The period 1453 to 1618 connects the High Medieval Period to the Early

Modem Era. Commonly known as the Renaissance, it saw technological

advances and significant social and cultural change. Catholic dominance
was challenged by the rise of the new Protestant religions, and Western
Europe was itself challenged by the rise of the Ottoman Empire. The New
World was discovered and greater links with the East were created. This
period saw the fall of Constantinople to the Turks and the last major
battle of the Hundred Years War, both in 1453. The use of gunpowder
and artillery played an ever-increasing role in war, and this was coupled
with the rise of the professional soldier. The condotierri, landsknecht and
janissary were all to march across the battlefields of Europe and beyond.
Army organisation also changed. The mid to late 15th century still saw
armies based around the 'lancefournie' or 'retinue' of the High Medieval
Era, formations based around a lord and his immediate men-at-arms and other supporters. By the
mid 16th century Italian officers were fielding their troops in formations known as 'battagliones',
and by the end of the century the French term 'regiment' was in common usage. 'From Retinue
to Regiment 1453-1618' examines this period in a broad sweep. It examines the wars and battles
through narrative, as well as looking at the equipment, clothing and logistics involved.

About the author

Massimo Predonzani was born in Piran. Slovenia in 1959 and currently lives in Trieste. Italy. He is an illustrator and
researcher. He specializes in military heraldry during the Italian and European Renaissance. He is the author of Anghiari 29
giugno 1440 (2010). and Ceresole 14 aprile 1544 (2012). Since 2006 he has been providing the magazine Soldatini with texts
and illustrations. He also has a website where he shares his research and his painted illustrations (www.stemmieimprese.it.).

Vmcenzo Alberici was born in 1977 in Italy. near Cremona. Since a young age he has shown great interest in military
history. He applied his historical knowledge to the building of miniature models, and also by teaching classes for industry.

Submis ion
The publishers would be pleased to receive submissions for this series. Please contact series editor Charles Singleton via
email (charlesjsingleton@yahoo.co.uk). or in writing to Helion & Company Limited. Unit 8. Amherst Business Centre.
Budbrooke Road. Warwick. Warwickshire. CV34 5WE.
The Italian Wars

Volume 1: The Expedition of Charles VIII into

Italy and the Battle of Fornovo

Massimo Predonzani, Vincenzo Alberici

Translated by Rachele Tiso

Helion & Company

We would like to thank: Rachele Tiso, Roberta Alberici,
Esterina Borgese and Nicoletta Rusconi

Helion & Company Limited

Unit 8 Amherst Business Centre
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Published by Helion & Company 2019

Designed and typeset by Mach 3 Solutions Ltd (www.mach3solutions.co.uk)
Cover designed by Paul Hewitt, Battlefield Design (www.battlefield-design.co.uk)

Text © Massimo Predonzani and Vincenzo Alberici. Translator Rachele Tiso

Black and white illustrations © as individually credited
Colour artwork drawn by Massimo Predonzani © Helion & Company 2019
Maps drawn by Les Prince © Helion & Company 2019

Every reasonable effort has been made to trace copyright holders and to obtain their
permission for the use of copyright material. The author and publisher apologize for
any errors or omissions in this work and would be grateful if notified of any corrections
that should be incorporated in future reprints or editions of this book.

ISBN 978-1-912866-52-6

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Contents

List of Illustrations & Maps iv

Introduction vii

1 The Main Personalities 17

2 The Opposing Armies 22

3 Charles VIII's Expedition to the Kingdom of Naples 39

4 The Battle of Fornovo 52
5 The Siege of Novara and the Battle of Seminara 76
6 Military Heraldry in the Fifteenth Century 79

Colour Plates Commentary 116

Appendix 118
Bibliography 126

iii
 List of Illustrations & Maps

1 Map of Italy on the eve of the French invasion. viii

2 A fifteenth-century portrait of Charles VIII. (Conde Museum,
Chantilly) x
3 A detail of the "Madonna della Vittoria" by Andrea Mantegna
depicting Francesco Gonzaga. (Louvre Museum, Paris) xii
4 Portrait of Ludovico the Moor depicted in the "Pala Sforzesca"
(1494-1495), preserved in the Brera Art Gallery, Milan. xiii
5 Portrait of Louis 11 de la Tremoille. (Conde Museum, Chantilly) 18
6 Medal of Gian Giacomo Trivulzio. Reproduction of the drawing
made by the author. (Palais Dorotheum, Vienna) 18
7 Venetian infantrymen; detail of the "Legend of Saint Ursula" by
Vittore Carpaccio, painted between 1490 and 1495. (Gallerie
delli\ccademia, Venice) 23
8 Italian infantrymen armed with round shields and partisans; detail
of "The Battle of Fornovo", preserved in the National Gallery of
Art, Washington, D.C. 25
9 Crossbowman; detail of the "Martirio di San Sebastian", Emilian
school, c. 1490-95. Reproduction of the drawing made by the
author. 26
10 Italian armour of a man-at-arms, dated 1480. Diocesan Museum
"Francesco Gonzaga': Mantua. (Author's photo) 29
11 Italian armour of a man-at-arms, dated 1480, seen from behind.
Diocesan Museum "Francesco Gonzaga� Mantua. (Author's photo) 29
12 Italian armour of a man at arms, dated 1470-1490. Diocesan
Museum "Francesco Gonzaga': Mantua. (Author's photo) 29
13 Italian knights, detail from "The Battle of Fornovo': 30
14 French knights during the tournament of Sandricourt in 1493.
Reproduction of the drawing made by the author. (Cabinet des
Dessins, Louvre Museum, Paris) 33
15 French knight unhorsing a Stratioti; detail from "The Battle of
Fornovo': 34
16 Light-armoured French knight killing a Stratioti; detail from "The
Battle of Fornovo': 34
17 French infantryman with partisan sporting the white cross on his
back; the harnesses of the donkey nearby are decorated with fleurs-
de-iys. Detail from "The Battle of Fornovo': 35

iv
 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS & MAPS

18 Coat of anns and device of Charles VllI, as represented in "Le Livre

des faiz Monseigneur Saint Loys" (c. 1492), preserved in the National
Library of France. (Reproduction of the drawing made by the author) 39
19 Map of the French advance and retreat. 40
20 Charles VIII's entrance in Florence, painted by Francesco Granacci.
(Uffizi Gallery, Florence) 45
21 Charles VIII's entrance in Naples; before the King there is a
captain of the guard and a Swiss. From the Cronaca di Partenope
(Chronicle of Naples), The Morgan Library & Museum, New York.
(Reproduction of the drawing made by the author) 48
22 "Francesco Gonzaga 11 alla battaglia del Taro" by Jacopo Tintoretto,
1578-1579, preserved in the Alte Pinakothek of Munich, Germany. 53
23 Map of the Battle of Fornovo. 54
24 The bed of the River Taro in the direction of Medesano; picture
taken from the bridge connecting Fornovo to Ramiola (part of
Medesano), a recently-built little-inhabited centre. The present
highway 357 connects the villages of the left bank, and presumably
retraces the path followed by Charles in the morning of 6 July
1495. In the city of Medesano, at the corner of Via Roma and
Via Grossardi, a thick boulder with the function of bollard is
positioned. It was found in 1880 in the surrounding countryside,
and legend has it that it was the boulder on which Charles rested
and pondered the night after the battle. 57
25 The bed of the River Taro to the south-west, the direction from
which the French army marched. It is possible to see the remains of
an ancient bridge connecting the inhabited centres in Fomovo with
the opposite bank. It was probably used by Charles' troops to cross
to the left bank of the river. The present road bridge, crossed by the
highway 357, was built next to the ancient one. 59
26 A view of the area called "the plain of Giarola� stretching between
Pontescodogna and Ozzano Taro. Its name almost certainly comes
from the dialectal term referring to gravel, commonly found in
alluvial plains. The League military camp was settled there; Charles
could see it from the hills near Fornovo. 62
27 Corte di Giarola. A small agricultural centre, presumably the
headquarters of the League army. A few letters written by Gonzaga
trace back to this place. Nowadays, the building houses the Museum
of Tomato and an excellent restaurant. Some parts of the original
walls are still visible. Even though the building structure has been
reworked several times throughout the years, the original structure
probably has remained unchanged since the time of the battle. 63
28 The River Taro, seen from the Corte di Giarola, looking at the left
bank. The small hills visible in the distance are probably those
crossed by the light cavalry and the Stratioti of Duodo to outflank
the French vanguard. 64
29 The left riverbank, between Pianezza and Felegara. It is possible to
see the steep banks that the League troops had to climb to engage
battle with the French. The picture, taken in early June, ill ustrates
well how thick the vegetation could have been when the two armies
clashed. 65

v
THE ITALIAN WARS VOLUME 1

30 The River Taro in front of Felegara. Probably it was in this place

that the squadrons of Gonzaga forded the river. In this point the
riverbed is wide, meaning that, in spite of the storms that broke in
the days preceding the battle, the water was probably not that high.
However, this did not prevent the death of some of the soldiers
during the fording, also due to the sandy riverbed. 67
31 Drawing of the Battle of Fornovo. 1) Italian men -at-arms who,
initially, defeated the French knights; 2) Italian servants and pages
for backup; 3) Pages and members of the French Lance massacring
Italian knights; 4) The Swiss infantry square chasing the Milanese;
5) Venetian Stratioti. 69
32 Charles VIII sporting the Jerusalem cross emblem; miniature
from the book Louanges de Charles VIII preserved in the National
Library of France. (Author's reproduction of the drawing) 83
33 The French entrance in Naples: soldiers of Charles VIII's guard
and heralds. From the Cronaca di Partenope (Chronicle of Naples),
The Morgan Library & Museum, New York. (Reproduction of the
drawing made by the author) 86
34 Milanese rotella captured by the Swiss in the Battle of Giornico
(1478). In the centre of the shield, Trivulzio's impresa of the Jesus is
depicted on an escutcheon. Reproduction of the drawing made by
the author. (History Museum, Lucerne) 89
35 Coat of arms of the House of Gonzaga. 94
36 Detail of the miniature "Triumph of Love� dated 1465. A man of
the House of Gonzaga wearing the colours of the white, red and
green device on his garments and stockings, and sporting the sun
impresa. Reproduction of the drawing made by the author. (British
Library) 99
37 Knights of Rodolfo Gonzaga sporting the sun impresa. Detail
of the fresco depicting the Battle of Poggio Imperiale, Palazzo
Pubblico (Siena). Reproduction of the drawing made by the author. 100
38 Knight of Colleoni -Martinengo; detail from the frescoes in the
Malpaga Castle, Bergamo. Reproduction of the drawing made by
the author. 109
39 Engraving of "The Battle of Fornovo" preserved in the National
Gallery of Art in Washington, D.C. 112
40 Depiction of the Swiss infantry square; detail of "The Battle of
Fornovo': 113
41 Stratioti assaulting the baggage of the French; detail of "The Battle
of Fornovo': 114
42 The clash between the French cavalry, at the bottom, and the Italian
cavalry, at the top; in the centre, Charles VIII is depicted with his
sword while facing Gonzaga, who is armed with a lance. 114

vi
Introduction

Poiche di Carlo il ritorno intendesti, [ ... ] when you learned of Charles'

Desiderosi Juggir tanta piena,
La cittd darme e gente provvedesti.
E pero giunto con sue genti a Siena,
Sendo cacciato da piu caso urgente,
Nando per quella via che a Pisa il
mena;
Dove gid Gonzaga il Juror sente,
E come ad incontrarlo sopra al Taro
Avea condotto la Marchesca gente.
Ma quei robusti e Juriosi urtaro
Con tal virtu I'Italico drappello,
Che sopra 'I ventre suo oltrepassaro.
Di sangue il flume pareva a vedello,
Ripien d'uomini e darme e di cavagli
Caduti sotto al gallico coltello.
Cos; gl'Italian lasciorno andagli;
E loT, sanza temer gente avversara,
Giunson in Ansti e sanzaltri travagli.
return, in your desire to avoid so
great a throng, you furnished the city
with arms and men.
And so, when with his host he
reached Siena, being pushed on by a
matter more urgent, he went off by
the road which took him to Pisa,
where at once he heard of Gonzagas
ardour, and that to oppose him on
the Taro he had brought the forces of
Saint Mark.
But those strong and ardent men
with such vigour charged the Italic
squadron that over its belly they
marched onward.
A stream of blood the river seemed
to beholders, full of men and arms
and horses fallen under the Gallic
sword.
So the Italians let them go, and
without fearing hostile soldiers, the
French reached Asti without further
afflictions. I

With such words Machiavelli's described the first and most controversial
Italian War in his Decennale. For the first time a foreign state intervened in
the conflicts between the most influential men in the peninsula.
Afterwards, several battles followed and led to an utter political-military
upheaval of the Italian States, especially in the North Central area. Such
disruption was mainly caused by France and the Holy Roman Empire. In the

Niccolo Machiavelli. First Decennale (1509), in Machiavelli: The Chief Works and Others,
translated by Allan Gilbert (Durham, Ne: Duke university Press, 1989).

vii
 INTRODUCTION

aftermath of the Italian Wars, borders were redrawn and remained almost
unchanged until the threshold of the nineteenth century, when Napoleon
newly created havoc in the peninsula. At that time Italian pride was newly
awake, after being asleep since July 1495, when the invader took part for the
first time in a battle against an "Italian army':
Italian and French chroniclers, historians and writers have left us reports
and studies on the "feat of arms on the Taro". Although no winner had
officially been declared and recognised until today, both armies were sure
about their full victory.2 They had and showed no doubts about that.

Italy and Europe at the end of the Fifteenth Century

At the end of the fifteenth century, several European countries were building
their national identity. England was the first country that reached a solid
territorial and political stability; this happened under the reign of Henry VII
of the House of Tudor, who had been crowned in 1485 after a disruptive civil
war between the Houses of Lancaster and York.
As for Spain, following the marriage between Isabella of Aragon and
Ferdinand of Castile in 1469 and the conquest of the enclave of Granada,
a unitary reign was formed; still, it was formalised only in 1504, after the
death of Isabella. Until such date, Aragon and Castile were governed as two
independent countries.
The Holy Roman Empire was only formally governed by Maximilian of
Habsburg (1459-1519). His decisions were heavily influenced by Prince­
electors, who autonomously reigned over their territories. Maximilian
succeeded to his father Frederick Ill, and was appointed King of Italy in
1486; he was then crowned Emperor in 1493 after his father died. Before
taking control of the Empire he managed to extend his dominion over
part of Flanders (1489), on Southern Tyrol and Inner Austria (1490).
He inherited thse lands from his cousin Sigismund of Austria, the last
Habsburg member in Tyrol. He then reconquered Vienna, which had been
occupied by Matyas Hunyadi (Matthias Corvinus) King of Hungary, who
had previously defeated his father, and in 1491 he could claim the right
to Bohemia and Hungary if the monarch Wladyslaw Jagiellonczyk died
without heirs. In 1493, following the treaty of Senlis, he took over Artois
and the Frank County by having married in 1477 Mary of Burgundy, the
daughter and heir of Charles the Bold. He immediately lost such dominions
because of a conflict with Louis XI. Subsequent to the death of his first wife,
he married Bianca Maria Sforza in 1494. She was the daughter of Gian
Galeazzo Sforza and niece of Ludovico the Moor. Maximilian then created
the premises for successive alliances and interventions in Italian territory.
When he became emperor, he reunited the territories under his dominion
to those inherited from his father.

2 A1essandro Benedetti. Illatlo d 'arme del Tarro fra i principi italiani, et Carlo otlavo re di
Francia, insieme con I 'assedio di Novara (Venice, 1 54 1 ).

ix
THE ITALIAN WARS VOLUME 1
2 A 1 5th-century portrait of
Charles VIII (Conde Museum,
Chantilly)
x
In France, in 1483, Charles VIII of Valois, son of Louis XI " The Prudent"
came to the throne of a country which was not united at all; even during
the reign of Charles V II, powerful French dukes were the true opponents
of the crown. They tried to return to the particular situation of privilege
they had before the liberation of French lands from the English, which
followed the end of the Hundred Years War. Until 1475, royal dominions
only reached the southern regions, in particular Poitou, Turenne, Berry,
Normandy and Champagne. In 1477 some regions in Burgundy went to
Louis XI, they therefore were no longer under the control of Maximilian
of Habsburg and Mary of Burgundy (Artois and Franche-Comte were later
given to Maximilian, while some parts of Burgundy remained under the
crown of France).
The dominions of Rene of Anjou, second-born son of the king of Naples
Louis 11 of Anjou - who returned to France after losing his Neapolitan
territories (1442) - had been progressively acquired by Louis XI after the
relationship between Anjou and the crown worsened: at first the lands of
Anjou and Bar (1474), then the Provence and Maine (1481). After Louis
XI died, Charles VIII took over the throne and continued the annexations.
In 1491, knowing Brittany to be a target of the expansionistic ambitions
of Maximilian of Habsburg - and after his proxy marriage with Anne de
Bretagne - Charles decided to invade and occupy the region and to take
Anne as his wife; he therefore obtained such territories despite the efforts of
Maximilian. After securing his dominion, the resourceful king was about to
face new expeditions to Italy in the following years.
Unlike the rest of Europe, in Italy there was no interest in a national
unity; every local authority, independently from its importance, aspired to
acquire political and territorial autonomy instead. In comparison to other
countries, Milan had great influence on commercial activities because of its
strategic position (its location between powerful states over the Alps and
the centre/south of Italy), as well as its wealth and economic development,
given that the population was particularly inclined to
pursue economic activities. The territory of Milan had
been governed by the Visconti family for decades and
went under the Sforza after a short republican interlude
in the first half of the fifteenth century. Following the
death of Francesco Sforza in 1466, and of his wife Bianca
Maria Visconti in 1468, their firstborn son Galeazzo
Maria came to power. His reign lasted only for a short
time: on 26 December 1476, at the age of 37, he was
brutally assassinated in the church of St Stephan in
Milan by officials Carl Visconti, Girolamo Olgiati and
Andrea Lampugnani. Giovanni (Gian) Galeazzo Maria,
aged nine, succeeded to his ill-fated father Galeazzo in
direct hereditary line; he therefore officially acquired
the role of Duke of Milan on 24 April 1478. Given the
young age of the new duke, it was the brother of Galeazzo
Maria, Francesco's illegitimate son Ludovico the Moor,
who actually governed the state of Milan. Ludovico re-
 INTRODUCTION

entered the ducato after his exile to France,3 and after making peace with
Gian Galeazzo's mother, Bona di Savoia, in 1479, he succeeded to deprive
his nephew of his authority and to imprison and assassinate some of Gian
Galeazzo's teachers, who remained faithful to his father. Among them was
Cicco (Cecco) Simonetta.4
Florence was governed by Piero 11 de Medici, son of Lorenzo the
Magnificent and Clarice Orsini. Lorenzo, who died in 1492, had contributed
to the state of balance between the powers of the peninsula. His son, who
had a very different character, was not particularly appreciated by his people
and after what happened with Charles VIII of France he was exiled at the end
of the 1494. Afterwards a republic was formed which, however, maintained
an accepting attitude towards the French monarch. Piero never entered
Milan after that and died some years afterwards (1503) after a clash on the
Garigliano river.
The Republic of Venice had been for a long time an important military,
economic and political player among the Italian powers. It contributed to
keep an equilibrium (even though it was precarious) during the first part of
the century. The progressive increase of territories in the mainland which
went under the dominion of the Republic of Venice (Verona and Padua in
1404/1405, Patriarchate of Aquileia 1418/20, Brescia and Bergamo 1428,
Crema and Polesine 1484, excluding the territories on the Slavic coast)
was frowned upon by Italian governors (nobles and popes), as well as by
Maximilian of Habsburg and other European rulers. Augustin Barbarigo had
been Doge since 1486 and was supported by the Great Council of Venice. He
maintained a versatile foreign policy: he who was an enemy one day could be
a friend the day after. Ferdinand followed such a motto when he understood
the threat from Charles, and sought the support of the senate, which initially
claimed to be neutral. 5 Venetian expansionistic ambitions included the
southern Adriatic coasts, which belonged to the Neapolitans.
The Kingdom of Naples was under the control of Ferdinand I of Aragon,
who before was Duke of Calabria and subsequently king of Naples as a result
of the death of his father Alfonso V, called the Magnanimous. From 1435
(upon the death of Queen Giovanna 11) the Kingdom of Naples endured
a long series of clashes between Rent� of Anjou, named legitimate heir to
the throne by the Queen, and Alfonso V of Aragon. The siege of Naples of
1442 was won by the Aragonese. At that moment, they finally established
themselves in the territory. While his father continued consolidating the
kingdom, Ferdinand received an education on how to govern and how
to be a good soldier. He was a good student, smart and intelligent. On 30
May 1445 he took Isabella Chiaromonte as his wife, after some agreements
arranged by his father; Isabella was the granddaughter of a powerful prince

3 When Galeazzo Maria died, Ludovico tried to put his brother Sforza Maria on the throne instead
of the legitimate heir Gian Galeazzo. After the intrigue had been discovered, he and his siblings
Sforza Maria and Ascani were condemned to exile (according to the online version ofTreccani,
the Italian cultural encyclopedia, < http://www.treccanLitlenciclopedial>).
4 Lorenzo Manini. Memorie slor;che della cilia di Cremona vot. I (Cremona: Manini, 1 8 1 9). pp.
..

94-95.
Benedetti, IIlallo d 'arme del Tarro, p. 6.

xi
THE ITALIAN WARS VOLUME 1
3 A detail of the "Madonna
della Vittoria" by Andrea
Mantegna depicting
Francesco Gonzaga (Louvre
Museum, Paris). He was the
Condottiero, Condotttieri
Captain and Venice's
leading military officer from
1 489 to 1 498. He was the
commander-in-chief of the
army of the Italian league in
the battle of Fornovo.
xii
of Taranto, Giovanni Antonio Orsini Del
Balzo. Ferdinand came to the throne when
his father died in 1458; unlike the reign of the
father Alfonso, Ferdinand's government was
not particularly appreciated by the Neapolitan
people, above all because of very high taxes.6
During his reign he also had to deal with
interfering barons and the supporters of the
Anjous searching for retaliation; however,
he succeeded in creating a wealthy kingdom
and developing businesses and the arts. The
Neapolitan kingdom had a great influence on
affairs in the peninsula. In Florence, as a result
of the Pazzi conspiracy, the Aragonese army
- ally of the State of the Church - defeated
the Florentine army in the Battle of Poggio
Imperiale (September 1479). As for Milan,
which was under the Sforza dominion, ties
with Francesco Sforza had always been strong.
Francesco came to Naples when his father
Alfonso told him to and became captain of the
army; later he came with Ludovico, his son.
At the end of his reign, Ferdinand naively committed one of his biggest
mistakes: he underrated the crisis created by Ludovico the Moor and how
strong the army of Charles VIII actually was. Although he had adequately
prepared his army by raising finances (above all by receiving loans from the
bankers of Aragon), and although he had raised a good number of soldiers,
he thought the French combatants to be inferior to the Italians. He died on
25 January 1494 in Naples, when Charles had already invaded a great part
of the peninsula. Alfonso 11 succeeded to the throne and had then to face
the French.
The State of the Church (the Papal State) was led, since 1492, by Rodrigo
de Pomposity y Borja, who was called Pope Alexander VI, and was successor
of Pope Innocenzo VIII and grandson of Pope Callisto Ill. He became pope
thanks to the support of cardinals, first of all the powerful Ascanio Sforza,
after he gave him huge sums of money and promised him future benefits.?
As he was an expert Renaissance prince, Pope Alexander had a particularly
ambiguous policy and was always ready to change his alliances. His good
relations with Milan worsened his relationships with the Kingdom of Naples.
But as Ludovico Sforza began having exaggerated expansionistic views, he
thought of re-establishing relations with Ferdinand of Aragon. He also re­
established relations with France, which was a good but feared ally, as one
victory in Italian territory could limit the papal autonomy.
6 Bemardino Corio, L 'hisloria di Milano volgarmenle scrilla (Padua, 1646), p. 9 1 8.
7 Francesco Guicciardini. Sloria d 'ltalia (Turin: Unione Tipografico - Editrice Torinese. 1874)
vot. I, chapter 2.
 INTRODUCTION

The Balance is Broken

The new and fragile political stability of the peninsula was based on the
balance among small and medium powers reigning in Italy, which followed
the Peace of Lodi in 1454. Milan, Florence and the Kingdom of Naples formed
an alliance. The pact was signed in 1467 and confirmed in 1480,8 and offset the
powerful Republic of Venice. As Ludovico the Moor came to power, there
were more and more tensions among these cities and the Aragonese state,
which led to the end of an alliance (Milan and Florence) and improved
the relationships between Florence and Naples. Both had already shown
expansionistic ambitions towards Milan. Ludovico the Moor broke the
balance once and for all. Around 1480, Milan and Naples joined their forces
against a common enemy, the Republic of Venice, which aimed to expand
its own dominions to the territories on the Adriatic Coast, which belonged
to Ferdinand. In 1482, after Venice conquered the rich city of Ferrara, which
was governed by the Estensi- allies of the Aragonese - the two states decided
to engage in one decisive fight for its liberation. A series of victorious clashes
solved the situation, but in the meantime something inside the court of
Milan was changing.
4 Portrait of Ludovico the
Ludovico the Moor came to the throne of Milan instead of his nephew Moor depicted in the "Pala
Gian Galeazzo. The relationships between Milan and Naples discreetly Sforzesca" (1 494-1 495),
preserved in the Brera Art
continued, also because Ludovico had a good relationship with Ferdinand
Gallery, Milan.
of Aragon, motivated by previous vicissitudes
between the two.
The crisis between the two states gradually
grew when the legitimate Duke of Milan and
nephew of Ludovico, Gian Galeazzo, married
Isabella of Aragon, daughter of Alfonso of
Aragon, Duke of Calabria (the future Alfonso
11), and Ippolita Maria Sforza, granddaughter of
Ferdinand, the King of Naples. Gian Galeazzo
had a good nature and did not easily come to
arguments, while his spouse was quite the
opposite. When they stayed in Milan - because
Ludovico wanted it- there was a hidden hostility
and a tendency to isolate the couple; both held
a very important position yet were called upon
only for formal events and decisions. Gian
Galeazzo did not frown upon the situation, but
the pride of his wife Isabella was hurt.
The ambitions of the Moor did not stay
hidden for too long. Although his nephew
reached adult age and could claim his right
to govern, he continued to reign as substitute.
After the wedding between Ludovico and

8 Lucia Brigato, Fornovo 1495: la vittoriosa sconfitta, Master's Thesis of the Ca'Foscari
University in Venice, p. 7.

xiii
THE ITALIAN WARS VOLUME 1

Beatrice d' Este, daughter of Ercole I, in 1491, the situation worsened because
of the not-so-friendly relationship between Beatrice and Isabella, fuelled by
mutual jealousies. In 1493, unable to bear the constant surveillance and the
uneasy situation they were in at the castle of Giovia Door, where they lived,
the couple decided to move to Vigevano, but the situation did not improve.
Isabella could no longer bear it and decided to write to her powerful uncle
Ferdinand, asking for justice for herself and her husband. Ferdinand was
smart, and above all he knew the character of the Moor, so he decided to
send two diplomats, Ferrando and Antonio Genari,9 in order to use good
words and much diplomacy to persuade the Moor to give back the kingdom
to his nephew, the latter still having to follow his advice because of his young
age. The outcome was not positive, and at the beginning of 1493 Isabella's
uncle, Ferdinand of Aragon, decided to collect sufficient forces to threaten
the usurper duke.
In 1494, the situation regarding Gian Galeazzo finally collapsed. In July,
he began to suffer from strong stomach aches. The symptoms continued and
occasionally made their appearance until on 21 October 1494 the life of the
legitimate Duke of Milan had its sad epilogue. But already before the death of
Gian Galeazzo the balance of the peninsula had been irreparably broken. The
Moor foresaw future disputes with the reign of Naples and decided to sign a
pact of alliance with France in 1492.
In 1493 he joined the League with the State of the ChurchlO and Venice,
and following continuous pressure from the king of Naples, in 1494 he
decided to seek help and asked Charles VIII for an intervention against the
Aragonese by means of an embassy led by Carl from Barbiano, Count of
Belgioiso. II To support his demand Ludovico promised 200,000 ducats to
supply to the king with sufficient soldiers, 600 men of arms 12 and 12 galleys.13
The demands were fully welcomed by the French monarch who had actually
already planned to come to Italy.

Charles VIII and the Reasons that Led Him to the Expedition in Italy

In 1494, Charles was young, 24 years old, but everyone already thought of
him as a brave monarch and dreamer. He thought it was his duty to imitate
the ancient Kings of France by attacking the heathens and beginning a new
crusade in order to free the Holy Land, which had been occupied by the
Muslims. The King of France was convinced that God chose him to fulfil such
mission and claimed he had visions in his sleep which told him to act, and

9 Corio, L 'Historia di Milano volgarmente scrilla, p. 884.

10 Guicciardini, vol. I, chapter 3 .
11 Guicciardini. vol. I. chapter 3 .
12 Benedetti, p . 5. I t i s important t o emphasise that Guicciardini i n his Storia d 'ltalia mentioned
the same figure - 200,000 ducats - but 500 men instead.
1 3 Corio, L 'Historia di Milano volgarmente scrilla. p. 9 1 8.

xiv
 INTRODUCTION

foresaw a good outcome of such enterprise. 14 Moreover, the Most Christian

Majesti5 also thought of the problems in Naples.
The Anjou dynasty came to Naples for the first time in 1285 with Carl
I. In the following two centuries, after various vicissitudes and numerous
wars, control passed in the first half of the fifteenth century to the Aragonese,
ruled by Alfonso I. The last member of the House of Anjou, Rene, did not
have direct heirs and decided to leave all his belongings to the son of his
brother, Charles V d' Anjou. When he died in 1472, his dominions returned
to the crown of France, reigned by Louis XI. Among the territories left in
inheritance there was also the Kingdom of Naples, which the Anjou lost
after the city was besieged in 1442. When he acquired the right to reign
from his father Louis XI, Charles VIII planned an expedition in order to
retake control of the territories conquered by the Aragonese. Naples would
have then become an important and strategic logistical headquarters for his
expeditions to the Holy Land.
Ludovico the Moor was not the only one who asked a French sovereign
to intervene in ltaly. 16 Hercole I of Este, monarch of Ferrara, was very hostile
towards Venice and his hostility grew with the war of Ferrara (1482-1484),
which ended with a negative outcome for the Este family. He therefore asked
the monarch for help in order to resist Venice. However, when Charles
arrived in Italy Hercole, though claiming to be neutral, allowed the French
army to pass through his territories.
Another person who welcomed the expedition of Charles to Italy was the
cardinal of S. Piero in vincula (San Pietro in Vincoli) Giuliano della Rovere,
who escaped to France after the election of the Borgia Pope, his rival, who
also was enemy of the Aragonese, 17 because he had to defend Rome against
their invasion in 1486.

14 Marin Sanudo, La spedizione di Carlo VIII in Italia, R. Fulin (ed.) (Venice: Tip. del commercio
di M. Visentini, 1883), p. 22.
15 Corio, L 'Historia di Milano volgarmente scrilta, p. 9 1 9.
1 6 Sanudo, La spedizione di Carlo VIII in Italia, p. 3 1.
17 Sanudo, La spedizione di Carlo VIII in Italia. p. 3 1.

xv
1

The Main Personalities

The French Side

King Charles VIII of France, son of Louis XI and Charlotte of Savoy, was
born on 30 June 1470 in Amboise. He was sickly and had a weak constitution.
In 1483, he became King at the early age of 13. Due to his young age his older
sister, Anne de Beaujeu, was appointed regent and governed France until
1490. In December 1491, Charles married Anne, Duchess of Brittany, and
his reign began. He immediately proved himself to be a very ambitious king
and, endorsed by his confidants Etienne de Vesc and Bric;:onnet, he started
to project an expedition into Italy to conquer the Kingdom of Naples. The
pretext was the claim on the Neapolitan kingdom by the House of Anjou, a
right that Louis XI had inherited with the succession of Rene of Anjou.
However, the young French King had to cease hostilities with the King of
England, Henry VII, first. In 1492, Henry had sieged the city of Boulogne;
subsequently, the two kings signed the Peace of Etaples. Then, Charles VIII
put an end to a war in the Flanders by surrendering Burgundy, Artois, and
Charolais to Maximilian of Habsburg. Finally, with the Treaty of Barcelona
on January 1493, he surrendered the counties of Cerdanya and Roussillon to
Ferdinand 11 of Aragon.
Once that his powerful allies were appeased, Charles started his expedition
into Italy in August 1494. His plan proceeded well until his entrance into
Naples in February 1495. He was forced to retreat against the League created
by the Italian states, fought in the Battle of Fornovo in 6 July 1494, and then
fled to France. On 7 April 1498, he hit his head severely against a low door of
the castle of Ambois and died.

Pierre de Rohan, Seigneur of Gie (1451-1513). He was appointed marshal

of France under Louis XI, and fought in the Battle of Fornovo for Charles
VIII. During the reign of Louis XII, he became part of the government of
France together with Georges d�mboise, Cardinal of Rouen. However, he
was loathed by Queen Anne of Brittany and, in 1506, he was accused of
treason and exiled.

17
THE ITALIAN WARS VOLUME 1
5 Portrait of Louis II de la
Tremoille. (Conde Museum,
Chantilly)
r;���§E��s���
6 Medal of Gian Giacomo
Trivulzio. Reproduction of the
drawing made by the author.
(Palais Dorotheum, Vienna)
18
Louis 11 de la Tremoille (1460-1525). Louis was a French
captain under Charles VIII. On 28 July 1488, at the Battle
of Saint-Aubin-du-Cormier, he defeated the army of
Fran�ois 11, Duke of Brittany, and captured Duke Louis of
Orleans, the future king of France (Louis XII). In 1495 he
fought in the Battle of Fornovo, and in 1500, together with
Gian Giacomo Trivulzio, he conquered Milan in the name
of Louis XII. He defeated the Venetians in the Battle of
Agnadello (1509), and was defeated by the Swiss at Novara
in 1513. He partook in the Battle of Marignano (1515), and
died in the Battle of Pavia in 1525.
John of Foix, Viscount of Narbonne (1450-1500). Son of
Gaston IV of Foix and Eleanor I of Navarre, he married
Marie of Orleans, sister of the future King Louis XII. In
1494, he partook in Charles VIII's expedition into Italy
and, in 1497, he became governor of Dauphine, a position
that he kept until his death.
Bemard Stewart, Seigneur of Aubigny (1452-1508).
With Scottish roots, he was the son of John Stuart and
Beatrice dJ\pcher. Captain of the Scottish archers, he followed Charles VIII
on his expedition into Italy, where he was appointed governor of Calabria.
He defeated Spanish and Aragonese troops in the Battle of Seminara in June
1495, and in 1496, at the Battle of Gaeta, he negotiated the terms of his own
surrender. He returned to Italy under King Louis XII and partook in the
French expedition into the Kingdom of Naples, and in 1501, the siege of
Capua. In April 1503, he was defeated in the second Battle of Seminara,
captured after one month, and imprisoned in Castel
Nuovo.
Gian Giacomo Trivulzio (1441-1518). Son of Antonio
Trivulzio, he was an Italian condottiero who was part of
the French army in the Battle of Fornovo. He initially
served the Sforzas of Milan and then the Aragonese of
Naples. When Charles VIII led his expedition into Italy,
he changed side to fight for the French and distinguished
himself in the Battle of Fornovo. In 1499, he became
marshal of France and then, under Louis XII, governor of
Milan. In 1509, he defeated the Venetians in the Battle of
Agnadello and, in September 1515, the Swiss in the Battle
of Marignano.
 THE MAIN PERSONALITIES

The Italian Side

Agostino Barbarigo (1419-1501). He was doge of Venice from 1486 to

1501. He was the son of Francesco Barbarigo and Cassandra Morosini, and
was appointed podesta (historical Italian title meaning "chief magistrate" ) of
Verona in 1478 and of Padua in 1482. He was elected doge in August 1486
and, in 1495, he organised an alliance against the French, who were chased
away after the Battle of Fornovo. In 1489, under his government, Venice
conquered definitively the island of Cyprus.

