. Using Fehr and Gächter’s original Thus, it is not possible to tell them apart, tarian desires may be important. Fowler et al.
data, we provide an alternative analysis of and all of Fehr and Gächter’s statistical contrast their egalitarianism hypothesis
their experiment that suggests that egalit- results equally support the hypothesis that with our view that negative emotions
arian motives are more important than subjects are punishing the top earners in against free riders drive punishment.
motives for punishing non-cooperative order to minimize the difference in payoff However, the two views are not necessari-
behaviour. This finding is consistent with outcomes. ly incompatible: egalitarian sentiments may
evidence that humans may have an evolu- If absolute levels are used instead of be the basis behind cooperators’ negative
tionary incentive to punish the highest deviance from the mean, the experiment emotions because free riding causes consid-
earners in order to promote equality, rather suggests that payoffs are important in altru- erable inequalities. Moreover, the reanalysis
than cooperation2. istic punishment. We replicated Fehr and of our original data by Fowler et al. can only
In the experiment by Fehr and Gächter, Gächter’s regression analysis of the data and raise (but not settle) the question of whether
groups with four members played a public- then used the same method to examine how equality motives are important because a
good game. Each participant was given an group expenditures for the punishment of punishing cooperator in our experiments2
initial endowment of 20 money units (MUs), player i varied with player i ’s contribution, inevitably reduces the inequality between
which they could either keep or contribute prepunishment payoff, and an interaction himself and the punished free rider. Thus, it
(entirely or partially) to a group project. For between the two. is not possible to isolate any other motive
every MU invested in the project, each mem- The resulting model suggests that the behind altruistic punishment based on these
ber earned 0.4 MU. Although the dominant payoff has a strong and significant effect on data because the equality motive can never
strategy in the game is to keep the whole punishment, even controlling for the con- be ruled out.
endowment, mutual contribution yields the tribution. For example, a 10-MU increase in A plausible alternative to the egalitarian
best result for the group. In one treatment, the payoff yields 6.1 MU (1.1 MU) of motive is that cooperative subjects may per-
subjects had an option to decrease the payoff additional punishment when the contribu- ceive free riding as a violation of the strong
of other group members, such that 1 MU tion is 0, and 1.8 MU (1.4 MU) when the reciprocity norm5–7. Cooperators may feel
spent on punishment decreased the payoff contribution is 20. By contrast, the contri- exploited by the free riders because the
of the targeted individual by 3 MUs. The bution has less effect on punishment and latter did not reciprocate their cooperative
punishment stage started immediately after only decreases punishment when the payoff choices. Retaliation motives drive altruistic
subjects had seen the payoffs earned by other is sufficiently high. A 10-MU increase in the punishment in this view.
group members in the first stage. contribution yields a 3.6-MU (1.4 MU) The retaliation motive has been isolated
Punishment in the experiment was fre- decrease in the total punishment when the in a public-good experiment (A. Falk, E. F.
quent and followed a pattern. Most negative payoff is 44 (the maximum observed value), and U. Fischbacher, see www.iew.unizh.ch/
points were imposed on below-average but the contribution has no significant wp/iewwp059.pdf) in which the potential
contributors and those who earned above- effect on punishment when the payoff is impact of the equality motive was removed.
average payoffs in the first round. Fehr and 13 MU (the minimum observed value). This experiment was almost identical to our
Gächter define defection in relative terms, These results indicate that subjects were original2, except that punishment did not
asserting that subjects punish an individual more motivated to punish high earners than change the income difference between the
j in proportion to his or her deviance from low contributors, and that egalitarian punished and the punishing subject. One
the mean contribution of the other three motives may underlie altruistic punishment money unit (MU) spent on punishment
players: in humans. reduced the free rider’s payoff by exactly this
James H. Fowler*, Tim Johnson†, amount. Thus, if egalitarian motives are the
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(ci)cj Oleg Smirnov‡ sole driving force behind altruistic punish-
3 ij *Department of Political Science, University of ment, there should be no punishment in
However, suppose individuals were not California, Davis, One Shields Avenue, Davis, this experiment. However, punishment is
concerned about contributions and instead California 95616, USA frequently observed (Fig. 1).
wanted to minimize inequality in the pay- e-mail: jhfowler@ucdavis.edu This punishment pattern is very similar to
offs. If so, they might choose punishments †Max Planck Institute for Human Development, that of the original experiment because those
in proportion to payoff deviance: Center for Adaptive Behaviour and Cognition, who cooperate predominantly punish the
14195 Berlin, Germany free riders. Overall, subjects punish other

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j i ‡Department of Political Science, University of group members in the new experiments 211
3 i Oregon, 1284 University of Oregon, Eugene, times: 51 out of 87 subjects (59%) punish at
Notice that, as Oregon 97403, USA least once, and 22% punish more than five
doi:10.1038/nature03256 times during the experiment, which consists
j0.4 (ci)cj 1. Fehr, E. & Gächter, S. Nature 415, 137–140 (2002). of six rounds. There is a considerable amount
2. Boehm, C. Hierarchy in the Forest: The Evolution
i
of Egalitarian Behaviour (Harvard Univ. Press, Cambridge,
of punishment in the new experiments,
in the Fehr and Gächter experiment, payoff 1999). although the equality motive cannot be
NATURE | VOL 433 | 6 JANUARY 2004 | www.nature.com/nature E1
© 2005 Nature Publishing Group

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