Ludovico "the Moor" Sforza (1452-1508). He was the son of Francesco

Sforza and Bianca Maria Visconti. After the death of his brother Galeazzo
Maria, Duke of Milan (1476), his relationship with Bona of Savoy- Galeazzo's
wife, who had become regent of the Dukedom in the name of her young son
- turned antagonistic. He was exiled to Pisa, but managed to return to Milan
in 1480, where he replaced his sister-in-law as governor of the Dukedom.
In 1489, he formed an alliance with the King of Naples, whose daughter
Isabella of Aragon married Gian Galezzo; however, he supported Charles
VIII's expedition into Italy against the Aragonese. In 1499, he was attacked
by the new French King Louis XII, forced to leave Milan and seek shelter in
Innsbruck. One year later, he attempted to reconquer the Milanese dukedom
with a Swiss army. However, he was captured in Novara and imprisoned in
Lys-Saint-George and, subsequently, in Loches, where he died.

Ferdinand 11 of Aragon, King of Naples, also called Ferrandino (1469-

1496). He was the son of Alfonso 11 and Ippolita Maria Sforza. In January
1495, he ascended to the throne after his father Alfonso abdicated; at the
time, the Kingdom was practically at the mercy of Charles VIII of France,
who entered Naples soon after. Ferrandino fled with his family to the island of
Ischia, where he reorganised the Neapolitan army and sought the help of his
cousin, Ferdinand 11 of Aragon, King of Aragon, called "the Catholic': who
sent a small army led by the commander Gonzalo Fernandez de Cordoba.
Ferrandino's army met with the Spanish troops in Calabria; however, they
were defeated by the French in Seminara in June 1495. Nonetheless, in
May, the King of France returned to France with the main body of his army
and Ferrandino, thus, thanks to the loyalty of his people and Cordoba's
skills, quickly regained control of his reign. The remaining French troops
surrendered in Atella in July 1496 and the Aragonese's authority was finally
re-established. Ferrandino died of illness in September 1496.

Francesco 11 Gonzaga (1466-1512). He was the son of Federico I Gonzaga,

Marquis of Mantua, and Margaret of Bavaria. In 1484, when his father died,
he became Lord of Mantua. In February 1490, he married Isabella d' Este,
daughter of Ercole I, Duke of Ferrara. According to his family tradition,
Francesco distinguished himself for his intense military activity. He was
appointed captain of the Republic of Venice from 1489 to 1498, and led the
League army in the Battle of Fornovo in 1495. Subsequently, he fought under
the Dukedom of Milan, under the King of France Louis XII, and under

19
THE ITALIAN WARS VOLUME 1

the Empire. In 1502, he became part of the French military, was appointed
Lieutenant General and partook in the Battle of Garigliano. In 1503, he
offered his services to the League of Cambrai in its fight against Venice. In
August 1508, he was captured near Verona and imprisoned in Venice. He
was released one year later thanks to the diplomatic mediation of his wife
Isabella. He died of syphilis in Mantua in 1512.

Bernardino Fortebracci (1441-1532). He was the son of Count Carlo

di Montone and Anna Colonna. He started his military career early and
was part of his father's force. In 1477, he unsuccessfully defended the
Montone Castle from the assaults of the papal troops led by Federico
of Montefeltro. In 1478, together with his father, he was hired by the
Republic of Venice, to which he remained loyal all his life. In June 1479,
when his father died, the Republic of Venice established Bernardino as
heir of Carlo's military company. In 1482, he partook in the war between
Venice and the Duke of Ferrara, and in 1487 in the war against Archduke
Sigismund of Tyrol. In 1495, he distinguished himself in the Battle of
Fornovo, where he was wounded severely. In September 1499, together
with the Venetian troops, he occupied the city of Cremona during the
war against the Duke of Milan. In 1509, in the war against the League of
Cambrai, he partook in the conquer of the city of Treviglio. In 1513, he
was appointed governor general of the Venetian troops in Treviso. He
died in Padua on 21 May 1532.

Rodolfo Gonzaga (1352-1495). He was the son of Ludovico 11 Gonzaga and

Barbara of Brandenburg. He was a condottiero and, in 1469, he offered his
services to Charles the Bold, Duke of Burgundy ; from 1471 to 1473 he fought
under the papacy and, the following year, under Florence. In January 1481,
he married Antonia Malatesta, who was murdered two years later by Rodolfo
himself when she was discovered cheating on her husband with her dance
instructor. In 1484, he remarried with Caterina Pico della Mirandola. In
1485, he was exiled to Luzzara when he was discovered plotting a conspiracy
against his nephew, Francesco 11 Gonzaga. He was forgiven in 1491. He
fought in the Battle of Fornovo, where he died.

Alessandro CoUeoni-Martinengo (?-1527). He was the son of Gherardo

Martinengo and Ursina Colleoni. He started his military career under
the Dukedom of Milan; then, in 1480, he switched to Venice, to which he
remained faithful. He partook in the Battle of Fornovo and in the siege of
Novara in 1495. In 1499, he fought under Venice against the Moor, Duke of
Milan, and, in 1509, he distinguished himself in the Battle of Agnadello. He
died in 1527, and was buried in Basella, near Martinengo.

Annibale 11 Bentivoglio (1469-1540). Son of Giovanni 11 Bentivoglio, he

was a valorouscondottiero who fought mostly under Florence. He partook
in the Battle of Fornovo. In 1511, once the Bentivoglios were expelled from
Bologna by Pope Julius 11 in 1505, he returned to the city with his family with
the help of the French troops led by Gaston of Foix. However, when Gaston

20
 THE MAIN PERSONALITIES

of Foix died in the Battle of Ravenna in 1512, Annibale had to flee the city.
He died in exile.

Antonio da Montefeltro (1450-1508). He was the trueborn son of Federico

da Montefeltro, Duke of Urbino. He followed in his father's footsteps and
became a combatant. In 1469, Antonio fought alongside his father against
the pontifical troops led by Alessandro Sforza; then, in 1470, he partook in
the Battle of Mulazzano, and two years later in the capture of Volterra. In
1477, he fought under the Republic of Siena and was defeated in the Battle
of Chianciano by Carlo da Montone. In 1484, he fought for Florence against
Genoa in the war of Sarzana. He led the reserve force in the Battle of Fornovo
where, though urged by the Venetians to join the fight, he never fought to
respect the orders he was previously given by Rodolfo Gonzaga. The latter
had ordered him to not move without his order. This order, however, was
never issued, for Rodolfo had died in battle. Antonio was accused of being
partly responsible of the defeat, and subsequently fired. He died in Gubbio
in 1508.

21
 2

The Opposing Armies

The Le ague Army

The League army that faced the French in Fornovo was, by its nature,
composite: it consisted majorly of light and heavy cavalry units. The Italian
mercenary armies' structures and tactics, different from those of the other
European states, remained unaltered throughout the fifteenth century.
Sieging a city was the main form of battle, with the exception of some pitched
battles such as Maclodio (1427), Sommo (1427), San Romano (1432),
Anghiari (1440), Riccardina (1467) and Poggio Imperiale (1480).
In Fornovo, two quite different ways of interpreting war clashed, and the
Italian way, much more well-versed in politics and negotiation rather than in
a direct confrontation, lost.

The Infantry

In Italy, all wars during the fifteenth century were fought with the concept in
mind that a force deployment had only one function: to serve as a deterrent
in order to gain an advantage in the negotiations.
Infantry, consisting of provisionati - meaning hired soldiers - had a long
military tradition due to the communal military service of the previous
century. Thus, infantry combat formations developed fighting techniques
with weapons which were more suited for actions against cavalry formations.
The fighting style developed in the Italian peninsula did not include close
order formations for the heavy infantry. At the time, battles were fought in
a more scattered way and, in certain circumstances, became even mobile.
Moreover, the soldiers were organised by their weapon specialty instead of
by units.
Infantrymen holding a palvese or targone (great shield), who were called
targoniere, were the backbone of infantry formations. The main function
of this great shield was mainly protection as the besieger drew closer to
the enemies' walls; however, it was also used in the open field as a passive
movable defence to protect the infantry lines at the back, which are described
in the following paragraphs. These infantrymen are mentioned in a few

22
 THE O PPOSING ARMIES

7 Venetian infantrymen;
ordinances of the Republic of Venice, dated 1434, documents also cited in
detail of the "Legend of Saint
the volume Anghiari 29 giugno 1440. I In the Hesperis - or Hesperidis - by Ursula" by Vittore Carpaccio,
Basinio of Parma, dating back to the first decade of the second half of the painted between 1 490 and
1 495. (Galierie dell'Accademia,
fifteenth century, a precise graphic depiction can be found, which represents
Venice)
these infantrymen both among the lines of the Aragonese army and among
the hired soldiers of Sigismondo Malatesta. Lastly, a perfect depiction of
the infantrymen can be found in the engraving of the "Battle of Fornovo",
by an anonymous French artist, preserved in the National Gallery of Art in
Washington, DC.
Even though the aforementioned three sources cover a timeframe of more
than one century, the defensive and offensive weaponry of the targoniere
did not vary. The provisionati - professional militia who had good financial
resources - carried these great oval shields, made out of strips of wood
covered with painted leather. These soldiers were helped by one or two famigli
(from the Latin word famulus, referring to all the people who followed the
captain), who helped carrying the weapons and were divided into units led by
constables. The passive defences consisted of a great shield, sized as to cover
the soldier from under his knees to his neck;2 armour covering breast and back,

Massimo Predonzani, Anghiari 29 giugno 1440 (Rimini: 11 Cerchio, 2010), p. 98.

2 Predonzani, p. 62.

23
THE ITALIAN WARS VOLUME 1

of various kinds depending on the financial possibilities of the infantryman;

and a metal vambrace to protect the right forearm, a sallet, and greaves.
The majority of the Italian infantry that clashed with the French army
in Fornovo was part of the squadron led by Gianfranco of Sanseverino,
Count of Caiazzo, and Pietro Duodo.3 This infantry consisted of Milanese
and Venetians, other than a German mercenary contingent. Cuirasses
and sallets were certainly manufactured in Milan and Brescia, thus being
of Italian manufacture, or, as for the sallets, forged in Venice, thus being
Venetian sallets with a "T" opening. The main offensive armament was a
pole weapon. The Venetian ordinances report of the glavarina, namely a type
of spear4 with a winged spearhead. The infantryman with the palvese (great
shield) had also an infantry sword, which was carried by one of his famigli.
The main role of the targoniere was to form a defensive element against the
enemies' throwing weapons and to be a strongpoint against cavalry charges.
In fact, crossbowmen and soldiers with hand cannons found shelter behind
the great shields. Shooting with hand cannons, called schioppo in Italian,
was a widespread specialty in Italy, especially in the territories of Milan, that
would develop even further in the following century.
Another peculiar specialty of the Italian armies was the fight with the
lanze longhe (long lances), pikes borrowed by communal contingents;
soldiers wielding these pikes were deployed behind the infantrymen with
great shields in order to hinder cavalry charges. The men in the first lines
received triple pay and were equipped with armours and sallets; behind them
there were infantrymen to back them up.
In the iconography depicting the "Battle of Fomovo" there is no visual proof
of the presence of soldiers armed with pikes. However, they are cited by Paolo
Giovio, who reported the fight between the Swiss contingent in the pay of France
and a formation of the League troops. The League soldiers had "...lunghissime
picche da terra sostentate col braccio sinistro, come si usava allora ..:: that is "...
very long pikes for foot combat wielded with the left arm, as was the custom
of the time': The defensive stance against cavalry charges, in fact, saw the end
of the shaft well planted in the ground with the spearhead pointing upwards.
Behind these soldiers, there were infantrymen equipped with partisans and
rotellas (round shields), and, behind them, crossbowmen were deployed, who
had to hindrance the Swiss' advance. However, the League infantry armed with
pikes was defeated, also thanks to the intervention of the Enfants perdus (Lost
Children), skilled Swiss mercenaries armed with two-handed long swords,
who fought in the melee against the soldiers with pikes. There is no document
that reports the real cause of such a harsh defeat; however, the new Swiss
tactic of the moving pikemen square presumably caught off guard the League
infantrymen, more used to a static passive defence.

3 Lino Lionello Ghirardini, La battaglia di Fornovo - un dilemma della storia (Panna: Tipografia
Benedettina editrice. 1 995). p. 43.
4 In this respect. please see Mario Troso. Le armi in asta delle Janterie europee 1000-1500
(Novara: Istituto geografico de Agostini, 1 988), p. 1 06, spear no. 9, but also p. 1 08 "spear
without wings", and the collection of ancient weapons preserved in the Bottacin Museum "spear
without wings". ref. pie. 3 1 750.

24
 THE O PPOSING ARMIES

As Giovio punctually reports, behind

infantrymen with the palvese (great shield)
there were infantrymen equipped with rotellas
(round shields) and partisans or swords. These
foot soldiers were called rotellari or rotularii
after the name of their shields. The rotella was a
round concave shield with a diameter of about
60 centimetres, easily manoeuvrable in hand-to­
hand combat. Some of shields are wonderfully
decorated, and were probably used by infantry
captains; a few examples are conserved in the Swiss
museum of Lucerne. These rotellas, captured by the
victorious Swiss in the Battle of Giornico (1478),
are beautifully decorated and most of them display
heraldic motifs.5 Thus, it is possible to say that here
the infantry was used for defensive purposes as well
as in the melee combat, which originated when the
two armies clashed frontally, once the preliminary attack stage with throwing 8 Italian infantrymen armed
weapons was over. Unlike the targonieri, these soldiers wore sallets to protect with round shields and
partisans; detail from "The
their heads but no breastplates, and used small bassinets. It is possible that
Battle of Fornovo", preserved
wearing less armour helped with moving rapidly and with agility in a fight, in the National Gallery of Art.
while the shield was used as a mobile protection. In the Battle of Fornovo, Washington, D.e.
these soldiers had to face Swiss' tactics they were not prepared for. Surely, the
fact that to engage the enemy it was necessary to be in direct contact with the
opponent was a downside that penalised the rotellari in a determining way.
In fact, the tight Swiss military formation and the length of their pikes could
strike their opponents, and anticipate and block their every move. This can
justify, at least in part, the high number of fallen in the League army.
Together with the rotellari there were also infantrymen armed with
polearms. In the fifteenth century, these weapons existed in huge variety,
especially in Italy, and each of them was forged with a specific thought in
mind and a different purpose. To list a general classification of pole arms,
namely an iron point fixed on a round or square wooden staff of variable
length, it is possible to divide them in families based on the type of blade,
which was studied for specific usages. The most used polearms at the time of
the Battle of Fornovo were the following:6

The family of pikes

The family of spears
The family of partisans
The family of fauchards
The family of rawcons
The family of halberds
The family of couses

To see a better image of the rotellas of Giornico, please see Gaston Cambin, Le roleLle milanesi,
bOllino deLla ballaglia di Giornico 1478 (Fribourg: Societa Svizzera di Araldica, 1 987).
6 Troso, p. 45.

25
THE ITALIAN WARS VOLUME 1
9 Crossbowman; detail of the
"Martirio di San Sebastian",
Emilian school, c. 1 490-95.
Reproduction of the drawing
made by the author.
26
Thanks to careful examination of several paintings and iconographic
references of the time, it is possible to see that, among infantrymen, the use
of fauchards, rawcons and spears was greatly predominant. The peculiar
design of these polearms, especially rawcons and fauchards, was suitable for
several purposes; they consisted of a blade for striking with the point or the
edge and protrusions on the sides to parry, which also functioned like hooks.
These kinds of weapons were versatile, and infantrymen could use them to
fight foot soldiers and light and heavy cavalry. Moreover, the infantrymen
protected their chest, head and arms with metal armour.
The soldiers deployed in the rear lines were infantrymen armed with
throwing weapons and firearms, namelycrossbowmen with belt hook -spanned
and windlass-spanned crossbows, and schioppettieri (gunners) armed with
hand cannons and harquebuses made of steel and bronze. In the Dukedom
of Milan during the fifteenth century all types of firearms were widely used.
Supplies and ammunitions were stored in different castles - property of the
Dukedom- such as in Pavia and Vigevano, and were gathered and organised
according to need. For example, on 25 January of 1488, the Duke of Milan
wrote to Filippo da Crema, official of the ammunitions, to send quattrocento
dieci archebusf (410 harquebuses) from the castle of Sestri Ponente to Milan,
to arm the castles of Porta Zobia (Milan) and Bellinzona. This means that,
in case of war, the Dukedom could deploy a good number of weapons in
a relatively short time. At Fornovo this probably
was not helpful, given how the clash with the
cavalry happened immediately after the battle
had begun. Furthermore, the battle was fought
during a thunderstorm on rough terrain, which
surely hindered the loading and aiming stages
of firearms, and reduced greatly the offensive
capability of weapons and the offensive capacity
of shooters.
Other than the specialist soldiers described in
the previous paragraphs- deployed in the line of
battle- there were also support troops. Cities like
Milan and Venice had a high number of cernide
at their service. These were troops recruited
with a feudal-like method among the local
population. They consisted mostly of destroyers,
namely non-specialist troops deployed in the
construction of siege machines during sieges, in
the set up the military camp during campaigns,
and in all those operations in support of the
combat troops that required more or less skilled
labour. Even in the case of significant losses, the
tactical impact would have been minimal. In fact,
it often happened that, during battles, the cernide
7 Angelo Angelucci. Gli schioppettieri milanesi nel XV seeolo, taken from volume XXIV of
Politecnico. p. 90.
 THE O PPOSING ARMIES

were armed and deployed in the front line in order to absorb the impact of
the enemy 's army, which obviously resulted in the cernide suffering heavy
losses due to them being untrained and badly armed.

The Artillery

In the fifteenth century, artillery, which was born in the first half of the
fourteenth century (apparently, the first to ever deploy artillery in the
battlefield was Edward III in the Battle of Crecy, 1346, where he used three
bombardella,8 namely a type of hand cannon), progressed rapidly both under
a productive and qualitative level, and also in its usage techniques.
Initially, the trend followed by many foreign and European states was
that of enhancing the weapons dimension and calibre, which led to the
creation of the bombard, characterised by a huge muzzle. The bombard had
to be carried by numerous draught animals and men, who were in charge of
both transporting and firing the cannon. Throughout the fifteenth century,
instead, the trend was to reduce the weapons' dimension and calibre in order
to make them more transportable and easier to fire even on rough terrain.
In Italy, as well as in other states, production coordinated at a national
level did not exist. It was entrusted to individual master craftsmen who were
commissioned by different customers, meaning that an exact classification of
artillery is difficult, if not impossible, to list. Calibres were not standardised
and their names changed according to the place they were manufactured
in, resulting in a piece produced in Ferrara and in Milan having different
characteristics. Among the small calibres, namely between 35-55 mm and up
to two metres long, there are serpentines, culverins, passavolanti (small pieces
of ordnance), cerbottane and falconetti with a breech-loading system and
mounted on wheels. These firearms were often used as a pair to compensate
their slow loading process. There were also smaller calibres, around 20-25
mm, which were grouped to form organ guns in order to enhance their
firepower. In several documents the definitions of moiane, fagri, vuglerii, and
cortaldi, all weapons of medium calibre, are cited.
The firearms manufactured in Italy were of excellent workmanship and
quality, though Guicciardini and Giovio report that French weapons were top
quality. Important manufacturing centres were located in Brescia, Ferrara,
Florence and Venice. However, in the sources no relevant information was
found to obtain a plausible overview of the artillery that the League deployed
in Fornovo.
Probably, this artillery was of small and medium calibre, a characteristic
that made it easy to transport and fire. Bombards and calibres for siege
operations, in fact, were not useful in a pitched battle, other than the fact
that their transport on hilly terrain was difficult. In the Battle of Fornovo, the
League army deployed the artillery along the perimeter of the camp set up
on the plain of Giarola. To this end, defensive emplacements were prepared

8 Aldo G. Cimarelli. 'Dalla Bombarda al Moschetto a Miccia', in Epoca Arm; (Milan: A.

Mondadori, 1970), p. 1 3 .

27
THE ITALIAN WARS VOLUME 1

wherein pieces of artillery and ammunitions were placed. Always with a

defensive purpose in mind, moats were dug and defensive ramparts were
prepared, as it is possible to see in the much-mentioned engraving of the
battle by an anonymous French artist.

The Heavy Cavalry

Throughout the fifteenth century, while in the European states different

typologies of combatants on horse were born alongside the traditional
heavy cavalry, in Italy the cavalry units that originated from the compagnie
di ventura (companies of mercenaries) remained the distinguishing feature
of all the Italian armies. This trend never changed until the clash with the
French army at the Battle of Fornovo.
During the fifteenth century, especially until the Peace of Lodi in 1454,
in the Republic of Venice and in many other Italian states the initial strategy
of recruitment for military campaigns - which was essentially based on
temporary recruitment of condottieri who had their own contingent'} -
slowly changed, also due to the progressive increase in number and duration
of conflicts in the peninsula. Moreover, temporary recruitment made it
possible for clients to establish minor wages, which could be spread out
over the year. On the downside, customers had to provide for the troops'
quartering during the periods that battle did not take place; especially in
winter, when troops were accommodated in so-called "winter quarters". The
troops had to be housed and maintained together with their horses. Such a
situation weighed mostly on civilians, and especially on those who lived in
the countryside, where militias were usually dispersed.
In all European states, the backbone of the heavy cavalry was the "lance':
namely a group of knights in variable number, which constituted the base
for campaign recruitment. The composition of the lance was different
depending on the state. In Italy, up until the mid fifteenth century, the basic
composition of the lance consisted of three elements. From the mid fifteenth
century onwards, at times, the main core of the lance was accompanied by
two other elements, namely two " boys" with a change of horses. Occasionally
there was also a saccomanno, a lightly-armoured cavalryman who provided
supplies and eventually pillaged.
The strength of the lance lay with the heavily-armoured knight, called
an armigero, who was equipped with full steel plate armour and armed with
a heavy spear. The shield as a means of protection was abandoned several
decades before, since armour forged with hardened steel met increasingly
high-quality standards.

9 The contingent of a condottiero was strictly supervised thanks to a periodic magazine, which
could be published or not on a regular basis. Thus. customers could check the effective number
of declared troops. In fact. it happened that discharged or temporarily unavailable soldiers were
often included in the total number of troops. When such frauds were unmasked. the condottiero
had to pay a hefty fine.

28
 THE O PPOSING ARMIES

1 0 Italian armour of a man-at-arms, dated 1 480. 1 1 Italian armour o f a man-at-arms, 1 2 Italian armour of a man at arms,
Diocesan Museum "Francesco Gonzaga'; Mantua. dated 1 480, seen from behind. dated 1 470- 1 490. Diocesan Museum
(Author's photo) Diocesan Museum "Francesco "Francesco Gonzaga", Mantua.
Gonzaga� Mantua. (Author's photo) (Author's photo)

The armigero was also equipped with blunt weapons for melee combat,
such as different types of flanged maces and war hammers, which at times had
a spike on the hammees head in order to pierce through the enemy's armour.
In this period the sword, symbol of the knight, evolved into a longer and
pointed type of blade to pierce through the armour's plates and chain mail
instead of striking with the blade. Armour consisted of a variable number
of plates, which were extremely functional and structured as to protect the
most vulnerable body parts no matter the knight's movements. Horses were
equipped with barding to protect flanks and front, a chamfron for the head,
and a protection made of segmented plates to shield the neck and allow the
horse to move its head freely. With regard to the other two elements of the
lance, the first soldier, generally armed with a short dagger, played the role of
squire and helped the knight in melee combats once the charge was over. The
second soldier had a support role and did not fight.
The heavily-armoured knight relied on armour manufactured in Italy,
especially in Milan, which represented the pinnacle of armour craftsmanship.
Milan was the spearhead of armour manufacture and its products were more
functional and resistant than any other produced in Europe. A document
dating back to 1371 is the first known that attests an armourer being granted
the privilege of immunity and familiarity. This privilege was granted by
Gian Galeazzo Visconti to a certain Simone De Currentibus, fabbricatore di
armature (crafter of armour), proving how valued these artisans were in the
Dukedom of Milan. They were even forbidden to work in other territories. 10

10 Edict of 9 October 1448. Reg. L.O. 1447/50, B. and C. folio 47 p. and 163. J. Gelli. G. Moretti.
"Gli armaioli milanesi - i Missaglia e la loro casa" (Milan: Hulrico Hoepli, 1 903), p. 5.

29
THE ITALIAN WARS VOLUME 1

In Milan there were numerous

workshops to craft armour,
weapons and defensive tools;
however, some important
families made a reputation
for themselves thanks to the
quality and the industrial­
like organisation of their
production. Among them
excelled the Negronis - called
Missaglia - and the Negrolis
or Negriolis, both native to
the city of Ello. In his History
of Milan, Pietro Verri reports
that, once the Battle of
Maclodio (1427) came to an
end, Carmagnola disarmed
the captured Milanese troops
and sent them back to Milan.
1 3 Italian knights, detail from
"The Battle of Fornovo", In a few days, the two families of armourers managed to craft weapons and
armour for 4,000 knights and 2,000 infantrymen." Among other armourers,
who may be less productive but not less important, there were the brothers
Francesco and Gabriello Di or Da Merate, Cantoni, Mendrisio (nickname of
one of the most famous Milanese swordsmiths), and Pietro da Dexio. '2 Venice
instead relied on the workshops located in its vast territory, especially those
located in the surroundings of Brescia and in the Pre-Alps valleys. These
workshops had been known for centuries for their armours and weapons
production, consisting of firearms and, naturally, arsenals. It is important to
note that the client states were not obliged to furnish weapons and armour to
the hired troops; the condottieri had to arm their own soldiers, which is why
they restocked their armoury whenever they could.

The Light Cavalry and the Stratioti

Among the League lines, there was a high number of light cavalry with the
task of supporting the heavy cavalry. It mainly consisted of crossbowmen on
horse, who were tasked with exploring, breaking up the opponents' attacks,
and shielding the infantrymen. During the second half of the fifteenth
century, in order to partially adapt to the other states' military evolution, this
kind of light cavalry developed increasingly. However, it was still relegated
to secondary roles, which were not coordinated with the heavy cavalry

1 1 The numbers hereby reported may seem exaggerated. However. it should be taken into account
that Verri reports data that were previously cited by other historians. such as Muratori and
Biglia., who were probably reliable.
12 J. Gelli and G. Moretti. Gli armaroli milanesi - i Missaglia e la loro casa (Milan: U. Hoepli.
1903).

30
 THE O P POSING ARMIES

operations. Lightly-armoured knights were equipped with a breastplate and

a sallet, and were armed with a crossbow, a sword and a boccoliere - namely
a small round shield held with one hand that was used in hand-to-hand
combat.
A peculiar light cavalry troop consisted of Stratioti. These people came
from the Balkan peninsula, mostly from the area of modern Albania, and
initially they were hired only by the Republic of Venice, which deployed the
Stratioti in its territories. Facing these peculiar knights in the Italian wars
convinced the other European states to hire and deploy these mercenaries
greatly in the following century.
De Commynes describes them as follows:

Stradiotti sono come Giannizzeri, vestiti a piede, e a Cavallo come i Turchi, eccetto
it capo, dove non portano quella tela chiamata Turbante: fono gente rozza, 6-
durata aUe fatiche; dormono co cavalli alia campagna tutto l�nno intiero. Erano
da principio tutti Greci, i venuti da quei luoghi, che v'hanno cola i Ventiani; gli uni
da Napoli di Romania nella Morea; altri da Albania verso Durazzo. I Cavalli loro
sono buoni, e di razza Turchesca. Di coftoro fi ferve affai la Signoria di Venetia, 6-
fe ne confida molto. 13

That is:

The Stratioti are like Janissaries, and they dress like Turks both when on foot and
on horse. However, they do not wear that cloth called the turban on their head.
The Stratioti are uncouth people and used to labour; they even sleep together with
their horses during military campaigns all over the year. Initially, they were all
Greeks and came from the places the Venetians go to. Some of them came from
Nafplio in Morea, others from Durres [Albania] . They have good Turkish-breed
horses. The Republic of Venice often deploys the Stratioti.

The term Stratioti has uncertain origins, though it plausibly comes from the
Greek word stratiotai, namely how soldiers were called in ancient Greece.
The military structure of the troops was a division by units, each of them
consisting of family-related groups. The main area of provenance of these
soldiers was Albany. However, some Stratioti contingents came also from
Greece, a detail that did not help collaboration among different companies.
In fact, in the terms of engagement was stated that companies had to be led
by officials with a Venetian heritage and who did not directly come from the
Stratioti's ranks.
The Stratioti were mainly tasked with exploration, breaking up the
opponents' attacks through quick and merciless raids, and, naturally, pursuit
and pillage. Quickness and mercilessness were the main characteristics of
these knights. They mounted Arabian horses, strong and sturdy even on

13 Philippe de Commynes, Le memorie intomo aUe azzion principaJi de due re di Francia

Ludovico Undicesimo, & Carlo OUavo (Brescia, 18 1 3), p. 366.

31
THE ITALIAN WARS VOLUME 1

harsh terrains (such as mountainous terrains I 4), a factor that often gave them
a clear advantage on heavy cavalry which, on the other hand, could not deploy
its full potential on rough terrains. Their provenance from particularly poor
and harsh territories caused these skilled knights to learn how to survive with
the bare minimum. They often prioritised their horses due to these animals'
high military and economic value. These horses were not bought but trained
in the Stratioti's lands of origin and then sold to the ordinary cavalry once
their service was over. Living together with the Ottomans and fighting them
caused these mercenary units to develop their superior equestrian skills
and also their brutality. In fact, emulating the Turkish custom of not taking
prisoners, which clashed with the European chivalry code of the time, the
Stratioti used to behead their prisoners as well as acting cruelly towards them
and mutilating them. The custom of bringing prisoners' heads to the captain
in order to receive a reward continued all the same. It was officially, though
never practically, opposed and it continued even under the Republic of
Venice. In fact, it seems that each severed head was rewarded with one ducat.
In his chronicle of Charles VIII's expedition into Italy, Philippe de
Commynes describes the clash between a squadron of Stratioti and a French
vanguard, which took place immediately before the Battle of Fornovo started.
The chronicler reports the fight as follows:

. . . questi adunque (gli stradiotti), come dissi, oltre l'haver ucciso uno di quegli
huomini d'arme a cavallo, diedero la caccia a gli altri, fino all'alloggiamento del
Maresciallo, dove erano accampati i Tedeschi, de quali similmente havendone
ammazzati tre, 0 quattro, et spiccate le teste le si recarono via, conforme al costume
loro; percioche havendo Venetiani guerra con Maometto Ottomano, padre di questo
Turco, egli non voleva, che si facesse alcuno prigioniero, ma che a tutti mozzassero i
capi, donano un Ducato per testa; et Venetiani facevano il medesimo."15

That is:

. . . these soldiers [the Stratioti] then, as I already reported, other than killing one
of the men-at-arnts on horse, chased the others until the Marshal's quarters, where
the Germans16 camped, and, after killing three or four of them, they severed their
heads and brought them away, as was their custom. When he was at war against
the Republic of Venice, Mehmed the Ottoman, father of this Turk, did not want
any prisoner to be taken; he ordered that they were beheaded instead, and for
each severed head he awarded one ducat. And the Venetians did the same.

The Stratioti were equipped in a different way from the traditional light
cavalry. They did not wear armour (though some of them wore a simple
cuirass), but long heavy quilted jackets stuffed with cotton. They also wore a

1 4 The Republic of Venice deployed the Stratioti in the mountains of Cadore with excellent results,
and all thanks to the superior resistance of both knights and horses, who were used to subsisting
on the bare minimum.
15 Commynes. Le memorie intorno aUe azzion principali de due re di Francia. p. 366.
16 At times. in ancient chronicles, the Swiss were referred to as Germans.

32
 THE O PPOSING ARMIES

peculiar hat typical of their country of origin, which is why in the following
centuries they were also called cappelletti (meaning "small hats" in Italian).
The Stratioti did not use firearms; they were armed with a double-headed
spear about three metres long, which was used both as a throwing weapon
and as a fighting staff in hand-to-hand combat. Moreover, they had a Turkish
scimitar and a mace named zagaglia, other than a dagger under their heavy
jacket. Their horses were not barded and the stirrups were short to enable
the horseman to move freely during the fight. The scimitar cutting blow was
from upward to downward, and standing on the stirrups made it possible to
inflict a more powerful blow from an advantageous position.
One of the main tactics used by Stratioti companies, other than rapid and
brutal raids to scatter the enemies' ranks, was the simulated retreat. Thus, the
enemy was drawn to chase them, but the Stratioti company then split in half
and, taking advantage of their superior mobility, attacked on the flanks of the
enemies' formation with a converging manoeuvre. In that way, the enemies'
defence was pierced and, once that their main fighting line was broken, they
were forced to fight hand-to-hand, a type of combat in which the Balkan
knights usually prevailed. The success of the Stratioti, in spite of their well­
known unreliability, was such as to make their economic value rise to the
levels of the heavy cavalry.

The French Army

The Cavalry
In the fifteenth century, cavalry had still a feudal organisation and consisted
almost entirely of noblemen. Especially in France, heavily-armoured knights
were the main concussive force of the army.

1 4 French knights during the

tournament of Sandricourt
in 1 493. Reproduction of the
drawing made by the author.
(Cabinet des Dessins. Louvre
Museum. Paris)

33
THE ITALIAN WARS VOLUME 1
1 5 French knight unhorsing a
Strotioti; detail from "The Battle
of Fornovo".
1 6 Light-armoured French
knight killing a Strotioti; detail
from "The Battle of Fornovo".
34
These knights were protected by
full armour - its quality showed how
wealthy the knight was - and were
armed with a heavy spear, used in
the initial clash between armies, and
sword and mace for the melee combat.
French knights repudiated the rising
importance of infantry and despised
firearms. They were valorous men­
at-arms and were regarded as the best
heavy cavalry in Europe. In 1445, the
King of France Charles VII created the
compagnies dordonnance (companies
of ordinance), namely national cavalry
consisting of standing troops. The
compagnies dordonnance consisted of companies of 100 lances, each made
up of six men: one knight or gendarme called maitre, two archers on horse,
one coustillier-a lightly-armoured soldier on horse - one manservant, and
one page. Each knight owned four horses: one for his manservant, one to
carry his luggage, one war horse, and one spare horse. Archers owned two
horses each and so did the coustillier.
However, under the reign of Charles VIII
the number of soldiers deployed in one lance is
controversial. The historian Guicciardini claims
that it consisted of six knights, whereas Tristano
Calchi, chancellor of Ludovico the Moor, writes that
it consisted at least of eight. Instead, according to
historian Paolo Giovio, the French lance consisted
of five men as follows: one man-at-arms with
three horses, one page in charge of the weapon
transportation, two servants - called bagaglioni or
saccomanni - and one archer on horse equipped
with a longbow, a cuirass and a salletY Moreover,
Giovio describes the French men-at-arms'
armament in his report of Charles VIII's entrance in
Rome. " They came wearing silk tunics, with golden
necklaces and hackles [clipped feather plumes]
decorating their helmets. They were armed with a
big grooved spear with a thick spearhead and an
iron mace. Their horses were strong, though only a
few were harnessed with boiled leather harnesses in
the Italian way:' lll
1 7 Guicciardini, 1874, vol. I, p . 106; C . de'Rosmini. Dell 'Istoria intorno alle militari imprese di
Gian-Jacopo Trivu/zio, vol. 11 (Milan: G.G. Destefanis, 1 8 1 5), p. 209; P. Giovio, La prima parte
delle Istorie del suo tempo (Venice 1560), p. 54.
18 Giovio, La prima parte delle Istorie del suo tempo, p. 54.
 THE O P POSING ARMIES

The French Infantry

Since the end of the fifteenth century, the French
monarchy, financially strong, preferred to hire
foreign infantry for its army, especially from
Switzerland, Germany, and Italy. It was rare
for monarchs to have an infantry consisting of
French subjects, both because of the poor results
that these foot soldiers obtained on the battle field
and also for the fear that, one day, the subjects
could rebel against the King. In 1445, when
the Hundred Years War was almost at an end,
Charles VII tried to build a permanent national
army consisting of compagnies dordonnance as
cavalry and the francs-archers as infantry. The
latter were all recruited among the French people
and this resulted in a failure when the French
infantry was crushed at the Battle of Guinegate
(1479); the francs-archers were disbanded
by Louis XI due to their poor discipline. In
their place, Swiss mercenary were hired, who
had become famous thanks to the victories
reported against Duke Charles of Burgundy.
These soldiers became the first French standing
infantry, which was composed by the bandes de
Picardie (Picardy gangs) consisting mainly of
aventuriers (adventurers) hired in the regions
at the border with Picardy and Artois. Under
1 7 French infantryman
the reign of Charles VIII, successor of Louis XI, these bandes distinguished with partisan sporting the
themselves in the defence of the northern provinces against the Emperor white cross on his back; the

Maximilian; however, they did not take part in the expedition into Italy, harnesses of the donkey
nearby are decorated with
even though Charles VIII brought with him Swiss soldiers and many French,
fleurs-de-lys. Detail from "The
Breton, Provenc;al, Gascon, and Genoese19 aventuriers. Giovio describes the Battle of Fornovo".
Gascon infantrymen as follows: "5,000 Guascons, almost all crossbowmen,
who used a crossbow with a steel prod. They were all proficient in spanning
and shooting. Compared to the Swiss infantrymen, they were less pleasant
to see because of the scarce ornaments they wore and their short stature." 20

The Swiss Infantry

In the sixteenth century, the Swiss were known as the best infantry of
Europe. They became famous during the fight for independence against the
Austrian Habsburg princes, when the Swiss communities signed the first
federal pact (1291) among Vri, Schwyz, and Vnterwalden, laying thus the

1 9 L. Susane, Histoire de I 'ancienne infanteriefram;aise, vol. I (Paris: Correard, 1 849), pp. 62�7;
P. de Bourdeille Brantome, Oeuvres Completes, vol. V (Paris, 1 866), pp. 297-304.
20 Giovio, La primaparte delle Istorie del suo tempo, pp. 53-54.

35
THE ITA LIAN WARS VO LUME 1

foundations for the Swiss Confederation as we know it today. This alliance

managed to win against the Austrians in Morgarten (1315) and Sempach
(1386), where the Swiss infantrymen, using the pike square formation,
crushed the Habsburg knights and foot soldiers with their spears, voulges,
and halberds. Moreover, the Confederation deployed the military power
and training of its cantons against the Burgundian army of Charles the Bold
in the Battles of Grandson, Murten and Nancy (1476-1477); the victories
achieved were bloody and proved that the Swiss' tactic was superior. It
consisted of a sequence of tight infantry squares deployed at an angle and
arranged in a series to protect one another; each square could consist of
1,500 to 6,000 infantrymen, armed with polearms and pikes. The pikes were
three metres long, and at the beginning of the sixteenth century reached a
length of five metres and more. In 1499 with the Swabian War, the Swiss
cantons, allies of the Grey Leagues, faced the army of Maximilian I consisting
of Landsknechts, namely Swabian mercenaries who fought like the Swiss.
In battle, the Confederation and Leagues' infantrymen always won, slaying
the German soldiers even after their surrender. In this conflict, in fact, the
Swiss commanders had established that no prisoners would be taken, in
order to strengthen the troops' discipline. Until then, it was custom of the
Swiss infantry to take prisoners and ask for a ransom; the soldiers chased
their fleeing opponents even out of the battlefield, which at times jeopardised
victory. All infantrymen were forced to take an oath to follow that inhuman
order, a fact that heavily affected the number of Swabian fallen. The whole
conflict led to a deadly hate between Swiss and Landsknecht infantrymen.
From that moment on, both groups gave no quarter.
During the Italian wars, the Swiss troops turned mostly into mercenaries,
and fought alongSide France, several Italian states, and even for the
Empire. The hiring of these troops was controlled, where possible, by the
cantonal authorities of the Confederation and the Leagues by means of
war regulations, which were applied both in the case of recruitment by the
Confederation against its enemy countries, and of recruitment by other
states. The main reason why in Switzerland, at that time, mercenary work
developed so greatly is to be found in the extreme poverty of the mountain
cantons. Crops became smaller, which forced farmers to become breeders
or shepherds, mostly of bovines. These conditions made it possible for men
to temporarily migrate, since women and children could attend to milk and
graze the animals; thus, even for long period of time, men could go abroad
and get paid as mercenaries.
One of the peculiarity of these mercenaries, other than their weapons
and war tactics, was the almost "democratic" organisation of the army.
The Confederation authorities appointed the commanders, but not the
infantrymen. The foot soldiers brought with them the custom of taking
common decisions, typical of towns and mountain communities, thus
influencing the military hierarchy. The decisional power, in fact, was not of
the supreme commander - who was considered like a prim us inter pares (first
among equals)- but of the commanders' council.
In 1480, Switzerland concluded an initial agreement with the King of
France, Louis XI, which provided for the hiring of 6,000 Swiss infantrymen.

36
 THE O PPOSING ARMIES

Zurich and Berne provided 1,000 men each, Lucerne 800, Uri, Schwitz,
Unterwalden, Zug, and Glaris provided collectively 2,000 infantrymen,
Fribourg and Soleure 1,000, and lastly Bienne 150 men. These foot soldiers
were led by Guillaume de Diesbach.2 1
The number o f men i n Charles VIII's army for his expedition into Italy
reported by existing sources is discordant. The French historian Brantome
reports 6,000 men, the Italian Belgioioso writes that it was an army of 3,000
men, whereas the Neapolitan chronicler Giuliano Passero reports 10,000
Swiss infantrymen. Paolo Giovio describes these soldiers as follows:

They wore short garments in different colours; the bravest sported beautiful
hackles. They had short swords and 1 0-foot-long ash pikes with a small iron
spearhead on top. One quarter of them was armed with a great axe with a square
point on top. The axe was two-handed and it was both used for strikes with the
edge as well as with the point; they called this weapon a halberd. For each 1 ,000
infantrymen there were 100 arquebusiers [infantryman armed with an arquebus] ,
who shot enemies with lead bullets. These soldiers fought i n tight squadrons and
did not wear cuirasses, sallets or shields. The captains and the soldiers in the front
lines were the only ones wearing a sallet and iron pauldrons.22

The Artillery

Paolo Giovio describes beautifully the French artillery of Charles VIII's army
when it entered Rome:

The 36 artillery pieces transported on wagons were source of wonder and fear.
The wagons were pulled by horses through fiat or rough terrains with notable
speed. The majority of these pieces were eight feet long and weighed 6,000 pounds
of bronze. They were called cannons, and fired iron balls as big as a man's head.
After came the falconets, which had different proportions; the smallest shot balls
as big as an apple. All the aforementioned pieces were placed in between two
thick planks kept together by buckles. The smallest pieces were on two wheels,
whereas the biggest ones on four. With great swiftness, artillerymen and cart
drivers transported said artillery pieces with the help of horses through the plain
matching the speed of the light cavalry.2J

According to a French document contemporary with Charles VIII's

expedition into Italy, the French army owned more than 700 pieces of
artillery.24 However, in a manuscript of the seventeenth century - Notice sur
I'Expedition de Charles VIII - preserved in the Bibliotheque Nationale de
France, the pieces reported are more numerous: 1,200 big cannons and other

2 1 Susane, vot. I, pp. 63-64.

22 Giovio, La prima parte delle Istorie del suo tempo, p. 53.
23 Giovio, La prima parte delle Istorie del suo tempo, pp. 54-55.
24 'Descriptio apparatus bellici regis Francie Caroli intrantis civitates Italiae', in Edmond Martene,
Ursin Durans, Voyage litteraire de deux benedictins (Paris, 1724), p. 3 80.

37
THE ITALIAN WARS VOLUME 1

1,200 smaller cannons, including arquebuses and hand guns. Furthermore,

it is also cited that there were 200 masters of artillery, 600 master carpenters
and destroyers, 300 cannonball smelters, 200 blacksmiths, 1 1 1 coalmen,
200 rope makers and chain makers, 4,000 cart drivers, and more than 8,000
horses.25

25 L. Cimber, Archives curieuses de [ 'his/oire de France depuis Louis XIjusqu '0 Louis XVIII, 1 st
series, vol. l (Paris: Beauvais, 1 854), p. 188.

38
3

Charles VIII's Expedition to

the Kingdom of Naples

Lead-up to the Expedition

The ambitious plan of the young Charles VIII was not easy to execute,
especially without the trust and financial support of the court and of the
,,.----::=-.,....-;-=
noblemen who had ties within it.
Charles VIII's father, Louis XI, a king more pragmatic
and less of a dreamer than his son, had already put aside
his projects of invading Italy in his day; he thought that
the people of France would be nothing but damaged by
the plan. I Moreover, it was uncertain whether Spain and
Germany - France's cumbersome neighbours - would have
taken advantage of the King's absence to occupy the French
territory, in spite of the peace treaties of Barcelona and Senlis
(1493). Another threat was Henry VII, King of England,
whose ambitions, appeased by the Treaty of Etaples (1492),
could awaken at any moment. No treaty would be sufficiently
strong to avert that danger.
The King had the support of a multitude of people
grown under his shadow, who were led by Stefano De Vers,2
seneschal of Beaucaire, and Guillaume Bric;:onnet, bishop
of Saint-Malo. Persuaded by the promises of the Count of
Caiazzo,3 delegate of Ludovico the Moor as ambassador to

18 Coat of arms and

device of Charles VIII, as

1 Guicciardini, 1874. vot. I. p. 58. represented in "Le Livre des

2 Guicciardini, 1874. vot. I. p. 65. faiz Monseigneur Saint Loys"

3 The Milanese ambassadors reached the King in 1494, while he was in Lyon. Commynes (c. 1492), preserved in the
describes the arrival of the diplomatic mission as follows: "Galeazzo, brother of the Count of National Library of France.

Caiazzo of Sanseverino (of whom I spoke about before), arrived here with a good escort in the (Reproduction of the drawing

name of Ludovico-the Moor-of whom he was the Lieutenant, his best man. Galeazzo brought made by the author)

with him majestic and good horses in great number and much rich armour to joust in, which he
did excellently, being young and a good knight. He was welcomed honourably by the King. The
King gifted him the Order of Saint Michaet." De Commynes, Le memorie intorno aUe azzion
principali de due re di Francia, p. 308.

39
 CHARLES VIII'S EXPEDITION TO THE KINGDOM OF NAPLES

the King of France together with Galeazzo Visconti and Count Carlo of
Belgioso, and supported by Count Antonello of Sanseverino, Prince of
Salerno, who had fled from the Kingdom of Naples, De Vers and Bri<j:onnet
took advantage of every situation to encourage the King's invasion plan.
By his own nature and by imitating his father's attitude, Charles distrusted
politicians and nobles of the court. That is why he valued De Vers' and
Bri<j:onnet's opinions more than those of wiser and more expert men, the
latter being guided by Jacopo Gravilla, Admiral of France (praefecto rebus
maritimis - prefect of the maritime affairs4). The continuous urges of De
Vers and Bri<j:onnet, supported by Carlo of Belgioioso and Sanseverino (in
the meantime, the Count of Caiazzo had returned to Milan), together with
Ludovico the Moor's promises, dispelled Charles' every doubt. Ludovico
pledged to furnish to the King with 500 paid men-at-arms, allowed him to
arm as many ships as he wished in Genoa, and pledged to lend him 200,000
ducats. In exchange, the King pledged to defend the Dukedom of Milan
against every menace, recognising Ludovico's authority, and to station near
Asti, governed by the Duke of Orleans, 200 lances ready to fight for the Moor,
in case of need. Lastly, once he retrieved the Kingdom of Naples, the King
would appoint the Moor as governor of the Principality of Taranto.
The year 1494 was, as Guicciardini defined it, "anno infelicissimo a Italia':s
that is, "a most unhappy year for Italy': Given the developments of the Italian
situation and knowing the Moor's personality, Ferdinand - who was a good
King and a skilled politician - planned a journey to the Dukedom of Milan
with the intent of reconciling with the Sforzas; he was willing to go to such
lengths as to bring back south with him Isabel of Aragon, Gian Galeazzo
Sforza's wife.6 Moreover, since 1492, Ferdinand had started a careful
deployment of forces in order to organise the kingdom's defences.
When Ferdinand died on 25 January 1494, Alfonso 11, who had a different
personality to his father, chose a distinctively different political line. He sent
four ambassadors to Pope Alexander to be sure of his alliance in exchange
of the concession of several and reciprocal temporal privileges; an offer
that Pope Alexander gladly accepted. Alfonzo's political line with Ludovico
Sforza, instead, was similar to the one that his father had adopted at his time.
However, Sforza suggested to the King of France that he rebut his
opponent's moves by sending to Pope Alexander four ambassadors of
noble lineage: Bernard Stewart, Count of Beaumont and Lord of Aubigny,
commander of the Garde Ecoissase; Perron de Baschi, General of France;
Guillaume Bri<j:onnet, bishop of Saint-Malo; and Jean Materon, President of
Provence. These French noblemen, on their way to the Papal State, stopped
in Florence to plead the cause of Charles V III's heritage and bring the city
- traditionally a friend of France - to their side. In support of the cause,
the ambassadors reminded the Florentine government of its defeat by the
hand of the King of Naples, an ally to the previous pope. When in Rome,

4 B. Rucellai, De bello italico, ed. Donatella Coppini (Florence: Firenze University Press, 20ll),
pp. 60-61.
Guicciardini, 1874, vot. I, p. 79.
6 Guicciardini, 1874, vot. I, p. 80.

41
THE ITALIAN WARS VOLUME 1

they reported Charles' request to the pope: for him to be crowned King of
Naples in place of the Aragonese. His request was rejected. The pope, also
because of his agreements with Alfonso, replied that his predecessors had
already crowned three Aragonese Kings; thus, he would crown Charles only
if the French King brought very strong and unquestionable motivations
to accompany his request. Since Charles' request was rejected, the four
ambassadors - upon the King's order - returned to the north and stopped in
Milan, hosted by Ludovico.
Ludovico the Moor, after a first meeting with the Cardinal of San Pietro
in Vincolf (St Peter in Chains), decided to ask Charles to send 2,000 Swiss
soldiers to Genoa, under his command. He suspected, in fact, that a few
citizens of Genoa, who opposed his government, were negotiating with the
Aragonese. Moreover, he asked for 300 lances to be sent under the command
of D�ubigny. These soldiers, together with the 500 men of Ludovico the
Moor and the 500 Italian men-at-arms led by Gianfrancesco of Sanseverino,
Count of Caiazzo, Galeotto Pico, Count of Mirandola, and Ridolfo of
Gonzaga, would control the Lombardic territory and could eventually move
to Romagna.
In the meantime, Alfonso had made his move. His attack plan was to
open two fronts, one east and one west. Alfonso would go north from the east
by land, whereas his fleet would reach Genoa - controlled by Milan - from
the west to then head towards the Dukedom of Milan. A flotilla led by the
Admiral Don Federigo, Alfonso's brother, set sail from Naples; it consisted of
35 galee sottili (galleys), 18 ships and other minor support vessels. The land
troops were led by Ferdinand, Duke of Calabria and son of Alfonso, who
assembled an army in Abruzzo to then reach Romagna, which he did after a
long wait. The effects of his delay manifested a short time later.1! Ferdinand's
army consisted of 100 squadrons of men-at-arms (a squadron consisted of
20 men each) and 3,000 between crossbowmen on horse and light cavalry.9
However, before acting, Ferdinand wanted to meet Pope Alexander to
coordinate eventual common moves.
On 13 July, they met in Vicovaro, near Tivoli, and decided that a part of
the Aragonese army was to stay near Celle and Tagliacozzo in Abruzzo. A
group of light cavalry would protect the pope, together with the papal men­
at-arms in Rome. The remaining troops consisted of about 70 squadrons, the
light cavalry and the crossbowmen, together with a part of the papal men­
at-arms - hired only for defensive purposes. They were led by Ferdinand
himself, flanked by the wise condottieri Gian Giacomo Trivulzio and the
Count of Pitigliano, and had to reach Romagna.

7 Due to the hostility of della Rovere - cardinal of San Pietro in Jlincoli Pope Alexander sent
-

a strong contingent of troops to besiege Ostia, a city under the cardinal's j urisdiction. where
the cardinal's brother. Giovanni della Rovere. lived. After a short time the city surrendered on
condition of no acts of retaliation being made against the cardinal or the prefect of the city.
8 Ferdinand - called Ferrandino - wanted to gather as many troops as possible and lost precious
time in the process. which delayed his expedition to the north. The French and Milanese troops
had thus the time to move from Lombardy to Romagna., passing through Bologna. This averted
the danger of a war in the Dukedom.
9 Guicciardini, 1874. vol. l. p. 91.

42
 CHARLES VIII'S EXPEDITION TO THE KINGDOM OF NAPLES

The Aragonese wanted to reach Lombardy. However, they had to negotiate

with Bologna and the cities of Imola and Forli first. The situation was easily
solved. Imola and Forli were under the protection of Florence and after a few
negotiations Ferdinand reached a deal. Bologna, governed by the House of
Bentivoglio, opened its doors for the Aragonese after the pope promised to
appoint Galeazzo Bentivoglio, son of Giovanni - lord of the city - as cardinal.
However, the negotiations delayed Ferdinand's arrival in Romagna, which
gave time to a French-Milanese contingent, led by the Count of Caiazzo and
D�ubigny, to cross the Bolognese territory and reach Cesena. Thus, it was no
longer possible to bring the war to Lombardy.
The departure of Alfonso's fleet did not go unnoticed. Charles, knowing
that Alfonso wanted to attack Genoa, sent there 2,000 Swiss infantrymen
and a part of his fleet, which was anchored in the port of Marseille. Ludovico
the Moor contributed by sending a large number of men led by Gusparri
(Gaspare) di Sanseverino - called Fracassa - and his own younger brother
Antonio Maria Sforza.
Judging a direct attack to Genoa too risky, the Aragonese admiral decided
to attack Portovenere, where 400 enemy infantrymen stationed. However,
after an ineffective siege, the Neapolitan troops retreated to Livorno to
replenish their food supplies and hire new soldiers. When the contingent
was restored with men and weapons, the Aragonese admiral decided to land
a unit of 3,000 infantrymen, led by Obietto Dal Fiesco, in the territory of
Rapallo.
To oppose him, Giovanni Adorno, brother of the governor of Genoa,
together with the Sanseverino brothers, led a squadron of Italian infantrymen
from Genoa. The Duke of Orleans joined them at the head of 1,000 Swiss
infantrymen boarded on a large number of ships and galleys. When landed,
they immediately attacked the Aragonese, who had barricaded themselves in
the city. Given the peculiar conformation of the land, the Swiss soldiers could
not stop the dreaded infantry square and, at first, their opponents apparently
had the upper hand. However, the inhabitants, used to travelling and fighting
on mountainous terrain, and mostly thanks to their strong friendship with
the House of Adorni, engaged in battle at the side of the French-Milanese
contingent and turned the tide of the fight. The admiral Don Federigo,
who was preventively offshore to avoid a naval battle in the gulf of Rapallo,
considered the battle lost; he retreated to Livorno and resolved not to attack
Genoa or its territory again.
On 23 August 1494, Charles, urged by the cardinal of San Pietro in
Vincoli, cast aside his last reluctances and indecisions and headed towards
the Italian territory from Viennois (Dauphine), leaving the administration
of his kingdom to the Duke of Bourbon. Contemporary sources disagree on
the number of soldiers who left France under the command of the King. For
example Pierre de Bourdeille, Seigneur de Brant6me,1O a French historian
of the sixteenth century, reports that the army consisted of 4 1,000 men,
divided into 6,300 men-at-arms, 4,000 knights of the Royal Guard, 6,000

10 Brantome. vot. 11, pp. 292-300.

43
THE ITALIAN WARS VOLUME 1

Swiss infantrymen, 6,000 foot archers, 200 crossbowmen on horse, and

12,400 men, consisting of the logistic services - carpenters, rope makers,
coalmen, cart drivers, and people charged with armaments and supplies.
In a letter to the Duke of Milan, dated 28 March 1494,11 the Italian Count
Carlo of Belgioioso, ambassador of Ludovico the Moor, writes that the army
consisted of 40,900 men, similar to the number reported by Brant6me, except
for one difference: no logistic services were included. The count mentions
exclusively the number of troops: 9,000 French knights, 6,000 Italian
knights, 1,500 crossbowmen on horse, 1,000 Picard infantrymen, 1,000
Norman infantrymen, 6,000 crossbowmen, 3,000 Swiss infantrymen, and
3,000 Italian infantrymen. Moreover, Belgioioso reports the number of men
under the command of the Duke of Orleans,12 who crossed the Alps with
the King and was then stationed in the city of Asti: 2,400 knights and 8,000
infantrymen. The Neapolitan chronicler Giuliano Passero reports, instead,
that Charles V III arrived in Naples with 80,000 men \3 divided as follows: 250
squadrons of men-at -arms, 1,000 archers on horse, 4,000 foot archers, 10,000
Swiss infantrymen, and 10,000 infantrymen from other nations, while the
remaining men were those charged with the logistic services, the supplies
and such. The numbers of the army grow substantially in a document of the
time, redacted in Latin and published by some French Benedictine monks,14
which reports 130,000 men, divided as follows: 14,000 lances (a French lance
consisted of six men, the total thus being 80,400 men); 10,000 Swiss soldiers
divided in 6,000 pikemen, 2,000 halberdiers, and 2,000 men armed with
firearms, 24,000 archers and 12,000 crossbowmen, alongside 700 artillery
weapons.
To cross the Alps, Charles decided to pass through the pass of the Col de
Montgenevre, easier than the pass of Mont Cenis. Galeazzo of Sanseverino,
sent by Ludovico Sforza, waited for him in Susa and escorted him to Asti,
where they arrived on 9 September 1494. Ludovico Sforza and his wife,
Beatrice d'Este, arrived shortly after. The Sforza, fearing that the French King
would pass the winter in his territory, forcing Ludovico to provide supplies
for the whole contingent, resolved to lend an enormous amount of money to
the King in order to accelerate the departure of the army. However, against
all odds, the French King contracted the smallpox, and had to stay in Asti for
a whole month.
Charles arrived in Turin first, then in Casale Monferrato where he
collected 24,000 ducats thanks to the benevolence of the Duchess of Savoia
and the widow of the Marquis of Monferrato. 15 The King then reached Pavia
where Gian Galaezzo, nephew of Ludovico the Moor, stayed. In spite of
the King's insistence the two never met, and Charles resolved to leave the

11 List published by F. Delaborde, L 'Expedition de Charles VIII en Italie (Paris: Finnin-Didot,

1888), p. 325.
12 The soon-to-be Louis XII.
13 G. Passero, Storie in forma di giornali (Naples: Circenzo Orsino, 1785), p. 72.
14 Descriptio apparatus bellici regis Francie Caroli intrantis civitates Italiae, pp. 379-380.
15 Charles managed to raise the money by pawning the j ewelry and valuable obj ects lent to him
by the two dames. The episode is reported by Commynes in his famous report about Charles'
expedition to Italy.

44
 CHARLES VIII'S EXPEDITION TO THE KINGDOM OF NAPLES

Lombard city to reach Piacenza. When near the city, the news arrived that
the medical condition of Ludovico's nephew were rapidly worsening, and
the Moor decided to take leave and return to Pavia. However, along the
way he was informed that Gian Galezzo was deceased. Thus, he resolved to
immediately head back to Milan.
Meanwhile, the King had departed after a brief stop in Piacenza and
took the passes through the Apennine mountains to reach Tuscany. When
the army stopped in Pontremoli, a few clashes between the locals and the
Swiss contingent occurred. Forty soldiers fell to the inhabitants, who were
exasperated by their brutal behaviour. Passing through the territory of
Lunigiana, Charles sieged the city of Fivizzano first and then the fortress
of Sarzanello, which was under the control of Florence. The two cities
were brutally attacked to the extent that Piero de Medici abandoned any
idea of resistance and resolved to make generous concessions - giving
more than asked - to the French King, in the hope of preventing a bloody
siege in Florence. This servile attitude enraged the population and the city
government which, though maintaining a substantial line of support to the
French, sent away Piero de Medici, who sought shelter in Venice.
In the meantime, Charles had arrived in Pisa. The city welcomed him
warmly and begged him to free the population from the control of Florence,
which Charles did - even though he did not have the authority to do so - to
the joy of the citizens. When he arrived in Florence, the city government -
which, at that point, was in the hands of the council - pledged its support to
20 Charles VIII's entrance
the King. After Charles passed through Siena (Tuscany), he headed towards
in Florence, painted by
Rome, the eternal city, to meet Pope Alexander. Charles and his army passed Francesco Granacci. (Uffizi
Gallery, Florence)

45
THE ITALIAN WARS VOLUME 1

through the territory governed by the pro-French House of Orsini and

arrived first in Viterbo and then in Bracciano, where they stopped.
When Charles invaded Italy, Ferdinand, Duke of Calabria, moved quickly.
Considering that it was not possible to hinder the Milanese in the north, the
Duke resolved to retreat with his army towards the Lazio region and block
the French in Viterbo. The whole action was deemed unfavourable, which
led to the Aragonese contingent being relocated in Rome to allow the Duke
and the Pope to discuss their following actions. Pope Alexander, intimidated
by the brutality of the French, stalled the decision on further actions and
resolved to welcome the French ambassadors, who came to ask for the King's
free access to the city. After a number of negotiations, the Pope decided to
grant to the King free access into the town.
On the last day of the year 1494, while the French army paraded through
the Porta Santa Maria del Popolo with Charles at its head, the Aragonese
contingent, led by Ferdinand, Duke of Calabria, left Rome from the Porta San
Sebastiano. The French troops stayed in the city for about a month; during
this time, the Abruzzo region and the territories subjugated by the Aragonese
King, foretelling the arrival of the French army, repudiated the Aragonese
and started to sing the praises of the French King, seen as a liberator.
The situation worsened quickly and Alfonso, King of Naples,
intimidated by the brutality of the French in battle, resolved to abdicate
in favour of his son, Ferdinand 11, with the thought that his people loved
him more, since he could not be accused of the errors that his father had
made. Then, he fledl6 to the city of MazarP7 (Mazzara) in Sicily, gifted to
the King of Naples by Ferdinand of Spain, and then to the city of Messina,
where he died on 18 December 1495, shortly before joining the religious
Order of the Olivetans.
After his agreement with the Pope, Charles departed from Rome
and headed towards the Kingdom of Naples, where he sieged the city of
Montefortino, governed by Iacopo, Prince of Fundi,18 who was loyal to the
Aragonese King. The city was conquered within a short time, and the army
moved on to Monte San Giovanni. This city was strongly guarded, and it was
believed that the siege would last several days before the city capitulated.
However, after an intense bombardment, the French stormed the walls and
conquered Monte San Giovanni, killing all the defenders in the process. The
small city was destroyed and pillaged "con grande uccisione", that is, "with
great slaughter':
The Duke of Calabria was adamant in his resolve to block the French
army; however, to better fulfil the task, he decided to return to Naples and
gather new forces. He managed to enlist 50 squadrons of knights and 600
qualified infantrymen, who were deployed in the city of San Germano,

16 "dimostrando nel partire tanto spavento che pareva fusse gia circondato da' franzesi, e
voltandosi paurosamente a ogni strepito come temendo che gli fussino congiurati contro if
cielo e gli element;" ("showing such fear for his departure that he made it seem like he was
surrounded by French, and turned timidly at any loud noise, as if fearing that the sky and the
other elements were plotting against him"). Guicciardini, 1874, vol. I, p. 137.
17 Guicciardini, 1874, vol. I, p. 138.
18 Benedeni, p. 8.

46
 CHARLES VIII'S EXPEDITION TO THE KINGDOM OF NAPLES

nearby the Garigliano river, to block Charles' army. The defenders' position
was safe and in their favour, encircled by high mountains and with a marshy
plain all around, unfitting for troop movements. However, the news of the
massacres at the hands of the French intimidated the Aragonese troops
even before their enemies' arrival. When they caught sight of the vanguard
led by De Gie, consisting of 300 lances and a numerous contingent of
infantry, the Neapolitan troops fled and scattered in the surrounding
country abandoning eight pieces of artillery. 19 Ferdinand, pursued by the
French army, was thus forced to retreat to Capua with a small contingent
of loyal soldiers.
After his army's defeat, the condottiero Gian Giacomo Trivulzio,
commander of the Aragonese troops, requested an audience with Charles in
Calvi. Officially, he wanted to negotiate; however, in truth his only goal was
to offer his services to the French King, who gladly accepted. Ferdinand 11
found himself without any support, and resolved to retreat with his family to
the island of Procida with seven galleys as his escort.20
When Charles entered in triumph first in Capua and then in Naples, the
whole Kingdom readied itself to welcome merrily the French King. Having
lost their leader, all the strongholds of Naples surrendered shortly without
fighting. Castelnuovo was the first, guarded by 500 German soldiers who
surrendered to save their lives. Castel Dell'Ovo then surrendered after a
few days of bombardments by the French artilleries. Niccolo Orsino,
Count of Pitigliano, surrendered to Charles as well, to the French King's
delight. Ecstatic for his easy and quick victory, which bewildered all the
Italian and European states, Charles resolved to ask the Pope, through his
ambassadors, to crown him King of Naples. Moreover, he offered to pay a
yearly tribute to the Church. However, the Pope, supported by the whole
consistory, refused.
In the meantime, Charles' troops freely roamed the Aragonese territories.
In Apulia, Calabria and Abruzzo there was no end to pillages and rapes to the
detriment of private people, churches and religious communities.21 During
his whole stay in the capital of the Aragonese kingdom, Charles' attention
was focused exclusively on his own pleasure, amusement and on gathering
money and goods, a fact that notably enraged the Neapolitans. The people,
with a quick change of opinion, were ready to return to the side of the
deposed Ferrandino (Ferdinand 11).

19 " ... Hog; e sopragiunto I 'aviso ehe essendose el Re Ferrando partito da S. Germano, li hom;n;
subito se dettono a Franzos; li quali seguitando I 'exercito del Re li hano tolto eerte art;glier;e et
preso eavalli e hom;n;: non perd ;n gran numero se sono r;l;rat; a Capua. Dubitas; ehe a poco
a poco non perda if tutto .." ("Today it was announced that King Ferdinand left San Gerrnano
.

and that, therefore, the soldiers surrendered to the French, who followed the King's army and
confiscated artillery, horses and men. A few men managed to seek shelter in Capua. It is feared
that slowly we shall lose it all. .. "), Rosmini, p. 208.
20 Benedetti, p. 9.
21 Benedetti, p. 9.

47
THE ITALIAN WARS VOLUME 1
21 Charles VIII's entrance in
Naples; before the King there
are one Captain of the guards
and a Swiss. From the (ronaca
di Parrenope (Chronicle of
Naples), The Morgan Library
& Museum, New York.
(Reproduction of the drawing
made by the author)
48
Ludovico the Moor and the Establishment of the Holy League
While Charles stayed in the sumptuous Neapolitan court, the attitude of the
north Italian lords towards the French King rapidly changed. In particular
Ludovico, scared by the rapid developments of Charles' campaign, started
to fear for his own domain over Milan, aware that a strong French garrison,
led by the Duke of Orleans, was stationed in Asti and menaced the city of
Novara.22 Ludovico, in fact, who was anointed legitimate Duke of Milan by
Maximilian I, hoped for the success of the French King to be restrained by
the resistance of Florence and by the intervention of the Aragonese army.
However, both of his expectations were disappointed. Even the Pope, whose
intervention was auspicated by Ludovico, kept an attitude that contrasted with
the Duke's previsions. Moreover, as Charles marched towards the Kingdom
of Naples, strong garrisons were left in certain cities in order for them to
be a deterrent and a foothold for the French King's return. For example, in
Pisa 600 horses23 (lances) were left, as well as in other strongholds, gifted
to Charles by the Florentines, and in the territories of Rome. Venice itself,
which was initially neutral, having seen how the situation developed, started
to fear that a too-powerful foreign element on Italian soil could jeopardise
the integrity of its authority.
22 Rosmini, p. 209.
23 Rosmini, p. 216.
 CHARLES VIII'S EXPEDITION TO THE KINGDOM OF NAPLES

The first signals of alarm appeared even beyond Italian borders. The
first to take action was Maximilian I, who already had stark disagreements
with the French King and was never on good terms with him. Secondly the
sovereigns of Spain, Isabella and Ferdinand, who, though not having officially
protested about Charles' entrance in Naples, supported a rapid return of the
Aragonese.
In April 1495, the ambassadors of Milan, Spain and Germany met in
Venice and a treaty was signed by mutual agreement to establish a league
which, officially, only had a defensive purpose. However, secret pacts
were signed as well, which asked specific actions to be made by the states
involved.24 Spain committed to send a contingent of 800 giannettari (jinetes,
light cavalry horseman, A.N.) and about 1,000 Spanish infantrymen to Sicily,
to support a future military action of the Aragonese. Ludovico the Moor
wanted to occupy the city of Asti, transit route of the aid from France to the
King, to block the French reinforcements. Maximilian I and the sovereigns of
Spain would have made a financial contribution to support the League. The
states who signed the treaty tried to drag other states to their side to swell
their ranks. Their first attempt was with Florence; the League offered the
city protection from the probable revenge of Charles on his way back from
Naples, and promised to send reinforcements if Florence wanted to recapture
Pisa - illegitimately freed by the French King - and Livorno. After examining
the federates' proposal, the Florentine government, fearing the French and
hoping that Charles would return its territories to the city, resolved not to
help the League. The city of Ferrara was offered the same deal, which Ercole I
d'Este, Duke of Ferrara, refused. However, he agreed to his firstborn Alfonso
(the future Alfonso I d'Este, third Duke of Ferrara) following Ludovico the
Moor as lieutenant at the head of 150 homini d'arme (men-at-arms).
Once the alliances were established, on March 1495 the troops were
gathered near the village of Seniga, nearby the Oglio river, on the border
between the Venetian and the Milanese state.

Charles Leaves Naples and Returns North

Charles' ambassadors informed the French King about the unfavourable

turn of events and, given the general discontent spreading in the Neapolitan
kingdom, Charles decided to gather his troops and return north. Other than
the general hostility of the Neapolitans, several cities, among which Otranto,
Brindisi and Gallipoli - in which pro-Aragonese fringes were strongly
present - began to take a stronger stand. Thus, before his departure, Charles
resolved to leave several contingents in defence of the kingdom. In Naples, a
strong army corps was deployed, consisting of 500 men-at-arms, 2,500 Swiss
soldiers and a small group of French infantrymen, led by Gilbert of Bourbon,
Lord of Montpensier. Calabria was assigned to Dl\ubigny and Gaeta Stefano
of Vers.

24 Guicciardini, 1874, voLt p. 169.

49
THE ITALIAN WARS VOLUME 1

According to the report of de Commynes, Charles left Naples with 900

men-at-arms, 2,500 Swiss soldiers, 7,000 infantrymen and 1,500 men, among
which there were servants and courtiers.25 Guicciardini, however, reports the
following numbers: 800 French lances, 200 genti['uomini (gentlemen) of the
guard, 3,000 Swiss infantrymen, 1,000 Gascons and 1,000 French, other than
100 lances led by Trivulzio.26
As Charles came closer to Rome, the Pope, intimidated by the French
King's resolve after his refusal to crown him King of Naples, decided to retreat
in Orvieto. After Rome, Charles continued north, and stopped in Siena and
then in Pisa, where a delegation of dames and locals asked the King to not
give the city back to Florence. The Pisans' request was granted benevolently
by the King who, though not having the legitimate power to do so, allowed
the city to remain independent.
In the meantime, in the north, the Duke of Orleans, who had the
temporary regency of Asti, conquered the city of Novara, which was under
the control of Ludovico the Moor. Ludovico, in turn, believed the city of Asti
to be undefended and resolved to conquer it. However, the Duke of Orleans,
warned of the Duke of Milan's intentions by the ambassador De Commynes,
asked for 40 lances and 500 infantrymen, led by the Marquis of Saluzzo, to
be sent from France. Furthermore, Dauphine sent him 350 men-at-arms and
2,000 Swiss soldiers, other than a contingent of archers. The Duke of Orleans
exited from Novara and deployed his troops in front of Vigevano, to then
immediately retreat to Trecano. Galeazzo of Sanseverino, Count of Caiazzo
and captain of the Sforzas' troops, who had deployed his army near Vigevano,
received from Maximilian I a contingent of 2,000 German infantrymen and
1,000 horses led by Federico Capellare.27 The two armies were both deployed
near the Ticino river. After reinforcing his formation, Sanseverino resolved
to attack. However, the Duke of Orleans, finding his army at disadvantage,
decided to avoid the battle and retreated immediately to Novara.
Charles left Pisa, reached Lucca and then the city of Pietrasanta to then
cross the Apennines using the passes to reach the plain. The venture was
extremely difficult; however, the passes, fortunately for Charles, were not
guarded. When he arrived in Sarzana, and later on near Pontremoli, Charles
decided to send the marshal De Gie and Trivulzio go in ahead, fearing
eventual ambushes by the federates' army. The city's garrison, consisting
of only 400 soldiers, fled promptly, leaving the city undefended. The Swiss
infantrymen who, during the expedition to the Kingdom of Naples had
suffered great losses by the hand of the inhabitants of Pontremoli, pillaged
and burned the city and slaughtered its people. This enraged Trivulzio and
Charles. The Swiss commanders, to calm the King's wrath, offered him their
troops to carry the artillery through the new and difficult Apennines passes.
The crossing, made by pairs of soldiers by hand, presented great difficulties.
However, it was only thanks to these tireless soldiers that Charles could carry

25 Commynes, Le memorie intorno aUe azzion principali de due re di Francia. p. 354.

26 Guicciardini. 1874. vol. I. p. 177.
27 Commynes. Le memorie intorno aUe azzion principali de due re di Franci, p. 364.

50
 CHARLES VIII'S EXPEDITION TO THE KINGDOM OF NAPLES

his whole artillery train - complete with 14 heavy siege weapons - across the
mountains.
There is a good chance that the crossing took place through the Cisa
Pass, as it is reported by historian Lino Lionello Ghirardini in his work La
battaglia di Fornovo (The Battle of Fornovo).28 After crossing the worrying
obstacle that was the Apennines, Charles arrived in the valley of the Taro
and stopped near the city of Fornovo, conscious that he would soon face the
numerous army of the federals.

28 Ghirardini, pp. 32-33.

51
 4

The Battle of Fornovo

Between the end of June and the beginning of July 1495, the majority of Charles'
army was camped near Berceto1 whereas the vanguard, led by De Gie and
Trivulzio, was already close to the first houses of Fornovo. The French King was
well aware that only a few kilometres ahead the vast League army awaited him.
The number of enemy troops was not clear; however, he knew that it surely
outnumbered his troops. Neither side knew what the future held for them.
Charles did not want to settle the claim with a battle. On the other side,
the Venetian senate had yet to give Gonzaga and the superintendents the
authorisation to engage battle with the enemy army; information that Charles
knew thanks to a letter from Ercole d'Este, Duke of Ferrara. While pondering
how to act, Charles resolved to send a herald (dressed in light blue and
golden lilies2) to negotiate with the League. The herald, when in the presence
of the Venetian superintendents Luca Pisano and Melchiorre Trevisano,
and Gonzaga, took a friendly attitude and showed himself surprised by
the Italians hindering his king. Thus, he asked safe passage for his king to
return to France, and even asked for provisions, which the French actually
needed. The superintendents, in response, ordered Charles to return the city
of Novara and the captured papal lands in exchange for a safe passage. Of
course, the French herald had to refuse contemptuously such condition, and
threatened that Italian blood would be shed, were his requests not granted.
This is what happened according to Benedetti's version. Other authors, such
as Guicciardini and De Commynes, instead, suggest that the herald returned
to the French camp without a clear answer.
In the meantime, uncertainty hovered over the French camp, even though
it was hoped for the battle to be avoided. Charles' resolution wavered too,
the King being young and easily inclined to discouragement or euphoria.
However, with a determined speech, the captain Gian Giacomo Trivulzio
managed to convince the King and the nobles to fight the League. Trivulzio
brought elements of fundamental importance to support his reasons: The

Thanks to a letter from Federico Lando to Ludovico the Moor. dated July 1495 and sent from
Bardi (near Parma). it is possible to deduce that Charles arrived in Berceto the day before.
namely on 3 JUly.
2 Benedetti, p. 14.

52
 THE BATTLE OF FORNOVO

22 "Francesco Gonzaga
11 alia battaglia del Tare"
by Jacopo Tintoretto,
1578-1579, preserved in the
Alte Pinakothek of Munich,
Germany.

French army consisted mainly of national troops, well trained and motivated,
that had already faced several battles; the Italian army, and especially its
infantry, instead, consisted of hired troops that were less motivated, freshly
enrolled and inexperienced. The outcome of a direct confrontation could be
easily predicted. Moreover, the French could count on the numerous Swiss
contingent, whose terrible reputation preceded them in the whole peninsula;
Ludovico the Moor, due to his ambiguous position, would have scarcely
tried to inflict serious damage to the French army, also to prevent the
reputation of Venice growing further in the case of victory (the Venetian
troops were greater in number and importance in the League army). It was
thought that the Captain General Francesco Gonzaga was more of a fierce
combatant than a valid general due to his young age (in fact, the outcome of
the battle confirmed such thought).
Reassured by Trivulzio's argumentations, King Charles resolved to march
towards Borgo San Donnino, Piacenza, and then Asti, even at the cost of
engaging the League army in battle along the way. It is important to note that,
while the French army was moving in Lunigiana (a historical territory in Italy)
to ensure themselves a safe support in case of battle, Charles ordered the Duke
of Orleans to reach Piacenza with his troops before 3 July. The Duke promised
to do so; however, since in those days he found himself having to control both
Asti and Novara, he resolved not to help the King for lack of troops.
The French army was still lined up in Berceto and in the mountains
surrounding Fornovo. From up there, the French King could observe, not
without dismay, how vast the enemy military camp was. Thus, he decided to
send a separated contingent of the vanguard led by Gie and Trivulzio to scout
the surroundings. The farmers of the area, who were hired by both armies,
reported to the respective military camps the movements of the enemy troops;
the Italians, thus, decided to send a numerous contingent of Stratioti to intercept
the French. The Stratioti (see Plate B, fig. 2), having met the enemy troops,
managed to crush their opponents, in particular thanks to their innovative
fighting tactics. Having killed several French soldiers and chased the survivors

53
 THE BATTLE OF FORNOVO

almost into the French camp, they returned to the superintendents with the
severed heads of the defeated, and one prisoner. At the Italian camp about 40
severed heads on pikes were brought to claim the prize. Moreover, BenedettP
reports that one of the Stratioti, who did not manage to kill enemy soldiers,
slaughtered a priest found on the way back. This event is confirmed by other
chroniclers,4 who all agree to different extent on how the battle occurred;
however, they agree less on the number of soldiers involved. The knights were
welcomed with joy, and Giovio even reports that the first Stratioti soldier who
brought a severed French head with him was kissed on his hands "as it was
customary of the Greeks" (namely, of the Stratioti). Francesco Gonzaga himself
confirms the event in a letter to the Venetian senate, dated 1 July:

Mandati avanti li stradiotti et cavalli leggeri e con la gente darme e ifanti a seguitare.
Li stradiotti attaccarono e li misero in fuga dove ne hanno morti circa 30 et presi
10 0 12 e i caporale de fanti et ferito gran numero et de li nostri solo uno stradiotto
venne manchato,5

That is:

The Stratioti and the light cavalry were sent ahead followed by the men-at-arms
and the infantrymen. The Stratioti attacked and drove the enemies away killing
about 30 of them, and taking 10 or 12 prisoners, among which a corporal. Many
of the French were wounded, and only one Stratioti soldier died.

The following day, the Stratioti fought again against the French scouts.
However, the event was reported solely by Bembo and in a letter from
Gonzaga dated 2 July:

gli mandai li stradiotti et cavalli leggeri che animosamente si sono attaccati con
loro et hanno riportato honore. Ammazzati circa 40 francesi e presi 44, feriti molti,
toltogli cavalli, barde et molte altre cose et tra le altre una delle loro bandere bianche
che portano et de li mii solo uno stradiotto mi e manchato da una botta di lancia da
valenthomo et pochi feriti. 6

That is,

I sent the Stratioti and the light cavalry, who vigorously fought against the
enemies. About 40 French killed, 44 prisoners, several wounded, their horses and
harnesses captured as well as many other things, among which one of their white
flags. Only one Stratioti soldier was killed by the spear of a man-at-arms, and
there were few wounded

3 Benedetti, p. 15.
4 The Marquis of Monferrato reports in a letter to Ludovico the Moor that 40-50 French soldiers
were killed, and two of them captured.In the pockets of one of the prisoners were found 250
ecu (French coins).
5 Archivio di Stato di Mantova, AG. b 2961, Iibro 4a, c. 18v. I luglio 1495.
6 Archivio di Stato di Mantova, AG. b 2961, Iibro 4a, c. 19v. 2 luglio 1495

55
THE ITALIAN WARS VOLUME 1

It is important to note that Trivulzio had white insignias, such as the one
cited in the letter of the Marquis of Mantua.7
De Commynes reports that the prisoner captured by the Stratioti was
German, or rather, Swiss. According to the French chronicler, in fact, the
vanguard of De Gie consisted of 170 men-at -arms (the exact number was
reported by the Marshal himself to De Commynes) and 800 Swiss. The Swiss
soldier was interrogated by the Count of Caiazzo and confessed cunningly
that the marshal of Gie was at the head of 300 men-at-arms and 1,500 Swiss
soldiers. However, the Count well knew the French army since he had fought
under the kings across the Alps, and was not fooled by his words.8
Frightened by the outcome of these first clashes, the lines of the French
vanguard returned to the camp to wait for the main force of the army to
arrive. The entirety of the French army came together between 4 and 5
July, because on the night of that same day Charles, having put aside his
uncertainties, resolved to have his army depart on the following day.
This first easy victory filled the Italian troops and the Marquis Gonzaga
with ardour; however, the latter did not seize the perfect opportunity to defeat
the French before King Charles' army was fully deployed. In fact at that time
only the French vanguard had reached Fornovo; the main force of the army
had yet to arrive. With his vanguard defeated, Charles would have had no
choice but to retreat to Lucca and, from there, attempt a perilous return to
France by sea. According to Bembo, Gonzaga was held back by Sanseverino
who, probably following Ludovico the Moor's instructions, managed to calm
the ardour of the Marquis of Mantua and thus impede the retreat of the
French army. However, it was probably the lack of reliable information about
the location and number of the French army that discouraged the Italians
from attacking, together with the fact that, after being defeated, the French
vanguard was redeployed on much more defensible higher ground.9 Anyway,
this did not prevent the Marquis from ordering the Stratioti and a few light
cavalry contingents to make quick raids in the French camp, located near
Fornovo, on the night of 5 and 6 July.IO
The two camps were no more than three miles apart. The League was
camped on the plain of Giarola or Ghiarola, near the villages of Oppiano and
Gaiano. The camp, a few thousand metres wide, extended in the direction
of Parma. A still existing building, which currently hosts the Museum of
Tomato (Corte di Giarola), located near one of the fords of the river Taro,
apparently hosted a part of the League troops if not even the League high
command, since Francesco Gonzaga himself dated a few letters written after
the battle in the area of Giarola.

7 Sanudo, unlike the other chroniclers, reports that 24 Stral;ol; attacked 80 French, and managed
to kill only 10 of them. It is unclear whether he refers to the first or the second clash between
Stral;ol; and French scouts. (La spediz;one d; Carlo VIIf ;n flalia, p. 465).
8 Commynes, Le memor;e ;nlorno aUe azz;on pr;ncipali de due re d; Francia. p. 3 67.
9 F. Guicciardini, Slor;a d 'flalia. vot. 11, chapter 8 (Turin: Einaudi 1971).
10 Commynes reports at least two successful incursions by the Stral;ol;. due to the lack of French
men on guard (Le memor;e ;nlorno aUe azz;on pr;ncipali de due re d; Francia, p. 3 70).

56
 THE BATTLE OF FORNOVO

The Day of the Battle

On the morning of Monday 6 July 1495, Charles decided to send another

messenger to negotiate a deal with the League high command and avert a
potential battle.

24 The bed of the River Taro

According to Benedetti's report, the King reviewed the forces at his
in the direction of Medesano;
disposal. In the French camp there were 1,300 men-at-arms,ll 2,700 archers picture taken from the bridge
on horse, 6,000 Swiss infantrymen, 400 crossbowmen, 200 light cavalrymen, connecting Fornovo to

and 42 pieces of artillery. For the occasion, the King summoned Philippe De Ramiola (part of Medesano),
a recently-built little­
Commynes, who gladly accepted; in fact, long ago, he had been one of the
inhabited centre. The present
ambassadors for the King in Venice. Probably, Charles' decision was nothing highway 357 connects the
but another means of stalling. In fact, while De Commynes went to the villages of the left bank, and

meeting with Francesco and the superintendents, skirmishes between the presumably retraces the
path followed by Charles in
Italians and French began on several fronts. The River Taro, which flowed in
the morning of 6 July 1495.
between the two armies, did not manage to keep them apart, even though it In the city of Medesano, at
had grown rougher over the night due to strong storms. the corner of Via Roma and

In the meantime, the King of France divided his army in three Via Grossardi, a thick boulder
with the function of bollard
squadrons: vanguard, centre, and rearguard with the train. The vanguard
is positioned. It was found
was led by De Gie and Trivulzio together with the Count of Pitigliano in 1880 in the surrounding
(prisoner of the King) and the condottiero Francesco Secco. According to countryside, and legend has
it that it was the boulder on
which Charles rested and
pondered the night after the
battle.

11 Benedetti (p. 15) writes "men-at-arms"; however, he does not actually refer to one single knight,
but instead to one lance. The formation of the lance was different in each country and changed
with the historical period. At the end of the fifteenth century, in France, the Lance consisted of
five or six men, meaning that the total number of men-at-arms amounted to about 7,800·.

57
THE ITALIAN WARS VOLUME 1

Benedetti, this first squadron consisted of 300 men-at-arms,12 200 light

cavalrymen, and 2,000 Swiss infantrymen. \3 Guicciardini, instead, reports
that the total number of men-at-arms was 350;14 however, he specifies that
this number referred to French knights. Trivulzio led other 100 lances
and an unclear number of mounted crossbowmen of the royal guard.
Moreover, there were 3,000 Swiss soldiers and 300 archers.ls Also De
Commynes reports interesting details on the French vanguard. According
to the French chronicler, the King assigned to these squadrons 350 men­
at-arms, 3,000 Swiss infantrymen led by Monseigneur Engelbert of Cleves,
Louis de Menton (Seigneur of Lornai) and Antoine de Bessey (bailiff of
Dijon), 300 mounted archers of the King's personal guard who were given
the order to fight on foot, and a part of the 200 mounted crossbowmen
that the King had at his disposal. Moreover, this squadron was tasked with
the artillery; it is unclear whether it was the entire contingent of artillery
or only a part. 1 6
According to Benedetti, the second squadron, led by the King himself
together with the Bastard of Bourbon and Monsieur De la Tremoille (Giovio,
however, reports that De la Tremoille was in the rearguard), consisted of
600 horses between men-at-arms and mounted archers, Swiss infantrymen
(about 4,000, whereas De Commynes reports them to be only 3,000), and
the remaining mounted archers (about 2,500). This squadron was called a
bataille (battle). The King, mounting his horse called Savoia, wore a rich
white and purple garment scattered with Jerusalem crosses.1 7 In order to
protect the King and confuse the enemy, three knights wore his livery; these
were the Lord of Ligny - the King's cousin - the Lord of Pienne, and the
Batard of Bourbonl8 (see Plate A, fig. 2.3).
In the rearguard there were, according to Benedetti, 700 men-at-arms
and 1,000 infantrymen. In this last squadron there was also the train, which
guarded the rich treasure that the King had brought with him from Naples,
and a multitude of non-combatant women and men who followed the army.
The artillery was deployed in front of the vanguard to better aim at the enemy
bank of the River Taro.
At 10:00 a.m.,19 the French army began to ford the River Taro to reach
the left bank, urged on by King Charles, who was riding in between two
cardinals and surrounded by his Garde Ecossaise (see Plate C, fig. 2). While
De Commynes was returning from the enemy camp, the first French cannon
shots were heard, immediately followed by the Italian artillery, which was

12 Relative to what was reported at • above, the total number of knights in the vanguard amounted
to around 1,800.
13 Benedetti, p. 16.
14 See the same calculation made at • above.
15 Guicciardini, Sloria d'llalia, 1971, vot. 11, chapter 9.
16 Commynes, Le memorie inlorno aUe azzion principali de due re di Francia, p. 373.
17 Andre de La Vigne, Hisloire de Charles VIII, Roy de France (Paris, 1617), p. 212; Commynes,
Memoires, new edition, vot. Ill, ed. Emilie Dupont (Paris: Renouard, 1847), p. 421.
18 R. Gaguin, La Mer des croniques el mirouer hislorial de France (Paris, 1518), folio 219;
Brantome, vot. 11, p. 308; de La Vigne, Hisloire de Charles VIII. p. 213.
19 Commynes, Le memorie inlorno aUe azzion principali de due re di Francia, p. 370.

58
 THE BATTLE OF FORNOVO

25 The bed of the River

deployed in the Piana di Giarola and on the hills behind. The actual impact of Taro to the south-west. the
the artillery during the day of the battle was reported by several chroniclers, direction from which the

though with differing opinions. Given how the battle turned into a melee French army marched. It is
possible to see the remains of
fight, it is probable that the artillery of both sides was effective and useful
an ancient bridge connecting
during the initial part of the battle, namely when the two armies were the inhabited centres in
moving closer. The deployment of artillery in the following part of the fight Fornovo with the opposite

would have certainly involved the risk, if not the certainty, of hitting soldiers bank. It was probably used
by Charles'troops to cross to
of both sides.
the left bank of the river. The
Before engaging battle, the League army was organised in nine squadrons present road bridge, crossed
(according to Benedetti), each with a precise task, which had to effectively by the highway 357, was built

hiner the three enemy squadrons. The documentary sources that have next to the ancient one.

reached us report differing data, especially regarding the numbers, that have
thus to be interpreted. On a general note, it is important to make an initial
assessment with regard to the source provenance. In other words, French
chroniclers, such as De Commynes or De La Vigne, tend to be slightly
biased, which leads them to inflate the enemy numbers and reduce the
numbers of their side instead, to make an eventual victory more glorious.
Italian chroniclers are generally more impartial; however, incongruity
among reports is still evident. A second assessment has to be made in order
to analyse the temporal distance that separates the written report from the
moment when the event happened. Benedetti was physically in the Italian
camp, meaning that his information came from first-hand experience. A few
authors, such as Giovio and Bembo, wrote their works several years after the
facts, using more or less direct records. Others who published their works
more than a century after the battle took place instead based their work on

59
THE ITALIAN WARS VOLUME 1

those of preceding historical authors, and the influence of those writers is

visible in their reports. Therefore, Benedetti is the most accurate author.20
Gonzaga formed nine squadrons, each consisting of both elements of
cavalry and infantry, led by numerous and valiant captains. Great importance
was given to the backup, consisting of a conspicuous group of soldiers. It
is unclear whether it was because of an actual tactic of the commander
or simply because of the high availability of soldiers, which exceeded the
number thought necessary to fight the enemy in a closed area such as the
valley of the Taro. The first squadron, led by Pietro Duodo, commander­
chief of the Stratioti (about 1,500 knights), was tasked with getting around
the vanguard by climbing the hills on the left side of the River Taro to
then blindside the enemy. The second squadron, consisting of 510 Italian
cavalrymen, was led by the captains Ranuccio Farnese and Luigi Avogadro.
The third, consisting of 4,000 infantrymen (see Plate D, fig. 1), was led
by Gorlino of Ravenna. In the fourth there were many famous captains:
Bernardino Fortebraccio (see Plate D, fig.4), Vincenzo Corso, Roberto
Strozzi, Alessandro Beraldo, Iacopo Savognano, Luigi Valaresso - a Venetian
nobleman - Marco Martinengo, and the counts Brandolini at the head of
370 knights. This squadron was tasked with assaulting the French rearguard.
The fifth squadron, led by Gianfrancesco of Sanseverino Count of Caiazzo,
Galeazzo,Antonmaria Pallavicini, Annibale Bentivoglio (see Plate D, fig. 2),
and the son of Galeotto della Mirandola, consisted of 570 cavalrymen and
was tasked with charging the centre of the enemy army. The sixth squadron,
consisting of 255 soldiers (their specialisation unspecified) led by Alessandro
Colleoni - nephew of the more famous Bartolomeo - and Taddeo Motella,
was ordered to keep ready and assist the aforementioned squadrons where
needed. The seventh squadron, consisting of 465 knights, was led by Antonio
Count of Urbino, Giovan Francesco Gambara, Carlo Secco, Antonio Pio,
Giovanni Rina, Giovanni Gradenigo, Lazzaro D'arimino, Pietro Chieregato,
Tullio Cipriano, and Filippo Macedone. The eighth squadron, consisting of
280 cavalrymen led by Carlo Malitese, Taziano da Carpi, Angelo da Santo
Angelo, and Iacopaccio Veneziano, and 1,000 infantrymen at under the
command of Niccolo Savorgnano, was tasked with guarding the fortified
camp. The ninth and last squadron, the general backup, consisted of 400 light
cavalrymen and crossbowmen and was led by Giovanni Greco and Soncino
Benzone da Crema.
Another chronicler who wrote an important report is Giovio;21 even
though his report was written several years after the battle, it gives an
account of names and numbers that match, at least partially, with those of
Benedetti. In Historie del suo tempo (Histories of His Own Time), Giovio

20 Benedetti, pp. 17-18. It is interesting to note that Benedetti. in his descriptions, writes always
about light cavalry, whereas it has been ascertained that the main element of the lance was the
heavy cavalry. However, there is currently no evidence that helps interpret the intentions of the
Italian chronicler. Moreover, it is not cited where Francesco Gonzaga and his uncle Rodolfo
were deployed. It is also curious that Caiazzo was initially assigned to the squadron tasked with
charging the centre of the French army (the so-called batail/e), when he actually led the first
squadrons tasked with charging the enemy vanguard.
21 Giovio, La prima parte delle historie del suo tempo. p. 96.

60
 THE BATTLE OF FORNOVO

reports the total number of the Italian army as follows: 2,400 men-at-arms,
2,000 light cavalrymen, and 12,000 infantrymen. Similarly to Benedetti,
Giovio divides the contingent in nine squadrons; however, the numbers are
different. Pietro Duodo, assisted by Alessio Beccacuto, is already cited in the
first squadron at the head of 600 Stratioti and 600 crossbowmen on horse.
The second squadron, consisting of 600 men-at-arms and 6,000 German and
Italian infantrymen, all part of the Sforzas' militia, was led by Sanseverino,
Count of Caiazzo. The third, consisting of 500 chosen men-at-arms, 500
archers, and 4,000 infantrymen, was led by Francesco Gonzaga and his uncle
Rodolfo Gonzaga (see Plate B, figs 4 and 5). It is not reported how many
soldiers consisted the fourth squadron, only that it was led by Fortebraccio
da Montone. Also the fifth squadron number is unknown; however, the name
of the captain, Antonio da Montefeltro, is reported and so is his role: backup
to the squadron led by Francesco Gonzaga. The same applies to the sixth
squadron, led by Annibale Bentivoglio and Galeazzo Pallavicino, tasked with
helping the squadron of the Count of Caiazzo. The seventh squadron, led
by Luigi Avogadro, Francesco Gambara, and Soncino Benzone da Crema,
was the backup for the squadron of Fortebraccio da Montone. The eighth
and the ninth were of generic support, whereas the captains Talian Pio and
Carlo da Melito were ordered to supervise and guard the camp. It is also
interesting the unique report by Sanudo about the number and type of
League artillery deployed: 68 punt guns on wheels, already present on the
battlefield, plus others yet to come from Verona for a total of 260; according
to Sanudo, however, when these pieces of artillery arrived in Fornovo, they
were regarded as unnecessary and promptly sent back.
The French King's resolve to move to the left bank of the River Taro
determined the choice of the battlefield. However, said decision reflected
also the hopes of the League, that wanted to battle to happen in an area of the
valley in which its forces could be fully deployed. The first French squadron,
sometime between 1:00 p.m. and 3:00 p.m.,22 had gone so far as to reach a
waterway lateral to the Taro, which was used to power a watermill. In that
place, the banks of the streams were higher and steeper, other than covered
in thick vegetation. Moreover, the storms of the preceding days had caused
the rivers to grow rougher and several muddy puddles had formed, which
hindered the military manoeuvres. It was exactly in that same place that the
League troops led by the Count of Caiazzo, who had forded the River Taro
slightly downstream, faced Trivulzio's troops.
With regard to the infantry, this first clash ended quickly. The League
infantrymen, unprepared when faced with the Swiss square tactics, were
defeated quickly. Giovio describes the event in detail. The Italian infantry,
deployed as it was the Italian custom - namely the first ordinanze (the first
lines) armed with long spears wielded with the left hand (see Plate D, fig. 3)

22 D. Malipiero reports a letter dated 7 July by the chancellor of Piero Duodo. commander of the
Stratioti, in which it is written that the battle started at 3:00 p.m. (p. 360). In a subsequent letter
by the chaplain of Luca Pisani, dated 8 July. it is reported that the battle began around 1 :00 p.m.
or 2:00 p.m. (D. Malipiero, Annali veneti dall 'anno 1457 al 1500 (Florence: G.P' Vieusseux,
1843)).

61
THE ITALIAN WARS VOLUME 1
26 A view of the area
called "the plain of Giarola�
stretching between
Pontescodogna and Ozzano
Taro. Its name almost certainly
comes from the dialectal term
referring to gravel, commonly
found in alluvial plains. The
League military camp was
settled there; Charles could
see it from the hills near
Fornovo.
62
followed by infantrymen armed with rotellas and partisans, and crossbowmen
- marched towards the Swiss' tight square formation (see Plate E, fig. 1),
who were awaiting them, sniggering. When the Italians were sufficiently
close, about 300 soldiers armed with two-handed swords came out of the
Swiss square and started cutting off the enemy pikes. The League formation
broke and the soldiers fled hastily, leaving 20 fallen comrades behind. The
League cavalry, having seen the negative outcome of the clash, fled as well,
also because many captains had fallen under the French blows. According to
Benedetti and Corio,23 the cavalry retreat was due to the fright of the artillery
explosions. Only the Count of Caiazzo together with a few knights continued
the fight, in which Giovanni Piccinino and Galeazzo Correggia died. As
already reported, a few authors voice the suspicion that Caiazzo responded
directly to Ludovico the Moor's precise order of not fighting seriously; thus,
in order to avoid a harsh defeat for the French, he retreated with his own
squadron.
In the meantime, the troops led by Gonzaga began to ford the River Taro
to intercept the enemy's centre. The commander-chief of the League army,
together with his uncle Rodolfo and Count Bernardino da Montone, led the
best soldiers hired by Venice, namely 600 richly armoured men-at-arms on
barded horses. After them came the Stratioti, crossbowmen on horse, and
infantrymen.24 The fords were not passable any more; thus, the troops forded
by trickling in. Even engaging battle with the enemy did not have the desired
effect. Nevertheless, the League troops charged the enemy bataille with
23 Corio, L'Historia di Milano volgarmente scriua. p. 948.
24 Commynes, Le memorie intorno alle azzion principali de due re di Francia, p. 372.
 THE BATTLE OF FORNOVO

27 Corte di Giarola. A
the war cry "Marco! Marco!" and "Italy! ltaly!"25 The armies clash quickly small agricultural centre,
became a furious hand-to-hand combat, a huge melee where weapons such presumably the headquarters
of the League army. A few
as maces and swords were wielded with extreme violence. Moreover, the
letters written by Gonzaga
weather was inclement. A harsh storm thundered above the heads of the
trace back to this place.
soldiers, overwhelming with roaring thunder the artillery explosions and Nowadays, the building
the clangour of swords. In this desperate fight, the Italians proved their houses the Museum of

fierceness. Gonzaga, considered by many a better soldier than a condottiero, Tomato and an excellent
restaurant. Some parts of the
fought with unmatchable honour.
original walls are still visible.
In Croniche del Marchese di Mantova26 it is reported that such was the Even though the building
heat of battle that the Gonzaga broke his spear piercing and killing a French structure has been reworked

knight, and his horse's neck was pierced from side to side.27 Sanudo adds that several times throughout the
years, the original structure
Gonzaga lost three horses during the fight.28 All the captains in Gonzagas
probably has remained
squadron fought earnestly, and of all them Bernardino Fortebracci,29 called unchanged since the time of
by Sanudo quarto feritore (meaning "fourth injurer� namely the fourth the battle.

knight who engaged battle with the enemy after Francesco Gonzaga, his
uncle Rodolfo, and Ranuccio Farnese). Bernardino fought against a French

25 Sanudo, La spedizione di Carlo VIII in Italia, p. 477.

26 E. Visconti, 'Croniche del Marchese di Mantova', in Archivio Storico Lombardo, 1879, vol.V1,
p.50.
27 Alessandro de Baesio, a gentleman of the Marquis who fought beside him, wrote in a letter to
the Marquise Isabella, dated 7 July, the following lines: "El Marchese fu el primo che corete
la so lanza, e passete un cavalier da una banda all 'allra, e rompete la lanza.", that is, "The
Marquis was the first to charge with his lance, and pierced a French knight from side to side,
breaking his own spear; and then, with his sword, he killed four French soldiers."
28 Sanudo, La spedizione di Carlo VIII in Italia, p. 478.
29 Malipiero reports that, at the end of the fight, Bemardino had three wounds: one to the throat
and two to the head, one of which deep enough to score the bone (Malpiero, p. 3 61).

63
THE ITALIAN WARS VOLUME 1
28 The River Tara, seen from
the Carte di Giarola, looking
at the left bank. The small
hills visible in the distance are
probably those crossed by the
light cavalry and the Stratioti
of Duodo to outflank the
French vanguard.
64
knight who "portava sopra larme una veste de veluto negro e doro", that is
"wore a black and gold velvet surcoat over his armour': The Frenchman,30
defeated, surrendered and begged for his life to be spared by handing him
his stocco (sword), which Fortebracci hooked to his saddle. This knight was
only the first of four enemies who were killed or captured by the condottiero.
Further into the fight, Bernardino engaged in a furious duel with a Grand
Maitre (Grand Master), until eight other knights attacked him altogether.
Fortebracci managed to defend himself bravely, receiving several wounds;
however, he was unsaddled and knocked unconscious by the fall. He was
saved by one of his servants, who dragged him away and hid him in a moat
to then retrieve him after the battle. Bernardino's squadron suffered heavy
losses as well. Sanudo31 reports that at least 80 out of 360 men-at-arms lost
their lives, without taking into account the famigli (probably Sanudo refers
only to the other elements of the lance).
As the battle progressed, King Charles himself was isolated from his
personal guard. De Commynes well describes the fact, which he probably
witnessed. At a certain point, Charles found himself far away from his own
troop and close to the enemy. The closer French group was led by De Foix
and consisted of 100 Scottish archers of the guard, 80 lances led by Robinet
de Framezelles, and 40 lances led by Monseigneur De La Tn!moille. When
the squadron noticed that two Italian squadrons were charging their King
from the right, they rushed to the rescue. This is how another furious fight
began, in which Charles took part as well. During the battle he was helped by
Philippe du Moulin who, having recognised him, let him through. The King
was still isolated and managed to resist, though briefly, thanks to his fighting
30 Malipiero. p. 368.
31 Sanudo. La spedizione di Carlo VIII in Ilalia, p. 480.
Plate A: King Charles and his entourage at Fornovo. Illustration by Massimo Predonzani © Helion & Company 2019.
See Colour Plate Commentaries for further information.
 Plate B: Francesco Gonzaga and his staff at Fornovo. lllustration by Massimo Predonzani © Helion & Company 2019.
See Colour Plate Commentaries for further information.

ii
 3

Plate C: French knights and infantrymen. Illustration by Massimo Predonzani CO Helion & Company 2019.
See Colour Plate Commentaries for further information.

iii
 3

Plate D:The Italian army in Fornovo.lllustration by Massimo Predonzani © Helion & Company 2019.
See Colour Plate Commentaries for further information.

iv
Plate E: War in the Kingdom of Naples. Illustration by Massimo Predonzani © Helion & Company 2019.
See Colour Plate Commentaries for further information.

v
 1

Plate F: Heraldry 1. Illustration by Massimo Predonzani © Helion & Company 2019.

See Colour Plate Commentaries for further information.

vi
1

Plate G: Heraldry 2. Illustration by Massimo Predonzani © Helion & Company 2019.

See Colour Plate Commentaries for further information.

vii
 2

Plate H: Heraldry 3. Illustration by Massimo Predonzani © Helion & Company 2019.

See Colour Plate Commentaries for further information.

viii
 THE BATTLE OF FORNOVO

29 The left riverbank,

skills and the help of a Valet de Chambre (manservant), a certain Antoine between Pianezza and

des Ambus.32 The King was rescued also by De Commynes together with 20 Felegara. It is possible to see
the steep banks that the
gentlemen of the Maison du Roi (King's House), the pensionnaires (noblemen
League troops had to climb
and men-at-arms of the King's House, who were paid an annual wage), and to engage battle with the
other members of the Maison du Roi.33 French. The picture, taken in

Contrary to Charles, who managed to escape the League assault, Mathieu early June, illustrates well how
thick the vegetation could
the Bastard of Bourbon,34 wounded at the neck by Alessio Beccacuto,35 was
have been when the two
struggling. When he recognised Francesco Gonzaga thanks to his insignias armies clashed.
and rich garments,36 he resolved to surrender to him. Together with Mathieu,
also Prince Miolle and the King's chaplain were captured.
In a letter to the Marquise Isabella, Alessandro da Baesio writes that
Charles himself was nearly captured by Gonzaga:

... e puo con la spada [Francesco Gonzaga] amazzete quattro Prancesi: e tomato a
i soi, i trovete mal menai; e s'inviete al segondo squadron de Prancesi, e rompete la
segonda lanza: e andete cercando cl Re Carlo, e 10 trovete, e 10 volle fer preson. Ma el
Bastardo de Borbon, che e il primo Capitanio che labbia, 10 soccorse; e per liberarlo,
volle ristar esso preson.

That is:

32 Commynes, Le memorie intorno alle azzion principa/i de due re di Francia, pp. 374-375.
33 Commynes. Le memorie intorno alle azzion principa/i de due re di Francia, pp. 3, 20, 74.
34 Mathieu, bastard son of Jean 11, Duke of Bourbon, was called Le grand Batard de Bourbon'.
•

and was the King's adviser and chamberlain.

35 Giovio, La prima parte delle historie del suo tempo, p. 100.
36 Visconti, vol. VI, p. 50.

65
THE ITALIAN WARS VOLUME 1

... and returned to his men, he [Francesco Gonzaga] found them in peril, and
attacked the second French squadron, breaking his second spear. And he went
looking for King Charles and, having found him, he wanted to capture him.
However, the Bastard of Bourbon [see Plate A, fig. 3], who is the first captain of
the King, came to his aid and, to rescue him, was taken prisoner.37

The battle was definitely unfavourable for the central French squadron, to the
length that Trivulzio had to send a contingent of foot soldiers and knights
to the vanguard, in order to strengthen its formation. These knights wore
golden and silver cloth surcoats and velvet surcoats of several colours, and
golden rings. Their intervention was fundamental for the outcome of the
battle because they managed to ward off the League troops and counter­
attack.
The battle enraged furious and chaotic. The League army, in spite of many
valorous captains having been wounded or fallen, prevailed nonetheless on
the enemy troops, which started to retreat towards the surrounding hills.
The names of the fallen condottieri were reported by Malipiero:38 Ranuccio
Farnese, Roberto Strozzi, Alessandro Beraldo, Ascanio da Martinengo,
Pellegrino Fieschi, Giovanni Malombra, Giovanni Piccinino, Alvise
Malaspina, Giovanni Malaspina, Giovanni da Thiene, Termo Bissaro,
Giovanni Novello, Giacomo Cavalli, Roberto da Bagno, Count Galeotto da
Spoleto, Alessandro d'Este, Giovan Francesco Gambara, and many others.
The infantry captain Geronimo da Genova managed to kill eight French;
however, he lost three quarters of his own company, and suffered several
wounds (seven deep wounds and 17 minor injuries). The House of Gonzaga
itself suffered many losses.39 Francesco's uncle, Rodolfo Gonzaga, was brutally
and mortally wounded when he incautiously raised the visor of his helmet.
Half of the squadron consisting of Francesco's famigli perished under the
French blows; the wordfamigli defines the knights of a Compagnia di Ventura
(Italian mercenary companies) who formed part of the condottiero's House
(see Img. 31:2), namely related by blood, or veterans, thus loyal soldiers.40
Many "boys" of the French camp partook in the melee fight, namely
servants and menservants, armed mainly with axes to crush the visors of the
Italian knights and then finish them, literally chopping them into pieces (see
Img. 31:3). De Commynes reports of knights being assaulted and brutally
killed by three or four boys at the same time.41

37 Malipiero, p. 359.
38 Malipiero, p. 361.
39 Taken from the letter of the Marquis to the lords of Venice: "My most loyal men have died:
Rodolfo Gonzaga, Giovanni da Gonzaga, Count Galeotto da Hippoliti, Monseigneur Alessandro
da Este, Count Roberto da Bagno. Guidone da Gonzaga, Seigneur Ranuccio, and many others
up to 100 men-at-arms. and many others of the company." Archivio di Stato di Mantova, AG, b
2961, book 4a, cc.e 24v.
40 P. Bembo, De/la Historia Vinitiana di M Pietro Bembo volgarmente scrilta (Venice. 1552),
book XII, p. 26.
41 Commynes. Le memorie intorno aUe azzion principali de due re di Francia, p. 375.

66
 THE BATTLE OF FORNOVO

30 The River Taro in front of

Benedetti reports that iron and lead artillery balls hissed high over the Felegara. Probably it was in
heads of the soldiers and did not cause many deaths; moreover, the hand this place that the squadrons
of Gonzaga forded the river.
cannons of both sides were not used because of wet gunpowder.
In this point the riverbed is
Apparently, the French fled from one-on -one fights (however, this was
wide, meaning that, in spite of
reported by an Italian chronicler), and always tried to outnumber the enemy; the storms that broke in the
once that the skirmish was over, they returned to the ranks, near their flag.42 days preceding the battle, the
water was probably not that
Moreover, they willingly offered themselves as prisoners, offering gold and
high. However, this did not
jewels in exchange.
prevent the death of some
Some of the knight and infantry League squadrons, after the French had of the soldiers during the
charged again, retreated to a narrow strip of land wedged between the banks fording, also due to the sandy
riverbed.
of the River Taro and a minor waterway, causing a ruckus. Francesco, back
on his horse, managed to stop several squadrons and group together a decent
number of soldiers who, in spite of discouragement and fatigue, resumed
fighting with vigour. In the midst of the confusion, the Count of Pitigliano
and Virginio Orsini, both prisoners of Charles, managed to escape. Pitigliano,
having reached the League camp, spread the news that victory was certain
and, with inspiring words and shouts, tried to make the fleeing soldiers
return to the battlefield.43 Also the Venetian superintendents, riding close
to their troops, spurred their own men and heartened the most frightened
To turn the tide of the battle, the French had to take the initiative and sent
backup squadrons in. First among all, the squadron of Antonio da Montefeltro,
Count of Urbino, who, however, was ordered by Rodolfo Gonzaga not to

42 Benedetti, p. 29.
43 Giovio, La prima parte delle historie del suo tempo, p. 101.

67
THE ITALIAN WARS VOLUME 1

engage in battle unless under his direct command. At that point of the battle,
Francesco Gonzagas uncle (il barba in the Venetian language) had already
died; thus, his order never arrived. When Superintendent Trevisan asked
him to go to the battlefield, the Count of Urbino answered that he would
have obeyed at the sole condition of Trevisan taking full responsibility for
that order. The Superintendent did not want to.
While Gonzaga's squadron was being attacked, on the battlefield
several related actions were occurring. Colleonis' squadron, consisting
also of the Lance Spezzate (broken spear, namely companies whose
captain was deceased) and led by Alessandro Colleoni, engaged battle
with the enemy artillery and won; however, the French managed to turn
the tide of the battle, as previously mentioned, and actively engaged with
the League squadron and made them retreat.44 The Stratioti squadrons led
by Pietro Duodo, together with the light cavalry, in the initial phase of the
battle had taken the path via the hills to blindside the French. However,
when faced with the third French squadron - which guarded the trail
- while evading the bataille, charged at them, hungry for loot (see Img.
4 1). Bembo testifies that the Italian light-armed cavalrymen were the first
to charge.4s The Stratioti followed shortly after, but only a few captains,
among which Pietro Busichio and Nicolo Nonese,46 together with a
scarce number of soldiers actively took part in the fight. The carriages
were mainly guarded by non -combatants, namely people tasked with the
trail, boys who tended horses and beasts of burden, women, blacksmiths,
and many others. De Commynes refers that, of these people, 100 of them
died (sliced into pieces); however, such a number seems relatively small
compared to the famous brutality of the Venetian mercenaries. Benedetti
reports an atrocious carnage.47 Apparently, the presence of the carriages
deflecting several enemy squadrons' attention was part of Trivulzio's plan,
and not a product of chance. Like the expert condottiero and connoisseur
of the human soul like he was, Trivulzio decided to prepare an easy loot,
precisely for distracting the enemy militia. The shouts coming from
the French rearguard piqued the interest of the League infantries who,
distracted from the battle, rushed to the King's belongings, hungry for
loot. This assault led to a fratricidal fight between League knights and
infantrymen.48

44 According to Giovio, it was not Alessandro Colleoni but Francesco Gonzaga himself who
conquered the enemy artillery, slayed the weapon masters and the beasts of burden, crushed
a Gascon infantry company, conquering its flag, and destroyed a company of crossbowmen
before his horse was wounded. Francesco Gonzaga managed to save himself only thanks to the
long hackle on his helmet, which made him recognisable. Giovio, La prima parte delle historie
del suo tempo, p. 99.
45 Bembo, book XII, p. 25.
46 Benedetti, p. 29.
47 Benedetti, p. 28.
48 Giovio, La prima parte delle historie del suo tempo, p. 99.

68
 THE BATTLE OF FORNOVO

31 Drawing of the Battle of Fornovo. 1) Italian men-at-arms who, initially, defeated the French knights; 2) Italian servants and pages for
backup; 3) Pages and members of the French Lance massacring Italian knights; 4) The Swiss infantry square chasing the Milanese; 5)
Venetian Stratioti.

69
THE ITALIAN WARS VOLUME 1

The Epilogue of the Battle

The non-intervention of the League backup squadrons, blocked on the left

bank of the river due to lack of command, led to a progressive subsiding
of the battle without either side actually prevailing over its opponent. The
battle, though chaotic, saw both the Italians and French take the initiative at
different moments.
The Italians, after the first attack on the French vanguard - which had
died out quickly - assaulted the squadrons led by Gonzaga at least twice to
the detriment of the centre troops, the bataille. An initial clash had taken
place right after the fording of the Taro, and a second one followed after a
partial disorientation of the League troops, who had then tightened their
formation and engaged the enemy thanks to the promptness of the captains,
the Venetian superintendents, and Gonzaga himself. After this second clash,
which almost saw the capture of King Charles, the League troops began
to return to the camp in Giarola in disarray, which led to many League
soldiers being chased by the French to the river banks. In that moment, the
French resolved to not take prisoners, even with the prospect of a ransom,
and killed as many Italians as possible at the cry "Remember Guineguaste!"
(Guineguaste is the name of a city in Picardy where a fight between the
soldiers of Louis Xl, King of France, and Maximilian of Habsburg's troops
took place. The French, who were initially prevailing on the Germans, began
to pillage the enemy's trail. They were thus distracted from the battle, which
gave their opponents the chance to chase them away). In Benedetti's report,49
however, it is the Italians who chase the French, who slowly attempt to retreat
to the lower part of the hills in front of the League camp. It is possible for
both versions to be true, given the fact that there was not an actual winner.
The battle lasted around one or two hours.50
On the French side, even though it was believed that the outcome of
the battle was in their favour, their hearts were restless. In fact, they could
actually see that in the Italian camp there were still numerous soldiers left.
Thus, the Swiss troops kept watch during the night.51 In the League camp,
instead, there were contrasting opinions. The vast majority of the captains
wanted to move the camp to safeguard the army. Others, mostly those who
had actively partaken in the battle, wanted to attack the French again to
defeat them once and for all. These captains thought that the fatal outcome
of the battle was due to the wild areas in which it had taken place, not to the
League's inferior military skills. Having considered the circumstances - and
especially the fact that the French, if cornered, would have counter-attacked
with rage and desperation - Gonzaga resolved to tend to the wounded first,
among which there was Bernardino Fortebracci, and have them transferred

49 Benedetti, p. 22.
50 According to Corio (L 'Historia di Milano volgarmente scritta, p. 49), the battle lasted an hour.
Commynes reports the same duration, and clearly states (p.377) that in the first quarter of an
hour the actual fight took place, whereas in the following three-quarters of an hour the French
chased the Italians, who were already retreating.
51 Giovio, La prima parte delle historie del suo tempo, p. 102.

70
 THE BATTLE OF FORNOVO

to Parma for better treatment. Secondly, to not show cowardice in front of

the French, the camp was to stay in its original position. The decision on
what to do next was postponed until the following day, when the French
intentions would be clear. It was resolved to send the prisoners to Mantua
whereas the loot was sent partly to Brescia and partly to Parma. The total
amount of money, artworks, and furniture robbed by the League soldiers at
the expense of the King was remarkable. Benedetti reports that the League
soldiers, the Stratioti, and the Italian infantrymen altogether gathered a rich
loot. The French persero innumerabili bagaglie molto ricche (lost countless
rich belongings), jewels, necklaces, garments, and the royal spoils, namely
what the King had brought with him from the Kingdom of Naples. The King's
sumptuous pavilion was depredated: the gold and silver dresser, the trunks
filled with garments, tapestries and ornamental vases, the chapel's books,
and a small board enriched with jewels and holy relics. Benedetti writes that
there was even a book in which several nude prostitutes of different ages
were depicted; they were the women that the King had possessed in various
cities, and those depictions were a means to remember them. A countless
number of horses and mules were captured, together with some infantry
captains' insignias. It was estimated that the loot amounted to 200,000 ducats
at least. 52 Sanudo writes that the French lost in one day all that they had
brought from the Kingdom of Naples and other Italian cities. They were also
robbed of necklaces, garments of all kinds, and two of the King's standards;
one was taken by the Duke of Milan, the other by the superintendents
Marco Trevisan. The latter, displayed a white cross on a red field. Charles'
pavilion, his helmet, and his sword were captured by the Stratioti, who gave
them to the Republic of Venice against payment. Moreover, precious books,
relics, royal sigHs in silver, and many other objects were captured. 53 Other
interesting details can be found in the rich correspondence that was written
in the days after the battle. For example, in a letter dated 13 July 1495 (from
Parma) from Galeotto della Mirandola to Ludovico the Moor, is described a
part of the King's pillaged personal belongings, namely "giornee with silver
embroideries, silk garments, and a bedroom garment in golden brocade with
curly fleurons and fringes in the King's device': 54
The following day - namely Monday, 7 July - Charles decided to ask his
enemy for a truce. Thus, he sent De Commynes to the League camp, who
forded the Taro in the company of the King's chancellor.55 When in the
presence of the captains and the superintendents, the French ambassador,
after having asked about some of the noblemen missing in the French ranks
and having learned that several of them were not taken prisoners, voiced his
King's request. Charles asked for a three-day truce. Naturally, said request,
as the others made in the days before the battle, implied an appeal for peace.
The superintendents replied that peace was only possible at the conditions
already mentioned in the meetings before the battle (such as returning the

52 Benedetti. p. 23.
53 Sanudo, La spedizione di Carlo VIII in Italia, pp. 481-482.
54 Rosmini. vol. 11, p. 221.
55 Giovio. La prima parte delle historie del suo tempo, p. 104.

71
THE ITALIAN WARS VOLUME 1

city of Ostia). Therefore, the King was given only one day of truce to bury
the dead.
7 July saw the League and French soldiers mingle in the battlefield of the
preceding day while searching for wounded and survivors or retrieving the
bodies, which had been stripped of their garments and accessories by the
farmers of the area during the night. Thus, the identification of the corpses
on both sides was extremely difficult because the fallen were completely
naked. 56 The Italian soldiers of low rank were buried on the spot, mostly
in the church and graveyard of Giarola. The bodies of the most illustrious
captains, instead, were returned to their respective hometowns.
In spite of the conspicuous number of reports, or maybe as a consequence
of the presence of several different sources, a precise death toll is hard to give
and the result is still controversial. Italian and French chroniclers tend to
exaggerate the enemy losses and reduce their own. Guicciardini reports that,
on the French side, fewer than 200 men died, whereas more than 300 Italian
men-at-arms and many other specialised soldiers lost their lives for a total
of 3,000 dead. According to Giovio, between Venetians and Sforzas' men,
more than 4,000 soldiers died, among which Rodolfo Gonzaga, Ranuccio,
Giovanni Piccinino - nephew of the famous condottiero Niccolo Piccinino
- Galeazzo da Correggio, Roberto Strozzi, the infantry captain Vincenzo
Corso, and Malfatto and Gabanello, valorous men under Gonzaga. Then,
Giovio reports the French death toll, asserting that 1,000 courageous men
and a multitude of people in charge of the trail died. Moreover, he cites the
cavalry lieutenants Giuliano and Dafonio, Vardeo, captain of the mounted
archers, and the captain of the King's guard, whom he does not name.
Giovo cites also the noblemen Torsuese, Senplese, and Ampracese. Lastly,
he reports the death of all the archers of the King's personal guard, who had
dismounted from their horses to fight on foot. 57 Sadly, all the French names
cited by Giovio were Italianised. In Storia della Citta di Parma (History of
the City of Parma), Angelo Pezzana cites the Milanese historian Burgatti,
according to whom "8,000 Italians died but only 4,000 French, other than
a multitude of non-combatants': Bembo, instead, only reports the enemy
losses: "1,000 French died, among which the captain of the guard and the
captain of the crossbowmen on horse; then, their Great Blacksmith and
another 10 captains. The Bastard of Bourbon was wounded and captured,
and two sons of nobles, the King's chaplain and many others were taken
prisoners:' 58 With regard to the French chroniclers, Commynes cites among
the French fallen Julien Bourgneuf, captain of the Garde de la Porte du Roi
(Guard of the King's Door), a gentleman of the Vingt Escuz (Twenty Shields),
nine Scottish archers, and 20 mounted soldiers of the vanguard. Among the
people tasked with the belongings, between boys and menservants perhaps
60 or 80 died. Among the fallen of the League army, instead, there were
350 men-at-arms and a few Stratioti; however, the death toll was of 3,500

56 Benedetti. p. 23.
57 Guicciardini. 1874. p. 200; Giovio. La prima parte delle historie del suo tempo. p. 96.
58 A. Pezzana. Storia della citta di Parma. vol. V (Parma: Ducale TIpografia. 1859). p. 294;
Bembo. p. 90.

72
 THE BATTLE OF FORNOVO

soldiers, among which three or four of the House of Gonzaga and at least
60 Gonzaga gentlemen on horse. The other French chronicler of the time,
De la Vigne, only mentions the Italian deaths, and writes that they died in
great number; among the captains, there were "Rodolfo, Giovanni Maria and
Guidone - all Gonzagas - Antonio di Brunio, Niccolo Destro, Guidone de
Baignors, Giovanni de Gayelle, Giovanni de Courago, and about 25 other
noblemen:' Moreover, he cites the Venetian Remigero, Bernardino da
Montone, and Lodovico Danogardo.59 Benedetti, who was present when the
fight happened, writes that 1,000 French soldiers and 2,000 Italian soldiers
died. Twelve French lords lost their lives, among which Vardo Aristeo -
captain of the archers - the nobles Dafono, Semplese, Torsese, and Chandesi,
and the barons Benonese, Lemerlese, and Chetese. The captain of the King's
guard was severely wounded, and Amprutese, captain of the King's archers,
was killed by a cannon shot. Then, Benedetti mentions among the prisoners
taken the Bastard of Bourbon and other four wealthy noblemen. On the
Italian side, he reports that 200 men-at-arms died, together with Vincenzo
Corso, Roberto Strozzi, Alessandro Beraldo, Pietro Maffeo, Geronimo
Recalco, and Giovanni Malombra. One hundred and fifteen Italian wounded
knights were retrieved from the battlefield.6O Bernardino Corio, a Milanese
chronicler, reports the exact same death toll as Benedetti. Marin Sanudo, a
Venetian chronicler, asserts instead that of the French barons 80 died, among
which 16 courageous captains, for a total of 2,000 dead. The Italians suffered
96010sses,6l In a few letters to the Venetian senate to report the outcome
of the battle, the Venetian superintendents claimed to have won the battle
and gave a rough death count: Angelo Maffei writes of 2,500 dead French
and 800 prisoners, whereas Luca Pisani reports of 4,000 dead enemies.62
Conversely, the French chroniclers inflate the Italian death toll and decrease
theirs. Varillas reports of 200 fallen French soldiers and 4,000 fallen Italian
soldiers, similary to Sismondi who reports 200 fallen French soldiers and
3,500 fallen League soldiers. The historian Delaborde is more impartial,
and reports the death total to be of 3,000 to 4,000 dead soldiers, of whom
two-thirds were Italians.63 Lastly, it is important to cite the opinions of two
modern historians. Piero Pieri calculated the French death toll to be 1,000
soldiers, among which 100 were people tasked with the trail, and the Italian
toll to be of 2,500 soldiers, of which 1,500 were infantrymen. Michael Mallet
asserts that it was the Italians who suffered the higher number of losses, more
than 2,000 soldiers, among which several condottieri; however, they took
more prisoners than the French.64

59 Commynes, Memoires, vol. 11, p. 479; Andre de La Vigne, Le Voyage de Naples, ed. Anna
Slerca, vol. 11 (Milan: Universita cattolica del Sacro Cuore, J98l), pp. 291-292.
60 Benedetti, pp. 22-24.
61 Sanudo, La spedizione di Carlo VIII in Italia, p. 479.
62 Malipiero, pp. 359, 364.
63 A. Varillas, Histoire de Charles V III (Paris, 1691), p. 374; S. Sismondi, Storia delle repubbliche
italiane, vol. 11 (Milan: F. Pagnoni, 1838), p. 464; Delaborde, p. 648.
64 P. Pieri, 11 Rinascimento e la crisi militare italiana (Turin: Einaudi, 1952), p. 351; M. Mallett,
Signori e mercenari, la guerra nell'Italia del Rinascimento (Bologna: Mulino, 1974), p. 250.

73
THE ITALIAN WARS VOLUME 1

The discordances among the numbers reported by the chroniclers, other

than being related to a certain partiality, could be caused by a different
interpretation of the terms used to define the combatants. In other words,
the count reported by Italian chroniclers takes into account men-at-arms,
light-armoured cavalrymen, and infantrymen. The French chroniclers,
however, took into account only the men-at-arms, disregarding the other
soldiers who fought with them (it is important to remember that the French
Lance consisted of six men: one man-at-arms and his five subalterns, namely
archers, pages, and menservants). Moreover, the fallen among the people
tasked with the trail were disregarded; these people suffered a furious assault
at the hand of the Stratioti without the possibility to counter-attack. With
regard to the Italian army, the squadron of Gonzaga (consisting of about 150-
200 men-at-arms, as it is clear from the letters of the Marquis himself) was
the one that suffered the more significant losses, together with Fortebraccio's
squadron (consisting of about 80 soldiers, according to Sanudo). Moreover,
the death of other knights brings the death toll close to the numbers reported
by De Commynes, namely 350 men-at-arms plus a multitude of pages. With
regard to the infantry, only 300 German infantrymen died; these soldiers
are cited by Giovio because they captured an enemy battery of cannons and
faced, though unsuccessfully, the Swiss infantry square.65 The company of
Geronimo da Genova lost about 240 soldiers, and 300 Italian infantrymen
died in the fight against the French vanguard. Moreover, many infantrymen
perished during the assault on the French trail, without taking into account
those who lost their lives during the fording of the River Taro for the advance
and retreat. Between infantry and cavalry, it is possible to say that about
2,000-3,000 soldiers perished. With regard to the French army, at least 50
men-at-arms lost their lives (according to De Commynes there were only 20,
whereas Sanudo reports the fallen to be 80). Taking into account said men­
at-arms' following, namely the French lances and the archers of the guard, the
death toll reaches 200-250 soldiers, as Guicciardini reports. Thus, between
infantrymen, people tasked with the trail, and the Guascon crossbowmen,
who defended the artillery, the total reaches more than 1,000 soldiers. The
count made by the French was distorted further by the fact, reported by
several chroniclers, that during the night of the battle and the night that
followed the French fallen were burned. Surely there was a practical reason
to that; however, it was also to impede the enemy to make a clear estimation
of the French death toll the day after. Thus, confronting the data, it is possible
to say that the Italian side suffered about 2,500-3,000 losses, and the French
side about 1,000- 1,500.
Though certain of their victory, the French still thought to be in a weaker
position. Thus, the night after the battle Charles66 ordered the army to get

65 Giovio, La prima parte delle historie del suo tempo, p. 94.

66 A legend famous in the area has it that the French King spent the night near Medesano,
pondering and resting on a large boulder. In 1880, a thick boulder was found in the surrounding
countryside, and it was thought to be the one upon which Charles rested. It was placed at the
corner of a building near an intersection of two roads, and it is still there today with the function
of a bollard.

74
 THE BATTLE OF FORNOVO

ready to depart; at the same time, he ordered the fire in the pavilions to be
kept lit to let his intentions remain undiscovered by the League, who thought
another clash imminent. Sanud067 reports (as was previously mentioned)
that in the big bonfires surrounding the French camp the bodies of the
fallen were burnt, together with the severely wounded who could not be
transported and so were burned alive. Pavilions, tents, and horse blankets
were burned as well in order to not let anything fall into enemy hands. The
pieces of artillery were partly buried and partly readied for transportation.
During the night, probably around 4:00 a.m., the French army with Trivulzio
at its head departed to reach the Via Aemilia,68 and then Borgo San Donnino.
The superintendents discovered the French army departure only the
following morning. They immediately ordered a chase. Pietro Duodo with
the Stratioti and the Count of Caiazzo with the light cavalry were both
ordered to depart instantly and pursue the French (apparently, Caiazzo was
told that the French artillery carriages had fallen behind). However, the
troops were busy with the splitting of the spoils, and the squadrons still had
to be rearranged. Thus, nobody departed until the following day, in spite of
the rage of Superintendent Melchiorre Trevigiano, and Francesco Gonzaga's
oath to avenge the fallen captains.
The French's "flight': as Benedetti calls it, was rushed and their way
was scattered with crosses. Many wounded, in fact, did not survive the
challenging march. On 11 July, they forded the River Trebbia and reached
Castel San Giovanni; on the 12th, they reached Casteggio, near Pavia. In a
couple of days, Charles managed to arrive in Asti.

67 Sanudo. La spedizione di Carlo VIII in Ilalia. p. 488.

68 Benedetti. p. 27.

7S
 5

The Siege of Novara and the

Battle of Seminara

Italy After the Battle of Fomovo

When his whole army was safe in the friendly town of Asti, Charles wanted
his troops to rest after the long and challenging march from the south, the
bloody battle in Fornovo, and the sudden departure towards north with
Count Caiazzo's troops chasing after them. In fact, for the whole journey,
the French rearguard had suffered continuous incursions at the hand of
Caiazzo's troops. Once the French army had recovered, Charles would march
to Novara in order to help the Duke of Orleans. The city was being sieged by
the troops of Duke Ludovico Sforza, and repeatedly attacked by Bernardo
Contarino,1 captain of the Stratioti, who was hired by Venice.
The Italians were stationed in Tiglia, near Novara, where the League main
army arrived after a couple of days to settle the base camp. In the following
days, the city surroundings were pillaged and the waterways diverted to stop
the mills from working. The situation inside the city worsened rapidly, both
for citizens and soldiers, and it led to the Duke of Orleans being charged with
sending a herald to King Charles in order to inform him of the situation.
The King promised to send for backup; however, the days passed without
any troops marching towards Novara. In the meantime, in the Italian camp,
Francesco Gonzaga was awarded with the standard of Captain General2 by
the Venetian senate for the campaign against the French.
The siege continued without the League taking an actual decision.
Sanseverino, who had arrived in the camp together with Gonzaga, thought
that Novara could be taken without shedding blood, given the fact that
famine was imminent for the city. The Venetian senate, however, saw it
differently; the siege, in fact, cost Venice 100,000 golden ducats per month.3
The superintendents, thus, wanted to take the city with a direct assault. On 3
August, Ludovico Sforza arrived at the camp at the head of 500 Germans and

Benedetti. p. 3 I.
2 Benedetti. p. 35.
3 Benedetti. p. 37.

76
 THE SIEGE OF NOVARA AND THE BATTLE OF SEMIN ARA

2,000 infantrymen. The Duke of Orleans waited in vain for backup from the
King who, in the meantime, had reached Turin. The Duke, then, negotiated
with Ludovico the Moor and signed the Treaty of Vercelli on 10 October
1495. Once the Duke of Orleans had left Novara, the King departed to head
towards France on 22 October.
The situation was changing quickly even in the south and, more
particularly, in the Kingdom of Naples. After Charles' departure, Alfonso 11
and Ferdinand 11, who had succeeded his father in January 1495, resolved to
send the latter to fight the French troops. Ferdinand 11 departed from Ischia,
where he had sought shelter, and landed in Calabria, where he regrouped
with Gonzalez Fernandez de Cordoba (called the Great Captain); then, he
headed to the northern part of the region, taking the city of Reggio first and
then marching towards the plain of Taurianuova. In mid June he reached
the area around Seminara, where the French army awaited him to chase him
back to Sicily. The Aragonese army consisted of about 5,000 infantrymen
(see Plate E, fig. 3) - two thirds of them were Sicilians and Calabrians, the
remaining soldiers were Spanish - whereas the cavalry consisted of 100
men-at-arms and a few hundred light-armoured Spanish cavalrymen,
called jinetes. Among the most famous captains of these troops were Andrea
d'Altavilla di Capua, don Ugo di Cardona, Teodoro Trivulzio - brother of
Gian Giacomo - and, among the Spaniards, Manuel and Benavides, Pedro
de Paz, Alvarado, and Pegnalosa. The French coming from Terranova were
led by Bernard Stewart, Lord of Aubigny, and Persi d'Alegre; they were at the
head of 1,000 Swiss infantrymen (see Plate E, fig. 1) and several Calabrians,
plus 300 French cavalry lances.
In spite of the opposing opinion of Consalvo (Gonzalo Fernandez de
Cordoba), King Ferrandino left Seminara on 21 June 1495 to face the enemy,
and deployed his troops in front of the River Petrace. The infantry was lined
up on the left and the cavalry on the right, waiting for the enemy to ford the
river. On the opposite bank, d�ubigny deployed the Swiss infantry square in
front of the enemy infantry, the Calabrians as rearguard, and the cavalry on
the left. The latter consisted of about 400 men-at-arms and more than 800
light-armoured cavalrymen (see Plate E, fig. 2) who, after fording, clashed
with the Spanish jinetes. The defeated Spanish light-armoured cavalrymen
retreated, and in the process left open the flanks of the Aragonese infantry,
which started to retreat as well. However, the infantry was immediately
attacked on its flanks by the French knights, consequently defeated, and
warded off even before the arrival of the Swiss. The King, together with
his men-at-arms, unsuccessfully tried to contain the situation, and barely
managed to escape. In fact his horse had died, leaving the King on foot;
he was saved by Giovanni d'Altavilla, brother of Andrea, who offered him
his own horse. However, d�ltavilla was killed by the French. Consalvo di
Cordova, instead, who had unsuccessfully attempted to stop the French
cavalry, managed to save himself.4

4 P. Giovio. Le vile del Gran Capilano e del marchese di Pescara. Ludovico Domenichi.
Costantino Panigada (eds) (Bari: Laterza, 1931), pp. 36-39; P. Pieri, pp. 358-359; Passero,
p. 75.

77
THE ITALIAN WARS VOLUME 1

The King reached Messina, where he joined the fleet that his father Alfonso
was gathering. Once landed in the Gulf of Naples anew and after several and
alternating fights against the French, Ferrandino resolved to form an alliance
with Venice (22 January 1496), to whom he surrendered Trani, Brindisi, and
Otranto. Thanks to the backup sent by the Republic of Venice, he managed
to enter Naples and marry Joanna of Naples (daughter of Ferdinand I and
his second wife, and niece of Ferdinand the Catholic). The fights against the
remaining French soldiers continued until July 1496, when the contingent
led by Montpensier surrendered after the Aragonese troops had besieged the
city of Atella for a month. The following month, these soldiers returned to
France from Pozzuoli by sea.
However, Ferrandino's reign was short-lived: on 7 October 1496, his
subjects were informed that the King had died, probably of malaria.

Final Considerations

The battle that took place on 6 July 1495 near Fornovo did not have a clear
outcome. However, it is possible to make a few considerations about the
events, thanks to what it is possible to verify in the extensive documentation
retrieved.
In spite of being outnumbered (the data, as already explained, is various
and contrasting; however, all the elements suggest the League had a greater
number of men deployed on the battlefield), Charles managed to survive
the battle and retreat to Asti, though continuously chased by the enemy.
Subsequently, the King also returned to Italy. His requests voiced in the
negotiations with the League were met, thought Charles never returned Ostia
to the Pope nor complied with the requests of his counterpart. However, he
abandoned the battlefield almost secretly to avoid another fight, when the
League was ready to face the French again. If another battle were to happen,
subsequent events would have been different.
Francesco Gonzaga was at the head of a powerful army, albeit his troops
consisted almost completely of mercenaries instead of national militias -
unlike the French army, which was thus more motivated. Due to a series
of events caused by chance, morphology of places, and soldiers' rashness,
Francesco could not fully deploy his forces. Moreover, he probably acted
rashly, but his recklessness was counterbalanced by his valour and that of
several of his captains, who led unstintingly the soldiers into battle like true
condottieri.
The battle near the Taro saw two revolutionary events: firstly, in
the following years, fighting tactics changed completely thanks to the
introduction of a different way of conceiving war in the Italian peninsula.
The use of artillery grew exponentially, and so did the implementation of
Swiss infantry tactics. Secondly, the Italian lords started to seek the help of
neighbouring kingdoms with no scruples whatsoever, leading to the opening
of the doors of the Italian territory to new and increasingly destructive
invasions.

78
6

Military Heraldry in the

Fifteenth Century

Definitions

The heraldic symbol par excellence is the coat of arms. It can both belong
to a single family, and to a community. The coat of arms of the Gonzaga of
Mantua, for example, was a black and golden barry shield, while the emblem
of Mantua was - and still is - a red cross on a white field (in heraldic jargon,
"silver, red cross"I).
During the fifteenth century, imprese (personal emblems in Italy) gained
importance, despite already being used in the previous century. Their
predecessors were the medieval crests, which were worn by knights on the
top of their helms during tournaments.
In heraldry, the impresa represented the body of an armorial bearing
whereas the motto was its soul. Similarly to the usage of crests, imprese
were used to recognise noblemen and their men during battles. The design
of imprese applied to specific rules. They had to be easy to recognise and
quick to read. They contained few images, which did not usually represent
humans, but rather animals, and even fantasy and natural elements, as well
as planets and letters. The motto had to be written in a language other than
that of the owner.
For example, Duke Francesco Sforza, who fathered Ludovico il Moro,
bore an impresa displaying a "dog under the pine". Below was the motto
Quietum nemo impune lacesset (No one will attack me with impunity).
Both picture and motto warned that, despite usually meaning no harm
to anyone, he was ready to defend himself and to harm anyone who first
attacked him. He also had over imprese, such as three interwoven rings,
a horse's bridle, glowing firebrands with two hanging buckets, a little
broom, a quince, and more. Many of said imprese were also inherited by
his offspring.

In heraldic jargon "yellow" meant gold and "silver" meant white.

79
THE ITALIAN WARS VOLUME 1

Imprese would be displayed on garments, armours, shabraques, tapestry,

house furniture, books, coins and seals. Another name for impresa is "device",
which derives from the term divisare (to divide), thus meaning "dividing" the
surface of clothes into many shapes and colours. As the compagnie di ventura
(Italian mercenary companies) gained importance, deviceslimprese became
widely used in the military field Such armorial bearings included giornee
(Italian Renaissance surcoats), saioni (tunics), harnesses, shields, field
pavilions and flags. Devices were painted or stitched on fabrics and clothing.
Their fields could be divided into two or more sections, despite being often
quarterly. Some fields were filled with tinctures, others were occupied by
pictures. See the clothing of Francesco and Rodolfo Gonzaga, as illustrated
in Plate B, figs 4, 5.
Some of the tincture combinations used by the Italian aristocracy were:
white, red and green for the Gonzagas, Montefeltros, Malatestas, Estes,
Piccininos, Baglionis. White, red and blue for Attendolo-Sforzas, Fortebraccis,
Pennas. Red, green and blue for the Mauruzis and the Bentivoglios. white
and red for the Orsinis, Colleonis and Colonnas.
The colours of devices were not instead linked to the coat of arms.
They were usually different. Italian noble families having the same colours
tinctures on their arms could be recognised according to field divisions,
namely according to which colours were in which field section.
Nowadays the word divisa is still commonly used in Italian and means
army uniform or livery (liveries were uniform worn by butlers and adherents).
In French the word devise is used instead of impresa. Devise refers both
to the item (corps) and the motto (mot). Besides, the same aforementioned
rules were applied to French heraldry. Paolo Giovio, a heraldry scholar of
the sixteenth century, wrote that after the arrival in Italy of the kings Charles
V II I and Louis X I I, Italian captains decided to imitate French knights and
wear clothes displaying beautiful and lavish imprese. In fact, devises had been
already in use since 1300. The devise of King Louis X I I, is a fine example
of French heraldry of that period: a porcupine with the motto Cominus et
eminus. Such a devise meant that if anyone had harassed the bellicose king,
he would have responded by throwing very sharp quills.
Devices were used in many European countries: Spain, Germany, Great
Britain and many others. Some of them retained the national coat of arms
as first distinction to which they added their personal device. It was up to
the individual to choose between having clothes and insignias displaying his
personal device or the national coat of arms.
However, since a great number of emblems had been being adopted,
and since there were more and more conflicts between nations, such as the
Hundred Years War and the wars in Italy, it became necessary to recognise
the symbols of the armies of the single states. So the French adopted the
white cross, which in battle was often opposed to the Red cross of the British:
their diehard enemies. Saint Andrew's red cross was the symbol used by
infantry and knights of Burgundy. Its design is a red saltire resembling two
crossed knotted branches. Such was the symbol of the dukes of Burgundy.
Swiss chronicles relating to the battles of Grandson and Nancy displayed
pictures of red crosses: the crosses of Burgundy. The crosses of their defeaters

80
 MILITARY HERALDRY IN THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY

- the Swiss infantry - were instead white. After the marriage to Mary of
Burgundy, only child of Duke Charles the bold, the saltire was used by
Emperor Maximilian I and then by his son Charles V. Under the reign of the
latter, such a cross became the main symbol of the Imperial army.
Therefore, during the sixteenth century, the European chessboard
was dominated by the white cross used by French and Swiss armies, the
Red Cross of St Andrew which represented all imperial troops, (German,
Flemish, Spanish, etc.) and the Red Cross of Latin form, and Saint George's
Cross, borne in England.
The armies of countries which served these nations adopted their main
symbol of their ally or displayed a different colour from that of the enemy.
Italian armies acted exactly in this way. During the battle of Agnadello, the
Venetians bore a Red Cross to contrast the French one, which was white.
However, during the war of the League of Cognac (1526-1530), Venetians
were allied to the French against the Empire and adopted the white cross to
contrast the Red of their enemies.
Imprese continued to be displayed on harnesses, capes and more in the
following centuries. For the sake of clarity, in the following chapters impresa
will be used to indicate Italian personal emblems, device and devise will be
used to indicate tinctures.

The Heraldry of King Charles VIII

The ancient French fleur-de-lys was the main coat of arms of Charles V I I I,
King of France. In heraldic jargon the design is described as follows: "azure,
three fleur-de-lys or" arranged two and one (Plate A, fig. 1). French Kings
previously bore insignia whose designs were "azure, a semis of fleurs-de­
lys or" (semis means a field or charge strewn with small identical charges),
namely golden fleurs-de-lys scattered on a blue background. In 1376, Charles
V of France "the Wise" changed the design to just three fleurs-de-lys.
The blue field represented the sky and the divine, and had been used ever
since Charlemagne. The fleur-de-lys, on the other hand, was the symbol of
purity and the Virgin Mary. Gold represented sun and holiness, whereas the
number three stood for the blessed Trinity.2
Charles V I I I's personal charge - or better said, his impresa - was
represented by the letter K with a crown on top, as contemporary chronicler
Paolo Giovio reported on his Dialogo delle imprese militari e amorose.
According to Giovio, this impresa was displayed on banners and on the coats
of the archers of the King's Guard. The letter K referred to the King's first
name - Charles or Karolus - and was supported by the motto: Si Deus pro
nobis, quis contra nos? (If God is with us, who is against us?).
In some of his letters to the Republic of Venice, Francesco Gonzaga wrote
that in the loot taken after the Battle of Fornovo there were also several white

2 Sicille. 11 Blasone dei colori. 11 simbolismo del colore nella cavalleria medievale, M. Papi and
F. Cardini (eds) (Rimini: 11 Cerchio, 2000), pp. 26-34; M. Pastoureau. Une histoire symbolique
du Moyen Age Occidental (Paris : Seuil, 2004).

81
THE ITALIAN WARS VOLUME 1

flags which, he reported, "were borne by infantry ". According to Gonzaga

specialist Giancarlo Malacarne, the K emblem was displayed on such flags,
which represented the King's most famous impresa.3 During his reign Charles
also adopted other emblems and "devices" with different colours.
According to French heraldry scholar Gustave Desjardins, the King
initially adopted green, red and white tinctures, which were previously used
by Charles V I I and Louis XI. Desjardins, moreover, mentions a manuscript
of the same period, which had been written for the King and where many
of his insignia were described: a golden flag with a picture of Saint Michael;
red banners scattered with golden fleurs-de-lys and a golden picture of
Saint Michael; a green banner strewn with golden fleurs-de-lys; and other
two golden fleur-de-lys semis: one with a red field, and the other one with a
purple field Other coats of arms were two-coloured: green and red; green
and violet; or white and red. All said banners were accompanied by a white
cross. Furthermore, Desjardins reports that when Charles V II I entered
Troyes in 1486, his Garde Ecossaise (Scots guards) bore two-tailed banners
with red, white and green tinctures. The field was strewn with rays, and there
was a picture of Saint Michael and the sun on the background In addition
to this, the fringes of the banner retained the same three colours of the field.4
In some billing documents dated 1487, drafted for fabric merchant
Jacques de Beaune and for painter Jehan Boudichon, four banners of the
Royal Guard are described in detail. Two of them were of white, red and
green taffeta, and used to be worn by the 100 gentlemen of the Maison du Roi
( King's House) and the 100 soldiers of the Garde Ecossaise. On both banners
Boudichon painted a golden large sun, as well as a golden picture of Saint
Michael and golden rays. Such designs were identical to the aforementioned
banner in Troyes. The other two banners, instead, have a two-coloured field
with white and red tinctures. One of these banners was given to the 100
Royal Guard of the Archers of France and the other to the 200 archers of the
Petite Garde. On one there were several golden figures, namely a rose bed,
Saint Michel as well as a field strewn with roses and buttons. The other one
also displayed a golden background and a rose garden, Saint Michael and sun
rays. The fringes of these banners retained the same colours of their fields
(see Plate F, fig. 1, 2).5
Around 1488, Charles abandoned white, red and green tinctures and
went for red and tenne ones instead (tenne is an orange tincture in heraldry).
Evidence of that can be found in some payment documents addressed to
Jean Boudichon for painting six king's men of arms who bore crimson red
and tenne-gold garments and barding. When the King was deeply in love
with Anne de Bretagne, he changed the uniforms' colours again and went for
yellow and grey. In the manuscript Le Livre des Jaiz monseigneur Saint Loys
(1492) which can be found in the National Library of Paris, the Royal coat

3 P. Giovio, Dialogo delle imprese militari e amorose (Rome: Bulzoni, 1978), p. 50; G. Malacame,
11 sogno del Potere (Modena: 11 Bulino. 2004), p. 258.
4 G. Desjardins, Recherches sur les drapeauxfran�ais (Paris: V ve Morel. 1874), p. 26.
5 A. Jal, Dictionnaire critique de biographie et d 'Histoire (Paris : PIon, 1867), pp. 270, 551.

82
 MILITARY HERALDRY IN THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY

32 Charles VIII sporting the

Jerusalem cross emblem;
miniature from the book
Louanges de Charles VIII
preserved in the National
Library of France. (Author'S
reproduction of the drawing)

of arms is displayed with the motto: Plus Quantre, surrounded by grey and
yellow frames, each displaying a black S6 (see Img. 18).7
On his expedition into Italy, Charles VIII changed his colours again to
white and violet. As he entered Italian cities, he was welcomed by raised
banners sporting French fleurs-de-lys as well as drapes and clothes displaying
his colours: for example, trumpeters in Florence and young women in Chieri
wore white and purple garments.8 During the battle of Fornovo, French
chroniclers De Commynes and de La Vigne reported that: "on the armour"
the King was clad in "a lavish white and violet short -sleeved garment. Gold
embroidered Jerusalem crosses were moreover scattered on said garment.
His horse was barded in a harness displaying the same colours and crosses.
The King's helmet was besides decorated with white and violet feathers:'9 (see
Plate A, fig. 2). King Charles began displaying such colours after conquering
Naples, as he had then become King of France, Sicily and Jerusalem.

6 Anne of Brittany married Charles on 6 December 1491. Her colours were red, black and white,
see: Jal, pp. 438, 493.
7 Jal, p. 270.
8 Sanudo. The expedition of Charles VIII in Italy, p. 135; de La Vigne, Histoire de Charles VIII,
p.I72.
9 De La Vigne, Histoire de Charles VIII, p. 212; Commynes, Memoires, vot. Ill, p. 421.

83
THE ITAL IAN WARS VOLUME 1

The Kingdom of Sicily was established in 1 1 30 under Roger 11 of

Hauteville and encompassed lands in the south ofItaly, including Naples and
Sicily. After a long battle between Anjou and Aragon to gain control of Sicily,
Charles of Anjou lost it. Following the Peace of Cartabellotta in 1302, the
Kingdom of Sicily was divided into two: the Regnum Siciliae ultra Pharum,
which went to Aragon, and the Regnum Siciliae citra Pharum, which went to
the Kingdom of Naples. Such historical premises therefore granted Charles
VIII the title of "King of Sicily': The title of King of Jerusalem was purely
symbolic; in fact, Jerusalem fell into Muslim hands in 1 29 1 . Regardless of
that, some of the most important European dynasties such as the Aragon
and Anjou families still laid claim to those lands. By displaying the Jerusalem
cross Charles VIII wanted to claim Jerusalem and state as his next move,
namely conquering the Holy Land and Constantinople.
When he arrived in Vercelli on the 1 5th September 1495, the King sported
the same garments and barding he had in Fornovo except for an addition:
half of his livery was made out of white and violet velvet, whereas the other
half was made out of grey velvet. He also had a grey and violet satin cape. \0
A miniature in the book Louanges de Charles VIII depicted Charles VIII
wearing garments d�corated with Jerusalem crosses. The book contained
two poems which were dedicated to him and written by a certain Benart, of
whom nothing is known except that he had served him for 1 3 years (see Img.
32). The book ( 1 497) is 10 pages thick and is very colourful. On the top of its
first page a miniature precedes the text, which shows the King on horseback
sporting garments decorated with Jerusalem crosses. On the bottom the
French coat of arms is illustrated. The rectangular checked background is
ten ne, grey and black and displays charges depicting the letter A, which
referred to Queen Anne, as well as Charles' devise: his "flaming" sword. 1 1
All other pages consist of poems, whose three-coloured decorations on the
background could be black grey and tenne, as well as black red and tenne,
and finally black, red and grey. On all of them Charles' imprese were depicted:
his "flaming" sword and the letter K instead of the letter A.

The "Devices" of the Kin�s Guard

The previous section showed that in 1487 the King's guardsmen bore two
insignia which could either be white, red and green or red and white. Even
their clothes displayed the same colour patterns. The archers of the Scots
Guard wore red, green and white sleeveless capes which displayed white and
yellow embroidery on the neck. As for Captain Jehan de Conighan, he wore
a red damask giornea (an Italian Renaissance surcoat) over his armour. On
this garment two large crowns were embroidered: one on the front and one
on the back. The whole giornea was besides scattered with gold and silver
specks and granules. On the captain's helmet 1 8 feathers displayed the King's
colours. The King's archers, instead, wore red and white striped jackets which

lO De La Vigne. Histoire de Charles Vll!. p. 226.

II This sword was the symbol for justice and victory and was used after 1495. See Y. Labande­
Mailfert. "The epee. dite 'Flamboyante' de Charles V I I I". Bulletin Monumental. Societe
Fran�aise d'Archeologie. 108.1950. 91-10 1.

84
 M IL ITARY HERALDRY IN THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY

were scattered with white and green embroidery. The archers' captain Claude
de La Chastre, instead, sported a giornea decorated by two large rose patterns,
one on front and one on the back, which sported the King's colours.12
During the expedition to Italy even the guards' clothing adapted to the
King's change of colours. The illustrated manuscript Cronaca di Partenope
(Parthenope's Chronicle) - a chronicle of the Aragonese Naples - shows many
pictures of the arrival of Charles' army in Naples. It is the only document of
that period showing pictures of the French coming to Italy. In its 10 pages
there is an accurate description of weapons, uniforms, flags and other
belongings of the French parade. 13 On fol. 1 1 3r of this source, two archers of
the Guard are shown, probably the Scots Guard (see Img. 33 and Plate C, fig.
O. They were very tall and bore a halberd, as Neapolitan chronicler Giuliano
Passero reported. They besides wore caps and crimson tunics, which were also
described by de La Vigne in Vo yage de Naples .14 One soldier had yellow and
grey sleeves, namely the same colours of the uniforms, while the other one
had crimson sleeves and displayed the grey and yellow uniform colours on
the chest. One soldier wore grey stockings and the other wore red stockings.
On the right side of the picture there are four trumpeters holding streamer
flags with the French coat of arms. Their capes and chemises were green and
grey. They also wore braies of various colours as well as metal greaves on
their legs. The trumpeter on the left wore a grey and yellow jacket, which
retained the colours of the uniform. Such were the colours worn by the King
after his marriage to Anne of Brittany, as mentioned in the previous chapter.
Another particular uniform in the said chronicle can be seen on Ms M.SO 1
fol.l09r (see Img. 2 1 ). On the rightmost side of the picture in front of King
Charles there are two halberdiers. The one on the right was probably a Swiss,
judging on his garments, while the other one was a Captain of the Guard. His
tunic and probably also the covering of his helmet were made out of crimson
red velvet. He also wore yellow and violet stockings. Over his chest he wore a
cuirass displaying the Royal emblem of the Crown: the letter S. As previously
mentioned, it was the captains of the guard who sported crowns on their
chests. The letter S was instead part of the motto Plus Quantre, which had
been adopted by Charles after his marriage to Queen Anne.
Charles VIII's parade in Naples was also reported by Sigismondo
Cantelmo in a letter he sent to his lord, Duke Ercole from Ferrara. Cantelmo
described the King's archers who were bearing halberds. He reported that 10
of them were bearing an impresa depicting a sun. Over the sun a white cross
went through a sword, which was covered by a palm. Palms were symbols
of victory and justice. As for the sword, it certainly was the aforementioned
"flaming" sword. Besides, Cantelmo added a description of trumpeters,
heralds, French noblemen, the King and his clothes and finally of Charles'

12 Jal. pp. 633--634.

13 The Cronaca di Partenope is part of Ms M.801, The Morgan Library & Museum, Medieval and
Renaissance Manuscripts. Fasciculus temporum. Italy, c. 1498.
14 Passero. p. 72; de La Vigne. Le Voyage de Naples, vol. 11, pp. 213-214.

85
THE ITAL IAN WARS VOLUME 1
33 The French entrance i n
Naples: soldiers of Charles
VIII's guard and heralds. From
the Cronaca di Partenope
(Chronicle of Naples), The
Morgan Library & Museum,
New York. (Reproduction of
the drawing made by the
author)
86
four pages, who wore crimson red garments displaying the letters A and C -
which stood for Anne and Charles. IS
This chapter ends by displaying documents of 1 497 pertaining to the Cent
Suisses (Swiss Guards), who were probably hired after the Italian expedition.
In May of that year, the payment to Jean Tavernier was carried out. He was a
plumassier and provided the King with 100 large feathers, with seven going
to each guard. The colours were the same as the King's uniform: grey, black
and violet. In the same year, even the drummers of said Swiss Guard wore
violet and ash grey garments.16
The Banner of Pierre de Rohan, Called the Marshal of Gie
Pierre de Rohan, Lord of Gie, had a particularly complex coat of arms, which
is described as follows: 1 , 4 quarterly divided and 1 , 4 counterquartered gules
displaying a golden chain link with a green gem in the middle (coat of arms
ofNavarre); 2, 3 strewn withfleurs -de -lys or on a field blue and a fesse argent
and gules (coat of arms of Evreux). In the first quartered partition: 2, 3 nine
mascles or on a field gules (coat of arms of Rohan), and a biscione (serpent) in
pale devouring a child on a field argent (coat of arms of Visconti). In 1377 the
House of Rohan obtained the coat of arms of Navarre and Evreux through
15 C. Foucard. Proposta di pubblicazione di carteggio dip[omatico, 1668 , 1492-94-95 (Naples:
Archivio storico per le province Napoletane. 1879). pp. 797-799.
16 Jal, p. 339.
 M IL ITARY HERALDRY IN THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY

the marriage of Jean premier of Rohan and Jeanne of Navarre, daughter

of Philippe, Count of Evreux, and Jeanne of France, Queen of Navarre.
Furthermore, Pierre de Rohan obtained the coat of arms of Visconti through
his mother, Marie of Montauban, for she was daughter of Bona Visconti.
In his castle of Verger, the Lord of Gie commissioned a series of five
tapestries, in which he is depicted, and in two of them there are also his wife
and sons. The Marshal is represented in full armour on a horse with a long
feather on his helmet; the horse has a decorated caparison hemmed with Pierre
de RohaIis tinctures and displaying his coat of arms, which is better visible
on the banner that he bears. It is a green insignia with an alternated white
and yellow hem, and strewn with golden pilgrim staffs and golden seashells.
Moreover, it displays two small letters: the letter P for Pierre, and the F for
Fran�oise of Penhoet, the Marshal's first wife. At the time it was customary to
display on devices the initials of his own name together with the wife's, as was
already mentioned in the chapter on King Charles VIII (see Plate H, fig. 1 ).
Pierre de Rohan is depicted also in another tapestry, similar to the one
previously described but for his insignia which, in this case, displays his
guidon. It displays daisies with stems and leaves scattered on a blue field.
Both tapestries have pallets white and azure alternated on the field; in the
white pallets the pilgrim device is repeated, namely the staff and the seashell.
Its motto was: "Dieu garde du mal le Pelerin': that is, "God protects the
Pilgrim from evil':
The devices of the two aforementioned insignias precede chronologically
the expedition to Italy. In fact, the title of Knight of the Order of Saint
Michael was conferred on Pierre de Rohan by King Louis XI in 1 474; both
the pilgrim staffs and the seashells are symbols that attest his attachment
to the Order. The symbol of the Order is, in fact, a necklace with golden
seashells. Moreover, with regard to the initials P and F, Pierre de Rohan
married Fran�oise de Penhoet on the 20th January 1476. In the same year,
the lord of Gie became marshal of France.17

The Wheel Device ofLouis de la Tremoille

The original device of the House of Tremoille was: or, a chevron gules with
three eagles azure with beaks and claws gules. Over time, the condottiero
Louis de la Tremoille added to this device the Thouars emblem, when he was
appointed vicomte of Thouars by Louis XI, and the coat of arms of Craon and
rIle-Bouchard when he was appointed baron of both cities.ls
The impresa or device - of Louis de la Tremoille was a cogwheel
-

accompanied by the motto: "Sans poinct sortir hors de l orniere': that is

"Without going out of the rut': Paolo Giovio reports that the captain sported

17 Louis, Comte de Bouille, Les Drapeauxfram;ais, etude historique par Le comte L. de Bouille
(Paris : J. Dumaine, 1875), pp. 61, 133; R.P. Dom Bemard de Montfaucon, Les monumens
de la Monarchie fran�oise, (Paris: Julien-Michel Gandouin and Pierre-Fran�ois Giffart,
,
1732), pp. 132-143; A. de Sol and, 1861-1862, Bulletin Historique et Monumental de [ Anjou,
(Angers, I 862), pp. 148-155; H. Bouchot, Bibliotheque Nationale, Inventaire des dessins
executes pour Roger de Gaignieres, vol. I (Paris: Pion, Nourrit et Cie, 1891), pp. 94-95.
18 V. Laurent, 'Les signes et le visage. Etude sur les representations de Louis 11 de la Tremoille',
in Journal des savants, v2 n I (2009), p. 22 1.

87
TH E ITALIAN WARS VOLU M E 1

said impresa in the victorious Battle of Saint-Aubin-du-Cormier on 28 July

1488 when, in the name of King Charles VIII, he defeated the army of Fran�ois
11, Duke of Bretagne, and captured the Duke Louis of Orleans, the future
King of France Louis XII. The figure and motto means that captain Tremoille
always served his King without being deviated by any personal interest.19 The
cogwheel is an iconographic attribute of St Catherine of Alexandria, for the
device was used in her execution (see Plate H, fig. 2).
Even though Giovio mentions said device in 1488, the cogwheel appears
in the documents not earlier than September 1 499 when, during the French
army entrance in Milan, Louis 11 sported a jacket decorated with Catherine
wheels.20 One year later, the same wheel was displayed on his banners: in the
Chroniques by Jean di\uton, a miniature depicts the siege of Novara in 1 500
and it shows a man, at the head of the French army, bearing a banner gules,
a Wheel or.21 The same insignia can be found also on the walls of the city of
Dijon, sieged by the Swiss in 1 5 1 3. Said siege was commemorated shortly
after the episode with a beautiful tapestry, in which Tremoille's banner is
represented as swallow tailed and displaying the wheel or on a field divided
in three horizontal bars, respectively blue, yellow and gules.22 In 1 5 1 5, when
Fran�ois I entered in Paris, Louis 11 wore a golden garment scattered with
golden cloth wheels and silver razors. 23
Lastly, Venetian chronicler Marin Sanuto reports that, during the
reconquest of Milan in 1 500, another banner was used by Tremoille, described
as follows: "Monsi gnor di la Tramoglia pass o Vercelli con 8.000 cavalli e 11.000
fanti, e uno stendardo con una spada sanguinosa punta in su, col fuoco e una
scopa':24 that is "Monseigneur de la Tremoille passed through Vercelli with
8.000 horses and 1 1 .000 infantrymen, and with a banner displaying a bloody
sword pointing upwards, with flames and one broom".

The Impresa of the Lord ofAubigny

Bernard Stewart, Lord of Aubigny, was part of a branch of the royal Scottish
family. He was the captain of the personal guards of Charles VIII, and
followed his King in his expedition in Italy. Some historians mistake him for
Robert Stewart, his son-in-law, who took the name of di\ubigny at Bernard's
death in 1 507.
Paolo Giovio wrote that Bernard, or Berault, as a relative of King James
IV of Scotland, sported on overdresses and banners a lion rampant goules on
a field argent, strewn with several embroidered buckles. His motto was the
Latin phrase Distantia iungit. It was a reminder that Bernard was the trait
d'union (the link) between the kingdoms of France and Scotland against their
common enemy, the King of England.25

19 Giovio. Dialogo delle imprese militari e amorose, p. 102.

20 Laurent. p. 226.
2 1 Laurent. p. 226.
22 Louis, Comte de Bouille, pp. 61'-{)2.
23 T. Godefroy. Le ceremonialfram;ois. vol. I, ed. D. Godefroy (Paris, 1649), p. 271.
24 M. Sanudo. I Diarii dal 1496 al 1532. M. F. Stefani, vol. I I I (Venice: A Spese Degli. 1879-
1903). col. 189.
25 Giovio. Dialogo delle imprese mililari e amorose. p. 105.

88
 M I LITARY H ERALDRY IN THE FIFTEENTH CENTU RY

In the chronicle by Jean d�uton, a document is published, in which it

is written that Charles VIII, before his departure to Italy, made Bernard's
Scottish archers dress in full-white garments with white and red striped
sleeves and stockings (see Plate E, fig. 2). Furthermore, it states that the King
gifted Bernard Stewart a similar costume, rich in embroideries, and a crest
made with 18 white and purple feathers.26

The Insignia of Gian Giacomo Trivulzio

The coat of arms of the Trivulzios in Milan was a paly of
six, or and vert. At the funeral of Gian Giacomo Trivulzio
( 1 7 January 1 5 19) his banner was a bendy of six, or and
vert, as historian Cesare CantiI reported.27 Nevertheless,
his most famous impresa - which his whole family bore
- was called the Jesus. Such impresa was depicted as
a cross patty inside a circle. Around such circle, eight
wavy rays formed the shape of the sun. The sun was red,
whereas the field was white. In 1 408, Pope Alexander
III authorised commander Ambrogio Trivulzio to bear
the emblem on his banners. From that moment on, the
Trivulzios modified it and used it very frequently. 28
The banner displaying the Jesus impresa was also
called the Wheel of the Sun. It was borne by Gian
Giacomo at the Battle of Fornovo and was also described
in the French chronicle of De Commynes.29 It was square
and had a white field. In the middle was the red Sun Wheel impresa: it was the 34 Milanese rotella captured
Commander's war banner (see Plate G, fig. 2 ). A commemorative medal of by the Swiss in the Battle

Gian Giacomo (created by Ambrogio Cristoforo Foppa in 1499 when he was of Giorn ico (1478). In the
centre of the shield, Trivulzio's
appointed Marshall in France) displays the Sun Wheel and the family arms,
impresa of the Jesus is
the Sforza biscione (serpent) and the buckets device30 (see Img. 6). Even the depicted on an escutcheon.
historian Paolo Giovio wrote of an impresa Trivulzio bore immediately after Reproduction of the d rawing

he finished serving Milan. made by the author. (History

Museum, Lucerne)
In 1487, the commander realised that Ludovico the Moor was going to
take Milan away from his nephew Gian Galeazzo Sforza. He was appalled, and
left Lombardy to join the King of Aragon, who became an enemy of the Moor
for the same reason. Then, his impresa was represented by a marble square,
which was pierced in its middle by an iron dagger. On the other side there
was the Sun, the aforementioned traditional Trivulzio impresa. Such symbol
came with the motto: Non cedit umbra Soli, "Shade does not yield to the Sun".
When the sun rotates, the dagger keeps on casting its shadow, meaning that
Trivulzio was not willing to surrender to Ludovico's greediness.3'

26 J. Auton, Chroniques de Louis XII, vol. IV (Paris: Renouard, 1889), p. 12.

27 C. Canru, Sch;arimenti e note alla Storia Universale, vol. V (Turin: Pomba, 1841), pp. 366-369.
28 Cambin, pp. 294-296.
29 Commynes. Memo;res, vol. 11. p. 490.
30 The buckets device was probably used by Gian Giacomo when he served the Sforzas.
31 Giovio. D;alogo delle ;mprese militar; e amorose, pp. 87-88.

89
THE ITALIAN WA RS VOLU M E 1

A wonderful representation of the Wheel of the Sun can be found on a

Milanese rotella (Renaissance buckler), which was taken by the Swiss army
in the Battle of Giornico in 1478 (see Img. 34). On such escutcheon, a young
couple holds a white shield, which has a red Jesus impresa in the middle.
The young man wears a green tunic, a red doublet and red white and black
stockings. The black decorations were originally blue, they changed colour
over time.
Red, white and blue were the Sforza's livery. The young woman has
loose blonde hair and wears blue garments with red ornaments. Blue was
the colour worn by women of marrying age. Such rotella can now be found
at the History Museum in Lucerne. Many rotella were looted by the Swiss
army after they defeated the Milanese army of Duke Galeazzo Maria Sforza
in Giornico.
Gian Giacomo Trivulzio was not on the Sforza's side since 1465 and did
not take part in such battle. The aforementioned rotella probably belonged to
some infantry company of his.
In the History Museum in Lucerne another rotella can be found, which
was taken by the Swiss in Giornico and probably belonged to Trivulzio's
infantrymen.
On such rotella an infantryman is painted, holding a sword, a spear and
a round shield. The escutcheon was party per cross, showing in the first and
fourth quarter a black capital T on a white field, and on the second and third
quarters a white and black (originally it was blue) barry wavy.
The barry wavy was a Sforza emblem, whereas the T letter was another
Trivulzio impresa.32 Such rotella is here mentioned because the infantryman
wears red stockings. Red might have been the Trivulzio's tincture;
unfortunately no information has been found about that.33

The Heraldry of the French Army

The main insignia of the French army was azure, three fleurs -de-lys or, as it
was already addressed in the chapter about the heraldry of Charles VIII. This
emblem was displayed also on the robes of royal heralds, as chroniclers de La
Vigne and Benedetti report in the books regarding Charles VIII's invasion in
Italy.34 Benedetti cites the French herald of the Battle of the Taro, who wore
a blue cape with fleurs-de-l ys or, while the French chronicler de La Vigne
describes one of the King's heralds, who wore a white surcoat strewn with
fleurs -de-lys .
Th e French army's distinction sign was the white cross (see Plate C , fig.
4). Said cross was sported by soldiers on their chest and back; it was usually
made of fabric and was stitched on jackets, coats and overdresses. It was used
as a symbol since the Hundred Years' War to oppose the English's red cross.

32 Other devices of the Trivulzio family were: the three heads. the grain bundle and the crowned
oak tree.
33 Cam bin, pp. 294-296. 288-290.
34 De La Vigne. Le Voyage de Naples. vol. 11, p. 275; Benedetti, p. 14.

90
 M I LITARY H ERALDRY IN THE FIFTEENTH CENTU RY

During Charles VII's reign, it became the sign of the army par excellence due
to the miracle of Bayonne (20 August 145 1 ), when a big white cross appeared
in the sky above the city to welcome the victorious French army35 inside its
walls. Thenceforth, white became the colour of the nation, differing from
the King's colour, which was blue. White was the colour of the Virgin Mary,
symbol of purity. Moreover, also Jeanne d�rc's banner was white. 36
In 1495, according to chronicler Marin Sanudo, after Charles VIII arrived
in Naples, the Italian cities of the Reign raised on the city walls red flags
displaying the white cross; a sign of submission to the French King. It is
always Sanudo who reports that, during the Battle of Fornovo, the Italians
conquered a French banner displaying the white cross on a red field.37
Other French insignias mentioned in the documents referring to the
aforementioned battle are the white infantry flags captured by Francesco
Gonzagas men; said flags were mentioned in the chapter about the heraldry
of Charles VIII. According to scholar Giancarlo Malacarne, there was also
Charles' letter K displayed in the middle; however, no proof to said claim was
found hitherto.38
Captains and knights sported their own emblems on garments, other
than the white cross. This is how French historian Pierre De Bourdeille,
Lord of Brantome, described them when Charles VIII's entrance in Florence
happened: "they were all armed and the horses they mounted had caparisons
with several decorations; each one of them sported the tinctures of their
own devices on tunics, capotes and feathers.39 The garments were made of
velvet, satin or cloth with golden embroideries. Pages, archers or coustillers
mounted big horses and sported the tinctures of their lords' devices."40 (see
Plate C, fig. 3).
A similar description can be found in the Historie by Paolo Giovio. This
time, the army is entering Rome: "cavalry came from all the nobility of France.
Knights wore silk tunics and were bedecked in hackles and golden necklaces.
The tunics were embroidered in silver and displayed the captains' devices, as
a means of identification in battle. Knights used a thick grooved spear with a
thick spearhead, and an iron mace. They had big horses with ears and manes
cut;4 1 however, the majority of said horses was not harnessed with boiled
leather harnesses, unlike the Italians did". Then, Giovio describes the light
cavalry as follows: "cavalrymen, like Bretons did, had big wooden bows and
wore armours and sallets. Some of them carried also the gianettone [spear],
with which they pierced to the ground the knights fallen in battle after the

35 Desjardins, p. 3 1.
36 Desjardins, pp. 27-28.
37 Sanudo, La spedizione di Carlo VIII in Italia. pp. 243, 482.
38 Malacarne, p. 258.
39 Marin Sanudo mentions a French knight captured by Bemardino Fortebracci in Fomovo. The
knight wore a velvet overdress with black and gold stripes. See Sanudo, La spedizione di Carlo
VIII in Italia, p. 525.
40 Brantome, vol. 11, p. 304.
41 This peculiar practice on French horses found no validation in iconographies of the time.
However, it can be found in Louis XII's iconographies, which dates back at the beginning of the
sixteenth century.

91
TH E ITALIAN WARS VOLU M E 1

assaults of the men-at-arms:' Lastly, the infantrymen: "5,000 Gascons, and

almost all of them used a crossbow with steel prod [bow]:'42
With regard to French crossbowmen, a letter by intellectual Matteo Maria
Boiardo (author of Orlando in Love) to the Duke of Ferrara is relevant. In
said letter, he describes his meeting in Castelnuovo (near Parma, Emilia­
Romagna) with a certain Don Giuliano, French chief of the crossbowmen.
The letter is dated 26 August 1494.
Boiardo writes that said captain lead a company of 30 men-at-arms,
500 crossbowmen on rounceys and 50 soldiers with hand cannons
(schioppettieri). The crossbowmen wore kettle hats instead of armets and a
breastplate on their chest. The company motto was Diable and the horned
devil was its insignia; at the time, however, by order of the King, it displayed
Saint Martin's flag (see Plate H, fig. 4). Boiardo describes captain Giuliano as
short and fat, dressed with a white cloth tunic stained by broth, but with a
black velvet cape trimmed with sapphires and emeralds.43
In "The Battle of Fornovo" engraving (National Gallery of Art,
Washington), which dates back around 1495- 1 506, it is possible to see that
the weapons and garments of the French knights fit the descriptions reported
in the documents of the time. The soldiers wear long-sleeved tunics with the
white cross on their chest and back; they wield grooved spears and mount
horses with harnesses, but no caparison.

The Flags of the Swiss Troops in the Pay of France

The iconographies depicting wars or battles in which Swiss troops partook
since the advent of the Confederation until the sixteenth century is vast.
Namely, said iconographies are to be found in illustrated chronicles drafted
in Swiss German-speaking cities from the fifteenth to the sixteenth century.
These illustrations show that the insignias sported on the battlefield were
the ones of the single cantons together with the Swiss national flag - namely
the white cross on a red field - which dates back to the fourteenth century.
However, the flags borne by Swiss infantrymen in the pay of France were
different.
In the book-catalogue Sch weizer Fahnenbuch of 1942, all the military flags
preserved in Swiss museums are reported; moreover, in the "Franzosische
dienste" chapter ("In the services of France" ), about 1 5 Swiss mercenary
infantry insignias of the sixteenth century are described. Said insignias cover
a period of time ranging from the early to the mid sixteenth century, and
show the evolution of the Swiss Trans-Alpine military emblems.
All of the aforementioned insignias display the white cross - a French
as well as a Swiss army emblem - with its arms outstretched until the hem
of the flag. The field is quartered, and is decorated in a variety of colours
in order to differentiate regiments and bands. The earliest emblems have a
solid-coloured field or a two-coloured field; thereafter, with the following of

42 Giovio, La prima parte delle Istorie del suo tempo, pp. 53-54.
43 M. Maria Boiardo, "Lettere edite e inedite", ed. Naborre Campanini, in Studi su Matteo Maria
Boiardo (Bologna: Zanichelli, 1894), pp. 444-445.

92
 M I LITARY H ERALDRY IN THE F IFTEENTH CENTU RY

new campaigns and mercenary hiring, the field was parted with horizontal
bars of different colours.
The following flag is the only one dating back to the early sixteenth century:
a square-shaped, each side measuring approximately 250 cm, with a rounded
fly end (typical of the infantry flags of the time), and displaying in the middle
the white cross with a black edging on an ochre field In the book-catalogue,
such flag is described as the banner of the free Swiss company on Italian soil.
Another Swiss mercenary flag is described in the Cronaca Di Partenope
(Chronicle of Naples), which was mentioned previously. In the folio Ms
M801. 150R a group of Swiss foot soldiers freshly hired by the Aragonese in
February 1498 is depicted. It is possible that these infantrymen, described
in the chronicle as "in bad shape and variously armed", detached from the
French army, which retreated from the Kingdom of Naples.
They bear in front of them the square-shaped flag with a rounded fly end
displaying a white cross in the middle on a field blue and gules. These colours
do not belong to any of the cantons of Switzerland of the time; therefore, the
group of soldiers must be part of a free company (see Plate G, fig. 4). One
hypothesis could be that the depicted infantrymen kept the same banner
they bore when under the French; in fact, Aragonese and Italians sported the
red cross to set themselves apart from their enemies from beyond the Alps.
"The Battle of Fornovo': preserved in the National Gallery of Art in
Washington, is another iconography depicting Swiss flags of the time. This
print is interesting because it accurately portrays the battle, the weapons used
and the garments.
The infantry square of the Swiss troops in the pay of France is in the
middle of the scene, and exhibits among the pikemen's ranks (see Plate E,
fig. 1) five flags with a slightly pointed fly end displaying the cross. However,
since the etching is in black and white, the field colours of the flags are not
visible.

The Heraldry of the Italian army

The Device of Francesco 11 Gonzaga, Marquess ofMantua

The coat of arms of the Gonzaga family can be described in heraldic jargon as
follows: argent, a cross patty gules, cantoned by four eagles sable. Escutcheon
overall: quarterly, 1, 4, gules, a lion with a forked tail argent; 2, 3, barry or
and sable. His family originally had a barry emblem, whereas the cross patty
and the lion were charges given to Gonzaga by emperors Wenceslaus and
Sigismund of Bohemia in 1403 and in 1433) (see Img. 35).
At that time, it was rather uncommon to see a family emblem among the
insignia of the armies: devices and imprese were much more common. Pictures
and documents have shown that Francesco Gonzaga bore a red and green
device - and the radiant sun impresa as insignia - at the Battle of Fornovo.
For most of the fifteenth century, House Gonzaga bore red, green and
white tinctures, whereas individual members of the House bore a great
number of imprese : the wings, the doe, the hound, the sun, the dog muzzle,
the crucible, etc.

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TH E ITALIAN WA RS VOL U M E 1

The most famous impresa of Francesco 11 was the

35 Coat of arms of the House
of Gonzaga.
crucible, also called Cimento (it referred to the fire
test) which the Marquess used after the Battle of Taro.
In this regard, Paolo Giovio wrote that Francesco had
been accused of being half-hearted during the battle,
because he could not - "or would not", according
to Giovio's words - gain complete victory over the
French. He allegedly wanted to declare his loyalty to
Venice by bearing an impresa displaying a crucible in
a fire containing ingots of gold. The motto to such
impresa was: Probasti me domine et cognovisti (Thou
hast tried me, Lord, and hast known me). Gonzaga's
documents of 1509 showed that such impresa was
also borne by his knights on their green and crimson
red caparisons, capes and armets: such were the
colours of his device.44
The most famous impresa according to scholars
was the one the Commander of the League bore in
Fornovo: namely the dog muzzle. Francesco used this
impresa even in his youth.45 Evidence of this can be
found in a letter sent from the commander to its treasurer on 28 June 1495,
eight days before the battle which said:

Volemo che subito ni ne mandi la nostra sopraveste. zornea et scamni che tu sai.
et le calze et scarpe per li nostri ragazzi Ancora mandane la zornea de Andrea
Costa. quale rimase ne le mane del ricamatore. per farli suso le nostre arme. cioe le
muserole.

That is:

We want you to bring us our surcoats and saddle seats. Bring us also stockings
and shoes for our boys. Send me also Andrea Costa's surcoat, which we left at the
tailor's, so that we could have our device stitched onto it, namely the muzzles.46

However, there are many doubts that such emblem was actually used in
Fornovo. Firstly, it is uncertain that the tailor finished his work on time and
that the tunic arrived before the battle. Secondly, it is not even certain that he
bore just that device during the battle, since Francesco possessed also other
imprese such as the myrtle, the glove and the wings.47

44 State Archive of Mantua. AG, b 2416. book 205, c. 58r.

45 A. Cicinelli, La battaglia del Taro, Casa del Manlegna (Mantua: Bottazzi Publishing, 1996),
p. 55; G. Malacame, 1 Gonzaga di Manlova, vo\. 11; 1 Gonzaga marchesi, Il sogno del polere
(Modena: 11 Bulino, 2005), p. 260.
46 State Archive of Mantua. AG, b 2961. book 4, c. 16v.
47 These three devices were mentioned in a letter dated 1493, which can be found at the State
Archive of Montua AG. b. 2443. c. 130r; R. Signorini, "Aenigmala 'Disegni d 'arme e d 'amore ' "

in Monele e medaglie di Manlova e dei Gonzaga dal XII al XIX secolo, second volume (Milan:
Electa, 1996), p. 44.

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 M I LITA RY H ERALDRY IN THE F IFTEENTH CENTU RY

Moreover, in the days preceding the battle, Gonzaga had been informed
that the King of France wanted to have him killed. On 19 June a soldier of
Paris of Lodron and infantry captain for the League, called Bernandino
from Brescia, sneaked into the French camp in San Miniato near Florence
to acquire information. A French captain of the guard, believing him to be
a friend, told him that the King wanted to kill the Marquess during the feat
of arms and had purposefully instructed a man named "el Spirito" to deal
with him. He had also summoned Mr. Francesco Secco48 to get information
in order to identify the Gonzaga. Bernardino reported this information in a
letter on 29 June, which can now be found at the State Archive of Mantua.49
Probably because of that, Gonzaga had no interest in being recognisable
during the battle and probably wore a short robe (with no imprese) that you
can see on the picture of Andrea Mantegna "La Madonna della Vittoria" (The
Virgin of Victory) (see Img. 3). This work was commissioned by Francesco
to the Paduan painter shortly after the battle of Taro. The picture was a votive
offering to thank the Lord for the precarious victory over the French. He had
himself depicted kneeling at the feet of the Virgin, in war armour. Over that
he wore a robe with green and red stripes, which was damasked in gold and
silver. As mentioned before, green and red were the colours of his device. On
his robe no emblems are displayed, as ifhe were a simple knight of his guard.
An interesting detail on the painting is the white shoulder baldric charged
with small red crosses: they were the symbol of League soldiers. This symbol
was opposed to the white cross of the Frenchso (see Plate B, fig. 4).
No record of that time has described the insignia of Francesco, despite
being clearly and precisely mentioned in the French Chronicle by De
Commynes. According to such chronicles, the day after the battle he was
with the King and a section of the army. They were drawing back towards
Borgo San Donino (Fidenza). After a tiring march, they met their vanguard
which they did not recognise immediately: they were actually frightened
because they mistook them for the enemies. This event happened because
they saw the squared white insignia of Gian Giacomo Trivulzio, who
commanded the French vanguard, therefore they mistook it for the one that
the Marquess of Mantua wore in battle, as the two flags were similar to each
other.5 1 De Commynes did not mention the emblem of the insignia: he only
spoke of the tincture of the field. But that is enough for its analysis, because
the most famous emblem of Trivulzio was the Jesus one. It was a cross patty
within a framing circle formed by eight waved rays. All such figures were
red on a white fields2 (see Plate G, fig. 2). A medal dated 1499 represents his
appointment as Marshal of France and displays the device and the Trivulzio
emblem, that of the Lordship of Milan and the buckets impresa (see Img. 6).

48 Secco was a nobleman of Mantua. enemy of the Marquess and ally ofthe French.
49 State Archive of Mantua. AG. b. 2 191. 1495 die 28 Junii. Relatione/acta per Bernardino da
Brescia.
50 Madonna of Victory, Paris Louvre. The work was brought to France as Napoleonic loot in 1797.
51 Commynes, Memoires, vol. 11, p. 490.
52 Cambin, pp. 294-299; Rosmini, pp. 355-359, 364, 367-368, 375, 378, 380.

95
THE ITAL IAN WARS VOLUME 1

The only Gonzaga impresa which looks like it is the radiant sun, which
was borne by Ludovico 11, Grandfather of Francesco. This impresa was borne
by Francesco and by his son Federico 11. On wall paintings the sun is often
painted in red on a white background, as well as in red on a white or blue
background (see Plate B, fig. 6 and Plate G, fig. 1 ). Here the similarity of both
insignia is visible because of both having a white background and a picture
of a red sun. The difference between the two suns lies in the rays: in the
Gonzagas impresa they are straight, while in the Trivulzio one they are wavy
and a cross patty in the middle. Both emblems could easily be mistaken for
each other from afar.
Another evidence showing the sun impresa being used at Fornovo is the
contemporary engraving of the battle, which can be found at the National
Gallery of Art in Washington. This French work dates back a little later than
the battle and accurately describes arms, clothing, devices, etc. As for the
French troops, the French fleurs -de -lys are visible as well as the white cross
displayed on clothing and flags. Among the League emblems the Venetian
Lion is displayed on banners while the Sforza biscione (serpent) and the
Gonzaga sun are displayed on shields and on harnesses. In this engraving the
Sun does not have straight rays as in the Gonzaga device, probably because
the French author did not have an accurate knowledge of their insignia.
Another evidence of the Gonzaga flag, though dated many years later,
can be found in a painting (1574) by Jacopo Tintoretto depicting the Battle
of Taro. Among the Italian knights attacking the enemy there is a white flag
displaying a yellow-orange sun.

Saint Mark's Banner at Fornovo and the Heraldry ofLa Serenissima

At the time of the Battle of Fornovo, the official banner of the Republic of
Venice displayed the Lion of Saint Mark, an image that still represents the
lagoon city. According to historians, this symbol began to be displayed on
Venetian flags around the eleventh century, when Saint Mark the Evangelist
- represented by the symbol - became saint patron of the city. 53 At first, the
lion was depicted in moleca, namely as a full-faced crouching lion emerging
from water with a closed book in its paws and with three sets of wings.
One of its most ancient depictions is visible in Saint Mark's Basilica in a
mosaic dating back to the mid fourteenth century representing the transfer
of St Isidors body from the island of Chios. The Venetian army is depicted
in the act of landing on the island with four banners with three-pointed
fly ends displaying the winged lion, hoisted on the ships and city. Three of
the banners display the lion in moleca gules on a white field; the remaining
banner displays a lion or on a field gules, instead. Under the banners there are
two single-pointed flags in reverence, displaying the coat of arms of the Doge
Domenico Michiel, who was credited for the transfer of St Isidor's body.54

53 G. Aldrighetti, L 'araLdica e if Leone di San Marco (Venice: Marsilio, 2002). p. 31 and 48;
G. Ercole, Duri i banchi! Le navi della Serenissima 421-1797 (Trento: Gruppo modellistico
trentino di studio e ricerca storica. 2009). p. 103.
54 Aldrighetti, pp. 25--26. 29.

96
 M I LITARY H E RALDRY IN THE FIFTEENTH CENTU RY

Other depictions can be found in miniatures dating back to the

fourteenth century, telling the Legend of the glorious apostles Peter and Paul
of Sant'Albano and the Battle of Salvore, preserved in the Correr museum.
In these representations, the banners display a lion or on a field gules. The
banners are rectangular and the fly ends are divided into four or five tails;
this model was usually adopted by La Serenissima's naval fleet. 55
In the same century, insignias began to display the Lion of Saint Mark
"passant': namely seen in profile, with its right front paw on a book and its
left front paw and hind legs in the sea. 56 This depiction gradually prevailed
on the lion in moleca, whereas a third depiction - the winged lion "rampant"
- still appeared on coins during the same period.
Depictions of banners displaying the Lion of Saint Mark in the fifteenth
century, the interest period of this book, are rare. In Sercambi's chronicles,
dating back to the early fifteenth century, a Venetian flag is depicted in an
illustration of an episode that occurred in February 1400, when Venice
brokered a peace between Gian Galeazzo Visconti, Duke of Milan, and the
city of Florence. The Venetian spokesperson who makes the two parties swear
an oath, bears a flag with the lion "passant" gules on a white field. 57 A fresco
in the public palace of Siena, by Spinello Aretino, dated 1407- 1408, offers
another depiction of the Venetian banners. It represents the victory of Venice
against the Emperor Frederik Barbarossa at Punta Salvatore; it was a naval
battle, and every Venetian infantryman's shield, Venetian ship forecastle, and
the banner hoisted on the Doge's galley displays the Lion of Saint Mark in
moleca or on a field gules.
According to the ancient Venetian ceremonial, the banners displaying the
lion had a white field when La Serenissima was in a period of peace; a field
gules when at war; a field azure if allied with another State; and, lastly, a violet
field if Venice was in a period of truce. 58
In the bas relief of the tombstone of Roberto Sanseverino in Trento, a
Venetian lieutenant general who died in 1487 in the Battle of Calliano, his
banner with a two-pointed fly end is depicted, and displays a broken spear -
symbol of defeat - and the Lion of Saint Mark "passant".
The chronicles of the fifteenth century barely report Venetian insignias
and when they do, not in detail. Furthermore, they address partially the
banner of Saint Mark, handed to the acting captain general of the time.
After the Battle of the Taro, Marino Saudo and others chroniclers
mention the insignia of Venice in the war against Charles VIII. In fact, the
general banner was handed to Francesco Gonzaga on 15 August 1495 near
Novara (Piedmont), for his deeds in the Battle of Fornovo. Together with
the insignia, the condottiero received also the baton of captain general of all
people of the Venetian land and a commission of 50,000 ducats per year in

55 Aldrighetti, pp. 18-19.

56 Aldrighetti, p. 50.
57 A. Ziggioto, 'Le bandiere della Cronaca del Sercambi (seconda meta del sec. XIV )', in Armi
antiche (Turin 1980), p. 73.
58 Aldrighetti, p. 53.

97
THE ITALIAN WARS VOLU M E 1

times of peace and of 60,000 ducats in times of war.59 On 5 June of the same
year, Venice appointed Gonzaga governor general of the troops in Lombardy.
Even though the chronicles and documents of the time do not mention the
eventual gift of La Serenissima's insignia, it does not mean that the insignia
was not displayed in the Battle of Fornovo. It is certain that the banner of
Saint Mark was borne among the troops by commissioners of the Republic of
Venice Luca Pis ani and Melchiorre Trevisan (see Plate. B, fig. 3).
In the French etching of the Battle of Fornovo, preserved in the National
Gallery of Art in Washington, dated from 1495 to 1506, among the Italian
troops it is possible to see two swallow-tail banners displaying the Lion of
Saint Mark "passant': Another depiction can be found in Jacopo Tintoretto's
painting of the Battle of the Taro, dated around 1574, in which two banners
display the winged lion on a field gules.

The Device of the House of Gonzaga and the Device of Rodolfo

In the previous section regarding Francesco Gonzaga, the tinctures of his
family were described as follows: red, green, white. These tinctures, which
represent the three theological virtues - Faith, Hope, and Charity - were
adopted also by other noble Italian families. The discriminants were the
different partitions of the three tinctures, namely their disparate alternation
on garments and other elements. The tricolour was attested in Gonzaga's
documents and iconographies during most of the fifteenth century.
Since the end of the fourteenth century, under Francesco I Gonzaga,
the tricolour already decorated two imprese dear to the Mantuan lord. Said
imprese are the wings and the doe, frescoed in the corridor facing towards
Piazza Sordello in the ducal palace; both the wings and the doe are white
with a green meadow on a red background.6O Moreover, the tricolour can be
found in Francesco I's tapestries,61 and on some caparisons. The caparisons
are listed in an inventory of weapons and harnesses in possession of the
Mantuan lord, dated 1406. The document, redacted in Latin, is interesting
for its listing and descriptions of many of the Gonzagas' defensive and
offensive weapons, such as armours, helmets, shields, swords and such.
Among those displaying heraldic motifs, other than the tricolour, caparisons
- called coperte (blankets) - are listed; some of them were made of red cloth,
others of white and red cloth, and some displayed the Gonzagas' coat of
arms, namely the barry or and sable. Moreover, the inventory lists targes
displaying the Gonzagas' arms and targone shields (great shields) painted
with the doe and wings imprese, which are described as follows: " Targoni
IlIl pi eti ad cervetam et alias ".62 that is "Four great shields with the doe and

59 Sanudo, La spedizione di Carlo VIII in Italia. p. 552; G. Priuli, Diar;; (Bologna: Zanichelli,
1933). vot. I, p. 35; Malipiero, p. 372.
60 Signorini, pp. 42, 45; G. Gerola, 'Vecchie insegne di casa Gonzaga', in Archivio Storico
Lombardo 1, 1918, pp. 99-100.
61 W. Braghirolli, Sulle manifatture di arazzi in Mantova (Mantua: Stab. tip. Eredi Segna, 1879),
p. 69.
62 R. Truffi, Inventario delle armi e delle bardature possedute dal Duca di Mantova in una saLa
deL suo paLazzo, al principio del secolo XV, in Giostre e cantori di giostre (Rocca S. Casciano.
1911), pp. 191-210.

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 M ILITARY H ERALDRY IN T H E FIFTEENTH CENTU RY

the wings". This document furnishes proof

that, already in the early fifteenth century,
disparate symbols were used in Italian military
heraldry.
Thereafter, under Gianfrancesco Gonzaga,
first Marquis of Mantua, the tricolour can be
found displayed on garments and hackles in
the fresco of a knights' tournament by Antonio
di Puccio Pisano - known as Pisanello - which
decorates the walls of the Hall of Pisanello
(ducal palace, Mantua). Notably, a page riding
a horse wears a hackle and a tunic with white,
red and green tinctures, and the tunic displays
the door knocker impresa, painted in the same
three colours: white background, red ring,
green striking plate. The door knocker was
Gianfrancesco's impresa and the fresco is dated
from 1438 to 1444. Many other frescoes in the
ducal palace, all dating back to the first half of
the fourteenth century, represent the tricolour
on imprese and decorations.63 In the miniature
depicting "The Conversion of St Paul" (Getty
Museum, Los Angeles), garments and hackles
are decorated with the tricolour; however, the
tricolour here is accompanied also by the sun
impresa, displayed on the caparison of the
main horse. This artwork, by an unknown
artist, is dated to the third or fourth decade of the fifteenth century, and was 36 Deta i l of the m i n iature
"Triumph of Love", dated
probably commissioned by Ludovico 11 Gonzaga, owner of the sun impresa.64
1465. A man of the House of
Another miniature, "Triumph of Love� dated 1465 and attributed to Gonzaga wearing the colours
master Filocolo, portray a group of men of the House of Gonzaga wearing of the white, red and green
white, red and green tinctures coupled with the red sun emblem. The sun is device on his garments and
stockings, and sporti ng the
depicted also on the white shield of a nobleman (see Img. 36). With regard
sun impresa. Reproduction
to the stockings worn by the aforementioned supporters of the Gonzagas, of the drawing made by the
only one of them wears the tricolour; the others sport different colour author. (British Library)
combinations: white and red, and white, blue and red on both legs.
A few years later, always under Ludovico 11, in the fresco ofthe "Chamber of
the Spouses" (ducal palace, Mantua), the tricolour seems to be absent. Frescoed
by Andrea Mantegna from 1465 to 1474 and commissioned by Ludovico 11
Gonzaga and his wife, Barbara of Brandenburg, the "Chamber of the Spouses"
- also called Camera Picta - portraya the marquises, their relatives, some
members of their court, and their guests. The general theme of the fresco is
the political and dynastical celebration of the House of Gonzaga, together with
the appointment as Cardinal of Francesco Gonzaga, Ludovico's third son, who
undertook a ecclesiastical career. There are two main representations: "The

63 Signori ni, pp. 46. 52, 60, 6 1.

64 L. Puppi, P;sanello. una poet;ca dell ';nalleso (Milan: Silvana Editoriale, 1996), p. 119.

99
TH E ITA LIAN WA RS VOLU M E 1
37 Knig hts of Rodolfo
Gonzaga sporti ng the sun
impresQ. Deta i l of the fresco
depicting the Battle of Poggio
Imperiale, Palazzo Pubbl ico
(Siena). Reproduction of the
d rawing made by the author.
1 00
court" and "The meeting': In the first depiction, the two marquises, Ludovico
and Barbara, are surrounded by their relatives and courtiers. The garments are
rich, many of them are made of brocade, with only the stockings displaying
tinctures. Said stockings are mainly white and red; however, two people wear
respectively full red stockings and red and green stockings. In "The meeting':
instead, Ludovico is depicted with white stockings, his son Francesco wears
the cloth, and the other characters are represented with white, red and blue
stockings. Lastly, two other figurations depict the Gonzagas' servants with a
horse and dogs; the men wear different tinctures than the one reported above:
white and red stockings, and white, green and grey stockings.65
Thanks to this fresco it is possible to hypothesise that, in said period of
time, the use of different tinctures, for the lords of Mantua, was related to the
person's social class: white and red for the courtesans and servants; white,
green and grey for stable hands, and so on. The Gonzaga device can be found
also among the imprese painted by Mantegna on the lunettes of the Chamber
of the Spouses. Among the eight family imprese - painted a secco (meaning
"dry" in Italian) - the great dane and the doe can be found. However, due to
the painting technique, several parts of the work are not visible anymore or
were altered; luckily, the colours are still visible in the two aforementioned
imprese: red background, white figures and green meadow.
This section ends with the device of Rodolfo Gonzaga. He was identified
by several scholars among the characters of "The Court': painted by
Mantegna, mentioned in the
previous paragraphs. However,
the identifications conflict with
each other. Some scholars identify
Rodolfo Gonzaga as the man
sitting right behind Barbara of
Brandenburg, others claim that
he is depicted among the young
standing courtiers and wears white
and red stockings. There is a portrait
of Rodolfo, by an unknown artist,
dating back to the fifteenth century;
he is young, wears a red hat and
his garment, probably a giornea, is
made of golden brocade. However,
there are no distinguishing heraldic
symbols on his clothes.
His device can be seen in the
fresco of the Battle of Poggio
Imperiale, dated 1480, in the Public
Palace of Siena (see Img. 37). This
pictorial work depicts the victory
of the conjoined armies of the city
65 A. de Nicolo Salmazo, Manlegna: La Camera Picla (Milan: Electa, 1996); "L'opera completa
del Mantegna", in Classici dell 'arle (Milan: Rizzoli, 1967).
 M I LITARY H ERALDRY IN THE FIFTEENTH CENTU RY

of Siena, the Papal State and the Kingdom of Naples against the Florentines
and their allies, among which was the Mantuan contingent led by Rodolfo
Gonzaga. Among the army of Florence, two knights' horses sport Rodolfo's
device on their caparisons. These impresa displayed the golden sun on a white
field together with a barry papelonny white and gules. On the rear part of the
caparisons, the sun and the papelonny are quarterly- meaning that the field
is quarterly divided - whereas on the front part of the caparison the field is
party per pale - namely, the field is vertically divided in two equal parts. It is
thus possible to say that Rodolfo's tinctures were white and red, unlike those
of the Gonzagas: who sported the tricolour instead (see Plate B, fig. 5). At the
end of the fifteenth century, several noble families started to personalise their
devices. In fact, in the section about Francesco 11 Gonzaga it was mentioned
that the Marquis wore green and red tinctures. The sun impresa, instead, was
without doubt a military emblem of the Mantuan family, and was displayed
on shields, harnesses and flags.

The Heraldry of Ferdinand 11 of Aragon, King of Naples

The original coat of arms of the Aragonese Kings of Naples was the Arms of
Aragon: it was formed by four vertical bars (pales or paly, in heraldic jargon)
of gules on a field or. It was usual to depict on the quartered escutcheon the
insignia of the Anjou-Durazzos, the House who united the crowns of Naples
and Hungary and, albeit in name only, also the arms of Jerusalem were
present (see Plate F, fig. 5). The Aragonese troops sported the four bars on
shields and harnesses, whereas quartered escutcheons were more frequent
on banners and flags.
The soldiers of Ferdinand 11, called "Ferrandino': sported these emblems
on their insignia. Evidence ofthat can be found in the drawings of the Cronaca
Di Partenope (Chronicle of Naples), reporting events happened during his
reign, such as the seizure of Naples by Charles VIII. In such illustrations,
in which Ferrandino is depicted both as Duke of Calabria and as King, his
military escorts bear banners and flags displaying a quartered escutcheon
with the emblems of Aragon, Anjou-Durazzo and Jerusalem.
Other chronicles confirmed that he bore such heraldic elements, namely
the one by Silvestro Guarino. In his chronicle he mentioned four banners
belonging to King Ferdinand 11, which were used against in the battle of
Fraginto against the French (5 June 1496). These are described as follows:
one displayed the arms of the King (the quartered escutcheon), one the two
keys of the church (recalling the alliance with the Pope), one had an image
of Saint Michael and, lastly, one displayed Saint George's cross, namely a
red cross on a white field (see Plate F, fig. 6). Guarino also reported that
Ferrandino, when in the camp, kept these banners in front of his pavilion.
When the soldiers marched, instead, the four insignia were borne at the head
of his army. 66

66 S. Guarino, ' Diario'. in Raccolla di varie cronich e. diari ed altri opus coli del Regno di Napoli,
book ( , NapoJi 1780, p. 226.

1 01
TH E ITALIAN WA RS VOLU M E 1

The banner displaying Saint George can also be found in the Libro d'Ore
(The Book of Hours), a prayer book by Alfonso of Aragon - called the
Magnanimous - dated c. 1447.67 On folio 78r Alfonso is depicted with his
army in the act of defeating the Moors. The Aragonese King is recognisable
by the tinctures gules and or of Aragon and by the emblems sported on his
horse barding: namely, the millet plant and the open book, which are other
emblems of his. Behind him, two ensigns bear the banner of Aragon and
of Saint George. Alfonso never faced an Islamic army; the aforementioned
images originate from traditional depictions of the Battle of the Puig ( 1 237),
which took place during the Spanish Reconquista. According to the legend, in
that battle Saint George helped King James I of Aragon defeat the Moors and,
since then, he became the patron saint of the Aragonese Kingdom in Spain,
and thereafter also in southern Italy. In the latter, the worship of the Saint was
put together with the cult dedicated to archangel Michael, the dragon slayer,
who was much loved in the territory. Because of such devotion Ferrandino
bore in his army the banners of the two saints.
The Red Cross was sported by Aragonese soldiers also as identification
mark. In September 1494, Bernanrdo Dovizi from Bibbiena, secretary of
Piero de' Medici under the King of Naples, went with the Aragonese troops
leaded by Ferrandino - at that time, Duke of Calabria. The army was sent
to Romagna to hinder the French advance towards Florence. In a letter to
Piero de' Medici, dated 3 September 1 494, Dovizi writes the following words
about the soldiers: "Tucti li soldati portano suUa spalla la becha biancha con
le croci rosse che e il contrassegno pel quale si conoscono fra li inimici quando
venissino aUe mant: that is, "All soldiers have a white band on their shoulder,
which displays the red cross, as it's the mark they use to tell their soldiers
from the enemies during the battle':61! During such a war, the white band
with a red cross was not only an Aragonese emblem, but also the identifying
mark of the Italian armies, while the French army had a white cross instead,
as mentioned in the section about Francesco Gonzaga.
Last but not least is the impresa of Ferdinand 11, also mentioned by
Paolo Giovio. Ferdinand's impresa was a diamond mountain and displayed
the motto: "Naturae non artis opus", "A work of nature, not of art". The
allegoric significance of such impresa lays in the diamond faces. They look
as though they are crafted using grinders and wheels but they are born this
way by nature. Also the virtues of noblemen are crafted by nature, as their
compassion and generosity are innate and not learned as art can be.69 On a
miniature of that period Ferdinand is depicted on horseback. His mount has
a blue harness, on which golden mountains are embroidered. This impresa
had also been borne by King Ferdinand I, grandfather of Ferdinand 11 and
can be seen on various codes and on the bronze gates of Castel Nuovo in
Naples.

67 Manuscript MS28962. British Library.

68 G.L. Moncallero, Epistolario di Bernardo Dovizi da Bibbiena. vol. 1. Florence (Olschki, 1955).
p. 91.
69 Giovio. Dialogo delle imprese militari e amorose, p. 57.

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 M I LITARY H ERALDRY IN TH E FIFTEENTH CENTU RY

The Heraldry of the House of Sforza

The main insignia of the House of Sforza, Dukes of Milan, was the Ducale,
namely a quartered escutcheon: 1 , 4, an eagle sable on a field or; 2, 3, a
wavy serpent blue in pale on a field argent, devouring a child. This coat
of arms belonged to Gian Galeazzo Visconti, who was appointed Duke of
Milan by Emperor Wenceslaus I of Luxembourg in 1 395. Together with this
title, Visconti received also the concession of joining his personal emblem
together with the Imperial one. And that is how the Ducale was born: the
Visconti's biscione (serpent) joined together with the eagle, representing the
Roman Empire. The Sforzas became heirs to the house of Visconti when
Francesco Sforza married Bianca Maria Visconti, last heir of the Milanese
family. Together with the Duchy of Milan, the Sforzas inherited the Viscontis'
emblems and coat of arms, among which was the Ducale (see Plate F, fig. 4).
The house of Sforza, originally Attendolo, arose in Cotignola (Emilia­
Romagna) and their coat of arms was the quince tree. Hereinafter, the lion
rampant or, conceded in 140 1 to Muzio Attendolo - Francesco's father - by
Emperor Rupert of Bavaria, was joined together with said canting arms.70
The Sforzas' device was quarterly divided and displayed a wavy azure and
argent coupled with a red field; the impresa of different members of the
House were painted or embroidered on the field gules. This device was used
by Muzio during his militancy in the company of the condottiero Alberico da
Barbiano. In said period, he was named Sforza, a nickname that became the
official family name of the whole House.71
The Sforzas sported many imprese. Among the most commons are the
morsel - or moraglia - sported by Muzio, the three interlocking rings, and
the dog under a pine tree, both sported by his son, Francesco. As already
mentioned, with the acquisition of the Duchy of Milan, the Sforzas retained
also the Viscontis' imprese, such as the Radia Magna (a radiant sun), the
dove, the handkerchief and many others.
Some documents dating back to the period of Galeazzo Maria's dukedom,
son of Francesco, have been preserved to the present day. Said documents
describe the personal imprese of several members of the Sforzas,72 and report
a court's commission of robes, precious ornaments and devices for a vast
majority of their army to celebrate Saint George's Day on 23 April 1475. The
commission amounted to 1 ,205 giornee (Italian Renaissance sleeveless tunics)
with the Sforzas' device, namely quarterly divided as follows: 1, 4 gules and
2, 3 barry wavy azure and argent/3 Four hundred and fifty of the said giornee

70 A coat of arms that displays as its main subject objects, animals, people or elements that allude
very obviously to the surname of the family to which they refer.
71 A. Minuti, 'Vita di Muzio Attendol0 Sforza', by G. Porro Lambertenghi, in Miscellanea di
Storia [taliana, Turin 1869. pp. 116-117.
72 G. Porro Lambertenghi, 'Lettere di Galeazzo Maria Sforza duca di Milano', in Archivio Storico
Lombardo, Milan, year V. 1878. pp. 128-129; C. Morbio. Codice visconteo-sforzesco, ossia
Raccolta di legg;, decreti e lellere famigliari di famiglia dei duchi di Milano. in Storie dei
Municipi [taliani. vot. 6, Milan 1846. pp. 448-451.
73 In the iconographies of the time. when depicting giornee with the Sforzas' tinctures, the order
of the colours was often inverted.

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TH E ITALIAN WA RS VOLU M E 1

were intended for the men-at-arms of Duke Galeazzo's family; they displayed
the crown impresa on the sections gules of the quarterly-divided field, namely
a ducal crown or crossed by one olive branch and one palm branch, usually
stretched apart. This impresa belonged to Filippo Maria Visconti, third Duke of
Milan, and it was sported also by Galeazzo Maria. Of the aforementioned 450
giornee, 26 of them were velvet tunics for the squadron leaders, whereas the
others were made of cloth. Three hundred and fisty giornee were meant for the
men -at -arms of the Lance Spezzate74 and displayed the sempervivum (common
house leek) impresa. The sempervivum tectorum is a perennial flowering plant
which can grow strong even in barren lands; such an impresa was fitting for
Galeazzo, given that it was a sign of strong character and considerable strength
even in the hardest times. The depicted plants were always three in number
and were accompanied by the motto Mit Zeit, meaning "Over time� Of the
giornee meant for the Lance Spezzate, 2 1 were velvet tunics and were to be
worn by the squadron leaders, whereas the others were made of cloth. The
400 knights lead by the Duke's brothers were subdivided in four groups:
Filippo Maria's men-at-arms sported the dog under a pine tree impresa, an
emblem that belonged to Barnabo Visconti and then to Francesco Sforza;
Sforza Maria's, Duke of Bari, sported the Morsel impresa, which belonged to
Muzio; Ottaviano Maria's knights sported the Piumavo impresa, namely three
ostrich feathers, respectively gules, white and azure; lastly, Ludovico the Moor's
knights sported the Scopino (little broom), displayed on the giornea's sections
gules of the quarterly-divided field.75 The giornee of the Sforza brothers'
knights were made of cloth, with the exception of the 35 velvet tunics meant
for the squadron leaders. Moreover, four giornee were commissioned for the
governors of the Lance Spezzate and one for one of the men -at-arms of the
family. The list continues with the commission of 750 giornee and jackets for
every knight's boys or pages; however, tinctures are not specified Lastly, in the
commission it is recommended to tailor beautiful giornee for the four brothers,
each embroidered with their personal impresa. Thanks to these documents it
is not only possible to learn which were the Sforzas' personal imprese, but also
how they were used in their army. Said imprese, however, were meant to be
used solely for the Duke's high-profile men-at-arms.
Gastone Cambin's study of 1987 on Milanese Rotellas (small round
shield), spoils of the war of Giornico ( 1478), provides further insight on the
use of imprese in the Milanese army.76 In this battle, the army of the Duchy of
Milan suffered a crushing defeated against a Swiss army, which was inferior
in number. Among the spoils of war there were many rotellas painted with
coat of arms or symbols belonging to the ducal court or to Milanese families
linked to the Sforzas. Of these shields, about 40 of them are kept in Swiss
museums; all of them display a main figure and their edges are decorated
with ducal identification marks or others. More than the half of said shields
are decorated with the Sforzas' tinctures and emblems, such us the wavy azure

74 Lance Spezzate was the name given to Italian military elite units whose captain was deceased.
75 For the Sforzas' imprese, please see C. Maspoli. Stemmario Trivulziano (Milan: Niccolo Orsini
De Marzo, 2000). pp. 29-44.
76 G. Cambin, Le rotelle milanesi, Giornico 1478 (Fribourg: Societa Svizzera di Araldica, 1987)

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 M I LITARY H ERALDRY IN THE FIFTEENTH CENTU RY

and argent on a red field; alternatively, these three tinctures were painted in
various shapes on the edge of the shield.
Five shields display the ducal emblem, namely the crown with the piumai
on top. The piumai was an olive branch and a palm branch with the initials
IO-GA at their side. These letters refer to Gian Galeazzo Sforza, who at
the time was only formally Duke of Milan; given his young age, only nine
years old, and the death of his father, Galeazzo Maria, in 1476 it was his
mother, Bona di Savoia, who governed in his place. Four shields display the
Capiturgium cum gassa, namely the knotted handkerchief, and the Radia
Magna (the sun), which were both Viscontis' imprese inherited by the
Sforzas. Six round shields display the Sforzas' wavy together with the coat
of arms of the House of Sanseverino, a family of condottieri married into
the House of Sforza. Many round shields have their edges decorated with
chevrons gules and argent, namely one of the Viscontis' emblems inherited
by the Sforzas. About 20 shields display imprese and coat of arms of Milanese
families linked to the House of Sforza, among which the following have been
identified: the Trivulzios, the Cottas, the Pusterlas the Lonatis, the Crivellus,
and the Arcimboldis.
In military history, rotellas were usually wielded by infantrymen. Paolo
Giovio describes the Milanese infantrymen of the Battle of Fornovo, led by
the Count of Caiazzo, as following: they wielded long spears, partisans and
rotellas77 (see Plate D, fig. 3). However, the rotellas of Giornico are so rich
in decorations and in details that historians suggested that, in said battle,
they were used as insignias by cavalry captains. As a matter of fact, the only
existing iconography of the battle - a Swiss miniature in Diebold Schilling's
chronicle - depicts knights with rotellas.78
Let us now proceed with the analysis of the imprese of Ludovico the Moor,
who became Duke of Milan shortly after the Battle of Fornovo took place.
In one of the Duke's portraits of the fifteenth century, credited to Giovanni
Antonio Boltraffio, it is possible to admire Ludovico's garments embroidered
with his favourite imprese: the little broom, the morsel, the axe, the Radia
Magna, the dove, the Buratto (sieve), together with the ducal emblem. His
most beloved impresa out of them all was the little broom, whose origins are
explained by Paolo Giovio as follows:

. . . he caused to be depaynted in the Castle. Italie in the forme of a Queene. inuefted

with a golden robe, wherein were embrodered all the chiefe Cities of Italie, according
to their right semblance: and before her standing a wayting blacke More, with a Brush
in his hand. Whereat on a time. the ambassadour ofFlorence merueiling, demaunded
of the Duke. to what endeserued this blacke Page which brushed the robe and the
cities. To whome the Duke answered, To cleanse them from all filth. to giue him to
understand that the More was iudge ofltalie. to order her as he thought good.79

77 Giovio, La prima parte delle Istorie del suo tempo. p. 94.

78 Cambin, pp. 97-98.
79 Giovio, translated by S. Daniell. The Worthy tract of P. Jovius, contayning a Discourse of
rare inventions, both Militarie and Amorous called Imprese. Whereunto is added a Preface
contayning the Arte of composing them, with many other notable devises (London 1585), p. 71.

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THE ITALIAN WARS VOLU M E 1

As contemporary historian Sanaudo reports in his description of the ducal

ceremony of investiture in Milan (26 May 1495), Ludovico's device had
white and purpura (purple) tinctures.80 A similar match with white and
morello (heraldic term for purple-red tinctures) can be found in the device
of Galeazzo Maria Sforza, his brother. These colours are mentioned in a
document concerning the wedding preparations of Duke Galeazzo with Bona
ofSavoy in 1 468.81 Moreover, the white and morello device is mentioned in the
Letters ofGaleazzo Maria; in a letter dated 9 April 1475, the court secretary,
Gotardo Panigarole, commissions white and morello cloth to tailor: "sedece
para de calze a la divisa biancha et morella': that is, "sixteen pairs of stockings
with white and morello tinctures': 82 Moreover, chronicler Bernardino Corio
reports in his Storia di Milano (History of Milan) ofGaleazzo Marias personal
device;83 however, it should not be confused with the Sforzas device - that
had white, azure and gules tinctures - which belonged to the whole House.84
Furthermore, in the Letters a banner belonging to Duke Galeazzo Maria
is mentioned; it had white and morello tinctures, and displayed an eagle with
a small depiction of the resurrection on top.85 A similar banner belonging to
Gian Galeazzo is alluded to in Le Livre des drapeaux de Fribourg by Pierre
Crolot who, in 1 647, reproduced the flags preserved in Saint Nicholas'
Church in Fribourg; these flags were captured by the Swiss throughout
numerous battles. Galeazzo's banner displays an impresa depicting a
sparrowhawk encircled in a sun or taking some ducks on a pond by surprise.
Crolot reproduced also a banner with the Sforzas' quarterly divided arms:
the wavy azure and argent together with the field gules displaying the
Interlocking Rings impresa. This banner belonged to Massimiliano Sforza,
son of Ludovico the Moor.86
At the end of the fifteenth century, thus, the army of the Sforza dukes
sported both devices: the Sforzas' and the white and morello one.
Around the time of Charles VIII's expedition in Italy, chronicles mention
a banner displaying an eagle and a biscione (serpent) - namely the Ducale ­
awarded to Gianfrancesco Sanseverino, count of Caiazzo, on 27 July 1494 by
Ludovico the Moor, together with the appointment as Captain General of the
Milanese troops. This condottiero sported his family emblem: fesse gules on
a field argent that, as it was already mentioned, was displayed on five rotellas
of Giornico, and was painted and quartered together with the Sforzas' wavy
arms. These shields were carried by the Sanseverinos' representatives.87

80 Sanudo, La spedizione di Carlo VIII in Ilalia, p. 353.

81 L. Beltrami, Gli sposali di Galeazzo Maria SJorza (Milan: F. Pagnoni, 1893), p. 30.
82 Lambertenghi, p. 267.
83 B. Corio, Sloria di Milano (Milan: Colombo. 1857), vot. 3, p. 26 1.
84 Among the many iconographies of the time depicting the Sforzas' device: C. Santoro, Gli
slemmari della biblioleca Trivulziana. Lausanne, 1948; De Sphaera. miniature attributed to
Cristoforo de Predis, c. 1470; G rammalica del Donalo, manuscript of the codex 2 167 and 2 163
preserved in the Bibl ioteca Trivulziana in Milan.
85 Lambertenghi. pp. 128-129.
86 Cam bin, pp. 363-369. 380--383.
87 Cambin, pp. 205-208.

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 M IL ITARY H E RALDRY IN THE FIFTEENTH CENTU RY

During the siege ofNovara (July-September 1495), chronicler Alessandro

Benedetti describes Ludovico the Moor's banner as oddfor the ducal heraldry,
as it depicted a Moor seizing with his right hand an eagle's wings and choking
a dragon with his left (see Plate F, fig. 3). Benedetti does not describe any
tinctures; however, the symbolic meaning behind the banner is unequivocal:
at last, the Duke had seized the yearned-for Duchy of Milan.8s

The Heraldry of the House of Fortebracci and of Bemardino

In the Sala dei Notari (Palazzo dei Priori), Perugia (central Italy), is displayed
the coat of arms of Braccio Fortebracci - grandfather of Bernardino. These
arms display a German-type shield or have a half-body ram rampant sable in
the middle. Above the shield, there is a helmet argent trimmed with golden
leaves, and lambrequins with acanthus leaves. The helmet has a sitting leopard
as its crest. The emblem is described in the Graziani's Chronicle, namely in
the passage describing Braccio's funeral, which was posthumously celebrated
in 1432 under concession of Pope Eugene IV. The extract reads as follows: ". . .
le bandiere gialle e nere tutte con el montone': that is "... the yellow and black
flags displaying the half-body ram':89
Among the many recent descriptions of this arms, it is important to
mention the Raccolta Ceramelli Papiani. In quire 2093, in which the House
of Fortebracci da Montone is mentioned, said coat of arms is described as
follows: "or, with a ram rampant sable, crowned in silver':
The leopard sejant, instead, is displayed as impresa on Braccio's flags,
which are mentioned both in Vita di Braccio by Campano as well as in
Graziani's Chronicle. This impresa was used also by Braccio's men, such as
the Piccininos, his nephew Niccolo della Stella, and the count Carlo, who
was the father of Bernardino (see Plate G, fig. 3). In Matarazzo's Chronicle
the Perugian family of la Penna is mentioned in the following passage: "their
coat of arms was the leopard; it was gifted to them by count Carlo, and it was
his coat of arms and device. Said device was all red in the right part and in the
left was half white and half blue': The chronicler adds that also the tinctures
of the aforementioned device were gifted to the la Pennas; Braccio and Muzio
Sforza owned these tinctures since when they both served in Lodovico da
Barbiano's militia.90
In this regard, Antonio Minuti, a biographer contemporary of Muzio,
wrote that, when Muzio Sforza and Braccio Fortebraccio were companions
under the command of Barbiano, they worn the same device, namely the wavy
blue and argent, and the field gules. The two condottieri, however, sported a
different field partition and different dimensions of the wavy: Muzio sported
big waves, whereas Braccio's were gentler. In the devices displayed on their
tunics, caparisons and insignias, Sforza's waves were bigger than Braccio's. The
stockings, based on Minuti's description, were white and blue on the right leg,

88 Benedetti, p. 39.
89 "Diario del Graziani". Arch;v;o Slor;co Ilaliano XVI I , 1 850. p. 36 1 .
90 "Cronaca del Matarazzo". Arch;v;o Slor;co Ilaliano 1 85 1 . book XVI, second part. p. 1 00.

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THE ITALIAN WARS VOLU M E 1

and fully red on the left for the Sforza's men. On the contrary, Braccio's men
wore them reversed: red on the right and half white half blue on the left. 9 1
However, there is no information on the device nor on the impresa of
Bernardino Fortebracci. He died in Padua in May 1 532, and nothing is left of
his memorial stone. Thanks to the chronicles it is known that he was severely
wounded in Fornovo and recognised among the fallen due to the emblem
on his garments. In the documents of the time, he is often mentioned as
the chief of Braccio's men; it is thus plausible for him to sport the leopard
impresa, as well as a white, blue and red device (see Plate D, fig. 4).

Heraldry of Alessandro CoUeoni-Martinengo

The coat of arms of the House Colleoni-Martinengo was party per pale:
in the left, two pairs of testicles argent on a field gules, above one pair of
testicles gules on a white field (the Colleoni's arms); in the right, the eagle
displayed gules on a field or (the Martinengo's arms). Alessandro and Astore
Colleoni -Martinengo were sons of Gherardo Martinengo and Ursina, who
was the firstborn of the condottiero (an Italian military leader) Bartolomeo
Colleoni. Bartolomeo adopted the two brothers and, when he died - since he
did not have male heirs - he passed on his surname and coat of arms to them,
together with his most valued properties, such as the castles of Romano,
Urgnano, Martinengo, Calcinate, Cologno, Cavernago, and Malpaga.
In the Sanctuary of Our Lady of Basella in Urgagno, where Alessandro was
buried in 1 527, many of the Colleoni-Martinengo's arms are displayed. Such
arms are the aforementioned party per pale escutcheon and others of different
shape, among which the emblem of Colleoni -Naples is displayed several times.
This emblem is the personal impresa of Bartolomeo, granted to him by the
young queen Giovanna of Naples for his services. It displays two lion's heads
connected by a striped bar gules and white. This impresa became the identifying
military mark of Bartolomeo's troops and his heirs (see Plate H, fig. 3).
In the frescoes ofMalpaga castle, the aforementioned impresa is displayed
on the clothes of all Colleoni's soldiers. Since 1456, Bartolomeo chose the
castle as his favourite residence, renovating it and transforming it into a
fortress and a beautiful residence. It was there that he hosted his entourage
of artists, nobles and important personalities of that time, such as Christian
I, King of Denmark, who visited in 1474.
The castle walls are entirely frescoed. The inner walls are decorated with
French-Lombard frescoes, which were commissioned when Bartolomeo
was still alive. The frescoes in the courtyard and main hall at the ground
floor, instead, were commissioned in the sixteenth century by Alessandro
Colleoni-Martinengo. In the courtyard, Bartolomeo's war feats are depicted.
In the main hall the frescoes, credited to the painter Romanino's school,
depict the arrival at the castle of Christian I and his royal court, the
hospitality of Bartolomeo, banquets, jousts and hunt scenes. The military

91 Minuti, pp. 1 1 6-1 1 7.

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 M I LITARY H ERALDRY IN THE F IFTEENTH CENTU RY

38 Knight of Col leoni­

scenes depicted are the focus of this analysis. Sadly, the frescoes in the outer Martinengo; detai l from the
walls are badly spoiled due to exposure to adverse weather. However, in the frescoes i n Mal paga Castle.

battle scenes Colleoni's knights are depicted with the lion and bar impresa Bergamo. Reproduction of
the d rawing made by the
on their garments, which were mostly red. The banners display the same author.
emblem on a goules or white and goules field. In the scene that depicts the
King of Denmark, probably painted by another artist and better preserved
because it is located indoors, the Colleoni-Naples' impresa is displayed on
garments and insignias, in greater detail.
Garments and weapons are of the sixteenth century (the frescoes
dates precisely 1 520), the King's guard is dressed after the manner of the
Landsknecht and so are the other noblemen depicted. Colleoni's infantrymen
wield partisans and falchions, weapons popular at the end of the fifteenth
century and at the beginning of the sixteenth century. Furthermore, a few
men are depicted wearing a burgonet, a helmet used in the first half of the
sixteenth century.
It is interesting how the knights participating in the tournament in
honour of Christian I were depicted. They wear armours and jousting
helmets, namely a helmet with a big front plate that forms the ventail. The
horses wear metal crownpieces as well. As previously mentioned, surcoats
and shabraques display the Colleoni-Naples' impresa, enriched with other
personal emblems. One captain, in fact, is depicted on a horse with a red
barding, covered in the two initials A and F, whereas on its back the Lady
Fortune impresa is displayed. Next to him, there is another captain on a
horse with a white barding and the Lion's head and Phoenix impresa on it;
the latter, being surely a personal emblem. Another knight wears a helmet
with a Hydra of Lerna crest.92

92 Infantrymen and knights depicted in the frescoes wear red and white tinctures; however, there
are also many infantrymen and pages wearing white. red and green tinctures. Furthermore,

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THE ITALIAN WA RS VOLU M E 1

Lastly, the last knight of the joust is depicted at full gallop while he is
hitting with his spear a charging opponent coming from the opposite side.
The robes and barding of said knight are fully white displaying the Colleoni­
Naples' impresa. On his horse's chest and back two emblems are visible, both
of them displaying the eagle goules on a field or, namely the Martinengo's
coat of arms (see Img. 38).
Maybe the aforementioned knight is Gherardo, Alessandro's father; or
maybe Gaspare, son-in-law of Bartolomeo. In fact, both men, at the time,
were in Bartolomeo's army. However, the subject could also be Alessandro
Colleoni-Martinengo who, at the time when Christian I visited, was 20
years old and was also the favourite among Bartolomeo's grandchildren.
Alessandro was a good fighter and a lover of fine arts. In fact, it was he who
commissioned the frescoes described in the previous paragraphs.93

The Device of Annibale 11 Bentivoglio

The partition of the family crest of the Bentivoglios was per bend and
indented. The field was golden and red. In heraldic language, this emblem
was called "the Saw':
Like all members of the aristocracy in Italy, the Bentivoglios had devices,
whose colours were red, green and blue.
Such colours can be found in the decorations frescoed by Lorenzo Costa
( 1488) in the Bentivoglio Chapel of the Basilica of San Giacomo Maggiore
in Bologna.
In the Cronaca di Galeazzo Marescotti de' Calvi (Chronicle of Galeazzo
Marescotti de' Calvi), a poem in Latin can be found, which was written around
1460 and dedicated to Annibale I Bentivoglio, grandfather of Annibale 11.94
A miniature is depicted at the beginning of such poem, which is embellished
with red, blue and green flower decorations. At the centre of the paper, a page
is drawn, who wears stockings and a tunic sporting the same colours.
In 1493, Ludovico the Moor elected Giovanni 11 Bentivoglio as
Governor-general of the army of Milan. Giovanni 11 went to Milan to receive
such distinguished rank. The emblem of the rank displayed 1 2 groups of
infantrymen and knights. Such depicted men had spears, partizans, bills,
crossbows and hand cannons and wore stockings which displayed the
Bentivoglio device: red, green and light blue.95
Giovanni reigned over Bologna from 1463 to 1 506. He married Ginevra
Sforza in 1464. They had 1 6 children. One of them was Annibale 11, who
distinguished himself in the battle of Fornovo. In 1 50 1 , the ambitions of

some knights wear the Colleoni-Naples' impresa as a crest.

93 C. Fumagalli, 11 castello e le pillure di Malapaga (Milan, 1903); Exhibition: Colleoni events,
Gli stemmi ritrovati. segni araldici a Malpaga. Exhibition by Gabriele Medolago, 12 August-3
September 2017.
94 Cronaca di Galeazzo Marescotti. found in some manuscripts in the Archiginnasio Library in
Bologna, (Shelfmark: b 1176)
95 G. Gozzadini, Memorie per la vita di Giovanni Bentivoglio (Bologna: Belle Arti, 1839), pp.
93-94.

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 M IL ITARY H E RALDRY I N THE FIFTEENTH CENTU RY

Cesare Borgia (called "Valentino") turned to the city of Bologna. Giovanni

therefore had to hire an army. According to chronicles of that time, he
enrolled 60 knights. They wore blue, green and red overcoats and sported
a knot on their chest. The device had silver embroideries and displayed the
motto Fides et amor. Even the sons of Giovanni enrolled knights, whose
uniforms were different, and had other tinctures.
Annibale recruited 40 men and gave them green and grey garments. The
device they sported depicted a leopard over a fire, which kept a palm branch
between his paws. Alexander enrolled other 40 men and gave them light blue
and red robes and a device showing a stack of knotted branches. Ermete
enrolled 40 men as well and gave them another uniform, green in the upper
part and white and red in the lower part; it sported the "pear" device. Anton
Galeazzo called 40 men to arms. They bore the unicorn emblem and the
Bentivoglio colours: green, blue and red.96
According to the source documents, various members of powerful Italian
families personalised the heraldic designs: they modified various elements of
devices, tinctures included.
Chronicles or documents of that time do not show if Annibale II's
men always bore green and grey tinctures during battles (therefore, also in
Fornovo) or if they also wore the three Bentivoglio colours. In contemporary
chronicles, instead, Annibale's most important device is described: in
addition to the leopard, Annibale possessed an emblem of a hawk coming
out of its nest. This emblem displayed the motto Nunc mihi or Omnes vias
novit.97
Annibale appears with his brothers in the fresco of Lorenzo Costa in the
aforementioned Bentivoglio Chapel. On Annibale's garments a falcon (or
some other sort of bird of prey) is embroidered on the chest (See Plate D,
fig. 2).

The Engraving of "The Battle of Fornovo"

The engraving of "The Battle of Fornovo" is preserved in the National Gallery

of Art, Washington, DC. It is a piece dated from 1495 to 1 506, credited to
an unknown French artist. This engraving is particularly important for its
accurate representation of garments, weapons, and identification marks of
the fighters (see Img. 39).
The scene depicts a view from the north: in the upper part of the
engraving, on the other side of the river Taro, there is the League's military
camp, protected by a rampart with large openings for cannons. The Italian
troops are distinguished by several banners; the central one displays Saint
Mark's Lion. On the extreme right of the engraving, always on the other side
of the river, there is a castle that should represent Fornovo and behind it, in
the background, the city of Pontremoli burning. Under the river Taro, the

96 Gozzadini, p. 1 27 .
9 7 Gozzadini, pp. 2 8 , 52. 227.

111
THE ITALIAN WARS VOLU M E 1
39 Engraving of "The Battle
of Fornovo" preserved i n the
National Gal lery of Art i n
Washi ngton. D.e.
1 12
battle is depicted, which takes almost all the composition, and is divided in
three parts.
In the centre of the engraving, there is the Swiss infantry square repelling
enemy infantrymen and knights. The military formation is well organised, full
of pikes, and with five flags carried in the middle displaying the white cross
(see Img. 40). All infantrymen are armed with pikes and wear cuirasses. Their
clothing is typical of Swiss mercenaries: a heavy jacket over the cuirass, tight
stockings with the colours of their device, and a cap, often with long feathers
on top. All infantrymen have long hair and no beard; some of them sport
the white cross on their thigh. The Swiss soldiers depicted in a xylography of
the Battle of Dornach (Swabian war, 1499) and in the illustrated manuscript
Cronaca Di Partenope (Chronicle of Naples), wear garments and have
weapons similar to those of the Swiss infantrymen in the Battle of Fornovo.
Behind the military formation there are several cannons, and on the flanks
there are two groups of Swiss soldiers armed with hand cannons. Directly
above the square military formation, there are some French archers bearing
a banner charged with three fleurs-de-lys; their captain has a "halberd". These
infantrymen are probably the archers of the Royal Guard.
In front of the Swiss infantry square, half-hidden in a wood, there is an
Italian cavalry squadron waiting, bearing the banner of Saint Mark. Under
this squadron there are other knights and infantrymen fleeing, depicted in the
act of entering the forest. Among them, it is possible to see two targoni (great
shields) displaying the Sforzas' biscione (serpent), whereas another shield
and a horse caparison display the Gonzagas' sun. All Italian infantrymen
wear sallets, doublets, and stockings, and are armed with partisans. On
 M I LITARY H E RALDRY IN THE FIFTEENTH CENTU RY

40 Depiction o f the Swi s s

i n fa ntry square; deta i l from
the left, under the said group, there are Stratioti mercenaries pillaging the "The Battle of Fornovo".

belongings of the French (see Img. 4 1 ). The Stratioti are dressed as they were
described in the chronicles of the time: they have long beards, unkempt hair,
coats, shields, spears with weathercocks, and scimitars.98 The French soldiers,
mainly pages, are depicted in the act of defending themselves with swords
and clubs; they all sport the cross on their chests and backs. There are also
several women in the train of the French army who are trying to flee; one of
them is depicted lying on the ground, beheaded.
The remaining side of the engraving, the right side, represents the clash
between the French cavalry and the Italian cavalry, the latter being supported
by numerous infantrymen (see Img. 42). The French are depicted in the
act of charging in an ordinate formation; the Italians, on the contrary, are
retreating disordered, and there are many fallen among their lines. At the
head of the French formation there is King Charles VIII, armed with a sword,
who is facing an Italian knight armed with a spear; the horse of this knight
has a caparison displaying the sun impresa. This Italian knight is probably
the representation of Francesco Gonzaga, commander of the League army.
The King wears his crown on top of his helmet and, over his armour, he
wears a garment displaying the Cross of Jerusalem, as it is described in the
chronicles.99
Right under the King, another French knight is depicted wearing a
small crown on his head; he might be the prince Mathieu "Grand Batard"

98 Sanudo. La spedizione di Carlo VI/I in Ilalia, p. 3 1 3 .

99 De La Vigne. Hisloire de Charles VIII. Roy de France, p. 2 1 2; Commynes, Memoires, p. 42 1 .

1 13
TH E ITALIAN WARS VOLUM E 1

41 Stratioti assaulting the baggage of the French; detail from ·The Battle of Fornovo�

42 The clash between the French cavalry, at the bottom, and the Ita l ian cavalry, at the top; in the centre, Charles VI II is depicted with
his sword while facing Gonzaga, who is a rmed with a lance.

1 14
 M I LITARY H ERALD RY IN TH E FIFTEENTH CENTU RY

of Bourbon. All the French knights are dressed as in the descriptions: over
the armour they wear a long-sleeved garment, and their horses have no
caparisons, but only harnesses. 100 Moreover, they all sport the white cross on
their chests and backs. The Italian knights, on the contrary, wear the giornea
over their armour, namely a sleeveless surcoat that covered chest and back,
and are armed with swords or with a dagger called a cinquedea. Their horses
wear leather harnesses, as was customary at the time. IDI Two knights mount
horses with caparisons displaying the sun impresa: one of them, as it was
already mentioned, is probably Francesco Gonzaga, the only one without a
broken spear. The other knight is located on the other side, on the left, and is
depicted in the act of falling offhis horse, hit by the sword of a French knight.
His horse wears a caparison displaying the rays of the sun, an element that
could identify the knight as Rodolfo Gonzaga, who died in this battle. Lastly,
all the Italian infantrymen have the targone (great oval shield) of that time,
and are armed with partisans, though the foot soldiers used different types
of spears or pole weapons. They wear doublets, stockings, and small helmets
or Cervellieres. These infantrymen are similar to those depicted by Vittorio
Carpaccio on the canvases of the Legend of Saint Ursula, dated between 1490
and 1495.

1 00 Sanudo. La spedizione di Carlo VII[ in [talia, p. 479; Giovio, La prima parte delle [storie del
suo tempo, p. 54.
1 0 1 Giovio, La prima parte delle [storie del suo tempo. p. 54.

1 15
 Colour Plates Commentary

Plate A: King Charles in Fomovo

Fig. 1 French standard bearer with the royal banner azure, three fleurs-de-lys
or.
Fig. 2 King Charles VIII wearing a white and violet garment scattered with
golden Jerusalem Crosses (see "Heraldry under Charles VIII").
Fig. 3 Mathieu "Grand Bcltard" of Bourbon, adviser and chamberlain of the
King. At the Battle of Fornovo, together with the Lord of Ligny and
Lord de Pienne, he dressed in the same livery as the King to confuse the
enemy.

Plate B: Francesco Gonzaga in Fornovo

Fig. 1 Gonzagas page wearing the red and green colours of the Gonzagas on
his giornea.
Fig. 2 Stratioti soldier in the pay of Venice.
Fig. 3 Standard of the Republic of Venice displaying Saint Mark's winged lion.
Fig. 4 Francesco Gonzaga sporting his heraldic colours (see "The Device of
Francesco I Gonzaga, Marquess of Mantua).
Fig. 5 Rodolfo Gonzaga.
Fig. 6 Gonzagas' battle standard.

Plate C: French knights and infantrymen

Fig. 1 Garde Ecossaise of Charles VIII.

Fig. 2 Guard Captain of Charles VIII (see "Heraldry under Charles VIII").
Fig. 3 French man-at-arms.
Fig. 4 French infantryman.

1 16
 COLO U R PLATES COMM ENTARY

Plate D: Italian army in Fomovo

Fig. 1 Venetian infantryman, drawing taken from the Legend of Saint Ursula
by Vittore Carpaccio.
Fig. 2 Annibale Bentivoglio.
Fig. 3 Milanese infantryman (see "The heraldry of the House of Sforza").
Fig. 4 Bernardino Fortebracci.

Plate E: War in the Kingdom of Naples

Fig. 1 Swiss pikeman in the pay of France.

Fig. 2 Scottish archer on horse fighting under Bernard Steward, Lord of
Aubigny (see "The Impresa of the Lord of Aubigny").
Fig. 3 Aragonese infantryman and, on the ground, a shield with the colours
of Aragon.

Plate F: Heraldry 1

Fig. 1 Standard of the 100 gentlemen of the Maison du Roi (King's House) of
Charles VIII.
Fig. 2 Standard of the 200 archers of the Petite Garde du Roi (King's Small
Guard) of King Charles VIII.
Fig. 3 Standard of Ludovico the Moor when he had just become Duke.
Fig. 4 The Ducale, namely the Sforzas' main insignia.
Fig. 5 Flag of the Aragonese infantry.
Fig. 6 Aragonese standard displaying Saint George's cross.

Plate G: Heraldry 2

Fig. 1 Square-shaped battle standard of the Gonzagas.

Fig. 2 Square-shaped battle standard displaying the impresa of Gian Giacomo
Trivulzio.
Fig. 3 Standard of Bernardino Fortebracci, displaying the Leopard "sejant"
impresa.
Fig. 4 Flag of the Swiss infantry in the pay of France.

Plate H: Heraldry 3

Fig. 1 Standard of Pierre de Rohan, called Marshal of Gie.

Fig. 2 Standard of Louis de la Tremoille, displaying the cogwheel impresa.
Fig. 3 Standard of Alessandro Colleoni -Martinengo.
Fig. 4 Standard of a French crossbowmen formation, displaying the image of
Saint Martin.

1 17
 Appendix

List of the French commanders of the men-at-arms, published by Pierre

de Bourdeille, Seigneur of Brantome. The list dates back to King Charles'
departure to Italy in 1494. I
Duke of Orleans 100 lances
Seigneur Jean de Foix 50 lances
Seigneur Gracian de Guerre 50 lances
Antoine de Bessey, Bailiff of Dijon 30 lances
Philibert de Clermont, Seigneur of Montoison 30 lances
Charles di\mboise, Seigneur of Chaumont 30 lances
Seigneur of Alegre 30 lances
Seigneur of CastilIon 30 lances
Seigneur of de la Palice 30 lances
Georges de Sully 30 lances
Julian de Lorraine 30 lances
Guillaume de Vergy 30 lances
Don Juan 30 lances
Adrien de l'Hospital 54 lances
Seigneur de la Place 40 lances
Philippe de Hochberg, Marshal of Burgundy 40 lances
Lord of Aubigny 100 lances
Louys of Luxembourg, Lord of Ligny 100 lances
Louis de la Tremoille 50 lances
Pierre d'Urfe, Grand Squire of France 40 lances
Jean de Polignac, Lord of Beaumont 40 lances
Seigneur of Piennes 50 lances
Jacques Ricard de Genouillac, Seneschal of Armagnac 25 lances
Seigneur of Espuy 25 lances
Pierre de Belleforiere 25 lances
Despert de Bonneville 25 lances

Brantome, vol. 11, pp. 295-297.

1 18
 APPENDIX

Seigneur of de Serves 40 lances

Gabriel de Montfaucon, Bailiff of de Meaux 40 lances
Robert de la Merche 30 lances
Jean de Baudricourt, Marshal of France 60 lances
Louis di\rmagnac, Count of Guise 60 lances
Franc;ois de Rochechouart, Lord of Chandenier 30 lances
Etienne de Vincens, Lord of Mault!on 100 lances
Aymar de Prie 25 lances
Seigneur of Canican 35 lances
Captain Houdet 25 lances
Jacques de Vendome, Captain 100 gentlemen
of the King's
Guard
Jacques de Vendome, Captain Other
gentlemen of the
King's Guard
Jacques de Crussol, Captain 200 archers
of the Garde
Ecoissase

List of the French army deployed in Pontremoli with his Majesty the Most
Christian King of France on 1 November 1494, published by the Venetian
chronicler Marin Sanudo.2
Firstly, his Majesty the King with 200 gentlemen of his 200
guard with horses
Frankish archers on horse 400
Crossbowmen on horse 400
Infantrymen and provisionati 1 ,200
400 men-at-arms with 6 horses each 1 ,800
Monseigneur of Orange with horses 50
Msgr. Marshal of Beucher with horses 70
Msgr. of Pienes with horses 30
Msgr. of Myolans with horses 40
Msgr. Marshal of Brittany with horses 1 20
Men of the Prince of Orange with horses 1 20
Men of the Duke of Orleans with horses 200
Msgr. De Vaudemont with horses 30
Msgr. De Lesparre with horses 400
The Council and the Chancellery with horses 200
Pensionati with horses 400
Mules 100
Coursers 100

2 Sanudo, La spedizione di Carlo VIII in Italia, p. 1 02.

1 19
TH E ITAL IAN WARS VOLUME 1

Manservants and bedroom servants 300

Masters of the Horses 400
Total: 9,505

List of the contingent led by the Duke of Orleans in Genoa in the August of
1494, published by the Venetian chronicler Marin Sanudo.3
Firstly, the Duke of Orleans with the men of his House 300
with horses
Monseigneur De Foix with horses 50
Seigneur of Fracasso with light horses 50
Men-at-arms on horse 20
20 French captains (from the Gaul) with 4 horses each 80
Total: 530

800 men-at-arms with 2 horses each 1 ,600

Archers on horse 1 ,000
Archers on foot 1,600
Workhorses for the artillery 300
Total of horses: 2,900
Total of men on foot: 6,000

List of French soldiers who crossed the area of Novara led by the count
Borella, published by the Venetian chronicler Marin Sanudo.4
Monseigneur of Pienes with horses 400
Msgr. De Smoda 350
Msgr. De Monpensier with horses 350
Men of the Prince of Orange 50

List of the French who crossed the area of Alessandria led by Scaramuzza
Visconte, published by the Venetian chronicler Marin Sanudo.s
Monseigneur Doyson 460
Msgr. De la Tremoille 300
Msgr. De Guise 300
Msgr. the Great Squire of France 300
Msgr. De Vienon 300
Msgr. Don Zuliano 920
Total: 2,580

3 Sanudo, La spedizione di Carlo VIII in Ilalia, p. 1 03 .

4 Sanudo, La spedizione di Carlo VIII in Ilalia. p. 1 03 .
5 Sanudo, La spedizione di Carlo VIII in Ilalia, p. 1 03 .

1 20
 APPENDIX

List of French captains and Grand Masters who followed Charles VIII
for his expedition into Italy, published by the Venetian chronicler Marin
Sanudo.6
Monseigneur de Saint-Malo
Msgr. de Beucher, Chamberlain of the King
Msgr. de Brexe
Msgr. of Savoy, uncle of the King
Msgr. Marshal De Gie
Msgr. Marshal of Brittany
Mathieu, the Great Bastard of Bourbon
Msgr. Louys of Luxembourg, German cousin of the King and Count of
Ligny
Msgr. de Obegni, Captain of 100 Scots of the guard
Msgr. de La Tremoille, Chamberlain of the King
Msgr. de La Miolans, Chamberlain of the King and captain of 100
gentlemen of the King's Guard
Msgr. Francesco of Luxembourg
Msgr. de Biamont
Msgr. de Foix
Msgr. the Great Squire of France, Seigneur of Urfe
Msgr. the Parish Priest of Paris
Msgr. of Vendome, Ludovico of the House of Bourbon
Msgr. the President of Paris
Msgr. the President of Garnopoli
Msgr. Angilbert, Count of Nevers, brother of the Duke of Cleves
Msgr. de La Palice
Msgr. de La Spara
Msgr. di\rzenton
Msgr. of Citem
Msgr. of San Perus
Msgr. of Cresol, Captain of 200 archers of the guard
Msgr. Vidame de Chartres, Captain of 1 00 men-at-arms of the King's
House and 100 crossbowmen
Msgr. de La Ruota
Msgr. President of the Dauphine
Msgr. General of Brittany, loam. Frances. Chatelam
Msgr. the Parish Priest of Marisal
Msgr. Peron of Basser, Squire of the King
Msgr. Robertet, Chancellor of the King
Msgr. Biamonte of Normandy
Msgr. de Piennes

6 Sanudo, La spedizione di Carlo VIII in Ilalia, p. 1 04.

1 21
THE ITALIAN WARS VOLU M E 1

General of Languedoc
Sariach of the castle Perpignan
Don Claudio de la Cintra
Don Graziano de Guerra, Knight
Don . . . de Guerra, his brother, Captain of Ostia
Felippe de Molins
Joch de Silgi, Captain
Don Cabriel of Monfalcone
Msgr. the Bishop of . . .
Msgr. of Zoia Monte
Msgr. of Guisa
Msgr. Dandreges
Msgr. Jean de La Grande, Grand Master of the Artillery of the King
Msgr. de Persi
Msgr. de Ligni

List of the army and Colonels led by Francesco Gonzaga departed on the 1
July 1495, published by the Venetian chronicler Marin Sanudo/
Greek Stratioti led by Pietro Duodo, superintendant - 700
horses
Zuan Griego with his crossbowmen - horses 100
Sonzin Benzon and Zuan of Ravenna, crossbowmen - 100
horses
Stratioti under the Governor General - horses 100
Stratioti under Lord Talian da Carpi - horses 25
Stratioti under Annibale Bentivoglio - horses 10
Crossbowmen under the Governor General - horses 200
Crossbowmen under Ranuzo Farnese - horses 33
Crossbowmen under Antonio da Montefalco - horses 20
Crossbowmen under Count Bernardino Fortebraccio - 25
horses
Crossbowmen under Count Zuan Francesco of 10
Gambara - horses
Crossbowmen under Piero Schiavo Contarini - horses 25
Crossbowmen under the Count of Caiazzo - horses 50
Crossbowmen under Annibale Bentivoglio - horses 55
Crossbowmen under Galeotto della Mirandola - horses 50
Crossbowmen of di Carpi - horses 40

7 Sanudo, La spedizione di Carlo VIII in Ilalia, p. 447.

1 22
 APPENDIX

In his work Annali veneti Malipiero reports an accurate list of the

commanders with their respective troops from a letter of a certain
Francesco Guidiccioni, dated 8 June 1495. The numbers hereby reported
refer to the horses, not to the number of lances. 8
Francesco Gonzaga 1 ,200
D. Zufredo 740
Bernardino Contarini 676 (Stratioti)
Lance Spezzate under Colleoni 650
Ranunzio Farnese 600
Count Bernardino Frangipane of Segna 600
Giovanni Sforza of Pesaro 600
Piero Duodo 600 (Stratioti)
Count Bernardino Fortebraccio 560
Count Nicolo Rangon 400
Count Guido Guerrier 400
Count Filippo Rossi 400
Count Carlo da Pian di Meleto 400
Son of the Marquis Tadhio,9 Count 400
Giuliano da Carpi 400
Antonio da Urbino of Montefeltro 400
Annibale Bentivoglio 400
Pandolfo da Rimino 400
Lance Spezzate under Ruberteschi 350
Alessandro del Turco 300
Marco Marselengo 240
Count Giovan Francesco da Gambara 240
Taddeo della Motella 240
Alessandro Colleoni 240
Annibale da Martinengo 240
. . . della Motella \0 200
Count Alvise Avogaro 200
Giovanni Paolo Manfrone 200
Antonio di Pigli 200
Giacomazzo of Venezia 200
Piero da Cartagena 1 60
The three sons of the Count of Cartagena 1 60
The three sons of Count Cola 1 60
Tutio Costanzo 1 60
Vido Brandolin 1 60
Vincenzo Corso 1 60

8 Malipiero, p. 349.
9 It could refer to Taddeo Motella.
1 0 In the original source, only the provenance of the captain is reported, and not his name.

1 23
TH E ITALIAN WARS VOLU M E 1

Piero Chieregato of Vicenza 1 50

The son of Antoniazzo 1 50
Carlo Secco 140
Giovanni da Piemonte 1 20
Giovanni Gradenigo 100
Giovanni Greco (crossbowmen on horse) 100
Alvise Valaresso 100
The two sons of the Lord dJ\nguillara 100
Angelo Francesco da Santo Angelo 80
Giovanni della Riva 80
Roberto Strozzi 80
Alessandro Beraldo 80
Alessandro and Annibale Dolce 80
Giacomo Savorgnan 80
Lazarin da Rimini 80
Filippo Albanese 80
El Schiaveto 80
Bargo 60
Soncino da Benzone da Crema 50
Braccio di Fortebracci 50
Federico Starioto 50
Vido Paulo da Montefeltro of Urbino 50
Total horses: 1 5,526

The League Army on 4 August 1495, near Novara

Benedetti 11 describes accurately the troops of the conjoined Venetian and

Ducal armies during the inspection by Ludovico the Moor and his wife
Beatrice.
Firstly, the general Francesco Gonzaga, who rode with golden stirrups,
and his squadron flanked by the count Nicolo Pitigliano, preceded by several
fast horses with wrought stirrups and brocade horse blankets embroidered
with silver and gold. Behind them came several light "big" horses ridden by
boys wearing helmets and sallets with hackles, accompanied by a crowd of
trumpeters. After them came the infantrymen with shields, crossbows, hand
guns, and "poles" (pole weapons). Then, there were seven squadrons with
their captains at their head. Each squadron, fully deployed, consisted of 420
men-at-arms and 1 ,000 infantrymen. The men-at-arms rode horses barded
secondo la pompa (fully barded) and were armed with coloured lances with a
long and pointed end. Behind them came other 2,000 infantrymen and three
Italian light cavalry squadrons armed with light spears and crossbows, for a
total of 1 ,300 soldiers. After them followed a numerous group of Stratioti led

11 Benedetti. pp. 38-40.

1 24
 APPENDIX

by captain Bernardo Contarino; they were armed with lances, swords, targes
(small rectangular shield), and corslets (light cuirass), and they wore silk and
golden surcoats. Another squadron consisting of 300 Italian light-armoured
cavalrymen was behind them, armed with crossbows, swords, and daggers.
After it followed another squadron of 300 light-armoured cavalrymen with
pole weapons (it is unclear what Benedetti is referring to in this passage)
led by Captain Alesso. The description given of the garments of Galeazzo
da Sanseverino, Count of Caiazzo, is particularly intriguing. Benedetti
reports that he wore a French tunic (surcoat worn over the cuirass) striped
in silk and golden over his cuirass. For this peculiar attire of his, he was
harshly reproached by Duke Ludovico, who ordered him not to wear French
garments in his presence ever again. Sanseverino, his brother Anton Maria,
and de Fracasso led a squadron of 300 men-at-arms. Another squadron of
500 Burgundy men-at-arms followed, with lighter weapons than the Italians';
they rode horses without harnesses, and wore sallets in place of close helmets.
Behind them came a squadron of 6,000 German infantrymen led by Giorgio
Pietrapiana, accompanied by a crowd of drummers. The infantrymen were in
square formation - the first lines armed with long lances and the others with
bills and halberds - followed by standard bearers and with crossbowmen
marching at their right flank. When in presence of Duchess Beatrice, the
squadron formation changed from square to wedge, then it divided in two
wings to then form a circle. Lastly, there was the heavy artillery on carriages
- there were 1 7 of them - followed by the light artillery, called serpentine and
spingarde (punt-guns). The army could deploy a total of 1 5,000 soldiers.

1 25
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Other titles in this series:

No 1 Richard III and the Battle of Bosworth Mike Ingram

ISBN 978- 1 -9 1 2866- 50-2

No 2 Tanaka 1 587: laptm's Greatest Unknown Samumi Battle

Stephen TurnbuU ISBN 978- 1-912866-49-6

No 3 The Army of the Swabian League 1525 Doug Mille r

ISBN 978- 1-912866- 51-9

No 4 The Italian Wars Volume 1: The Expedition ofChtlrles VIII

into Italy and the Battle of Fornovo Massimo Predonzani
& Alberici Vincenzo. translated by bene Maccolini
ISBN 978- 1 -9 1 2866- 52-6