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THE GENESIS, DIFFUSION, STRUCTURE AND SIGNIFICANCE OF ỌZỌ TITLE IN IGBO LAND
Author(s): M. ANGULU ONWUEJEOGWU

Source: Paideuma: Mitteilungen zur Kulturkunde, Bd. 25 (1979), pp. 117-143
Published by: Frobenius Institute
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/23076441
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Paideuma 25. 1979
THE GENESIS, DIFFUSION, STRUCTURE AND SIGNIFICANCE OF

ΟΖΟ TITLE IN IGBO LAND
M. ANGULU ONWUEJEOGWU
The Genesis and Diffusion of Ozo Title
The study and the classification of Igbo political system have long been a matter of hurried
unscientific generalization made by both expatriate and indigenous scholars. One of the wildest
pronouncements is that "The Igbo have no king". This is supposed to be a translation of an
Igbo saying: "Igbo enwe Eze" which of course refers more to the proto-type of political or
ganization that existed in Igbo land thousands of years ago than to what existed between the
9th century AD and the early 20th century. Our study shows that the proto-type has under
gone changes and modifications. The "Igbo enwe Eze", saying is at present a cliche or slogan
referring to the proto-Igbo political ideology characterised by egalitarian and republican fea
tures. The egalitarian and republican ideologies derived from the proto-Igbo type continue to
feature in all extant Igbo political system studied.
The political system found in the Igbo culture area has been discussed by me (Onwue
jeogwu 1977). Here I list a summary of the typology.
Centralized :
Type Ά' Characterized by:

Segmentary Lineages, theocratic kingship, less differentiated title system e.g. Ozo
ox Eze title, age-grades, and associations e.g. Nri.
Type Έ' Characterized by :
Segmentary Lineages, secular kingship, less differentiated title system e.g. Ozo or
Eze title, differentiated title system (hierarchically arranged), age-grades and associa
tions e.g. Onitsha, Aboh, Ogwashi, Oguta, Agbor, Issele-Uku.
Type 'C' Characterized by:
Segmentary Lineages, mixed sacred and secular kingship, associations e.g. Aro
Chukwu.
Middle Range:
Type 'D' Characterized by:

Segmentary Lineages, Chiefship or headship, less differentiated title system e.g. Ozo
ox Eze title e.g. Ibagwa Ani.
Type Έ' Characterized by:
Segmentary Linages, hyper-gerontocracy, less differentiated title system e.g. Ozo or
Eze title, age-grades, associations e.g. Ibusa, Illah, Okpanam.
Type 'F' Characterized by:
Segmentary Lineages, hyper-age grades, gerontocracy, less differentiated title sys
tem e.g. Ezo or Ozo title, associations e.g. Asaba.
. Angulu Onwuejeogwu
Non-Centralized:
Type 'G' Characterized by:

Segmentary Lineages, age-grades, councils, undifferentiated title system e.g. Duru,
e.g. Mbaise.
Type Ή' Characterized by:
Segmentary Lineages, Councils. Associations, e.g. Ngwa.
Type Ί' Characterized by:
Segmentary Lineage system only — proto-Igbo type.
There is no Igbo town at present that operates the proto-Igbo type only. The ideology
"Igbo has no Kings" is based on the operation of segmentary lineage system only, for our
typology shows that Igbo political system has evolved into complex types, but each still
retains a strong element of the proto-type characterized by a segmentary lineage system which
is called "Umunna". The democratic, egalitarian and republican ideology of the Igbo are en
shrined in the mechanism of a segmentary lineage system which limits the power of the
monarch in centralized and middle range types where they exist in towns like Nri, Onitsha,
Oguta, etc., and inhibits the development of monarchy in non-centralized type in places like
Owerri, Ngwa, Ibusa, Illah. It is therefore, non-sensical for any one to interpret the saying
"Igbo enwe Eze" in its very simplistic form. Igbo political system is complex and dynamic
and cannot be described by one sweeping ideological slogan misconstrued by westernized Igbo
elite.
The evolutionary trend of Igbo political system, including the Ozo title system, is mirrored
in Igbo patterns of population movement (Onwuejeogwu 1977). This has been fully discussed
by the author in Odinani Journal No. 2. The character of Igbo migration, past and present,
remains a challenge to West African studies; interdisciplinary work covering oral tradition and
the widely divergent dialects is required (Onwuejeogwu 1970). 1 have mapped the ecology of
subcultures in the Igbo culture Area (I.C.A.), and discussed the extent to which variation is
attributable to environmental specialization or culture contact at the periphery (1972, 1974).
Such explanations while valid do not account for all observed diversity by any means; the pre
sent paper traces and relates past population movements with the problem of the genesis,
diffusion, structure and significance of Ozo title.
Earliest Peopling of the Forest Zone
The I.C.A. is situated in the West African equatorial rain forest, in South East Nigeria.
Initial settlements by the present inhabitants of this forest zone undoubtedly exceed two
millenia in age. Speakers of Niger-Congo languages, now extending from Senegal to East and
Central Africa have been linguistically diverging for far longer by any estimate (see now
Weimers 1975, Chapter 1). But the classificatory depth of separation of individual languages
within the so-called Kwa and Benue-Congo branches, originally divided on typological and
areal criteria, must now be admitted undemonstrated (Stewart 1976). Thus if one date of
separation were known, no inference can be made as to the greater or lesser antiquity of any
other branching within those two labelled groups. These considerations do not of course ques
tion the ultimate genetic unity of all Niger-Congo languages of which the student can easily
convince himself by inspecting Armstrong's sample cognate lists (1964, 33f). Armstrongs (pp.
10—12) dates for the separation of Yoruba and Edo (three to five millenia), and of Yoruba
The Genesis, Diffusion, Structure and Significance of Ozo Title in Igbo Land
and Igbo (four to six), computed with the discredited method of glottochronology, provide
at any rate a subjective idea of great depth.
Before leaving the linguistic evidence for early peopling of the Nigerian forest, one may
note an isolated suggestive fact that arose in my Agbo fieldwork in 1970. The town of Ozara
(1952 pop. — 3.300) is administered from Abgo a few miles away, but speaks a form of Edo so
divergent from that of its Edo neighbours that it is unintelligible to them. Such a small group,
encircled by two powerful and expansive neighbours, managed to retain its distinctiveness.
Ozara and Agbo traditions agree that Ozara was an important ritual centre, and the home of
Iduu, the founder of Benin. Benin oral tradition records the presence of autochthonous peo
ple on the arrival of Benin immigrants. Such reports are widespread throughout the forest
region, e.g. in Ife (Willett 1967).
Archaeological evidence is at present the least equivocal on this vast question underlying
all demographic and ethno-geneological studies of this region. Hartle excavated pottery dated
by C-14 to 2,555 BC and 1,460 BC at the Nsukka University farm, i.e. on the Northern forest
fringe. His artifacts from "Afikpo" (Ehugbo) rock shelter, well within the forest margin, dated
from 2,935 BC to 670 BC and AD 15 (Hartle 1967; Show 1968). Many cave sites remain,
some to be re-excavated since Hartle's records were destroyed; e.g. Owere, Isulo, Umunze,
Ogbunike. Shaw's Iwo Eleru dates of 9,250 BC, 3,620 BC, and 1,515 BC are most revealing
because of the skeletal remains in the earliest stratum (Brothwell and Shaw 1971 ).1
Oral Evidence for the Peopling of the I.C.A.
Three categories of tradition emerged from my collections of oral history in the oldest
settlements like Agbo, Nri, Owere, etc., and the newer ones of Asaba, Ibusa, Ndikeluonwu,
etc.: autochthony, amnesia, and certainty, 'Autochthony' is the claim of origin from the
spot of present habitation, by a maximal lineage with a name like Umudiani or Umu dim
'sons of the earth'; today part of a larger settlement. The Nri Umu di ani lineages perform
specific ritual functions in the Eze's coronation, and in cleansing abominatiin in the town.
Their genealogy is as deep as generations before the present elders.
'Amnesia' claims nothing about ultimate origins, but may recall recent movements in the
area. In tracing settlements of this type, such as Agbç, Igbo-Ukwu and Owere, contrasts of
dialect and social structure with their neighbours can give strong negative evidence for homo
geneous origin.
'Certainty' is common in the newer settlements, founded within the past millenium (Eri,
Nri, Aro, Ezechima, etc). Of course certainty is not necessarily validity or reality; such tradi
tions may be suspected in light of other evidence. Ezechima clans for example claim Benin
origin for their eponymous ancestor, but this source must be rejected on grounds of:
a) conflicting oral tradition at Agbo and
b) comparison of Agbo, Issele-Ukwu and Onitsha social structure. 1 propose (1972) that the
Ezechima came from Agbo. Ibusa's claim of Nri and Isu origin is on the other hand confirm
ed by cultural similarities among those three communities.
Among the 56 settlements sampled, I draw nine major movements of people and/or culture
in the I.C.A., dated according to Nri genealogy, Nri Eze-ship succession, and synchronised
archaeological and documentary data (the latter including events at Benin and Igala, and Eu
ropean activities in the Bight of Biafra 16-19 centuries).
1 Recently an archaeologist Dr Anozia discovered an extensive Achulian site in Okigwe in the forest zone.
It has not been dated.
1 Iw) Owerri movement before A D 800 2-[|] Eri -movement around AD800
3® Nri-movement AD 900 -1911 Isu-movement 116th Centuries
5-[0] Ubulu movement 16 —17 Centuries 6-fCl Chima-movement 17^ Century
70 Aro-movement 17* —19th » 8.® Idu-movement "
9[g] Igala -movement 18(— 19th >> « » Border movement
Boundary of Igbo culture area 0 10 20 30 40 50 Miles
0 20 ί,Ο 60 80 Kilometres
Map 1: The pattern of movements and peopling of the Igbo culture area
The Genesis, Diffusion, Structure and Significance of Ozo Title in Igbo Land 121
Listed by source; compare map 1

Owere Pre-AD 9th Century
Eri 9th Century
Nri (multiple) 10th Century-1911
Isu 15 th —16th Century
Ubulu 16th—17th Century.
Ezechima 17th Century.
Aro 17th—19th Century.
Iduu 18th Century.
Igala 18th-19th Century.
Owere —Pre—9th Century
While may settlements near Owere claim autochthony, many around Southern Ngaw, Oh
nuhnu, ìkwere and Eche claim an origin in the Owere area. This complementary of movement
traditions is re-inforced (though not strictly proved, whatever that would mean) by a major
distributional pattern in the phonological feature of nasalisation and its historical decomposi
tion. Nasalisation as a feature of the syllable attributable to the consonant is distinctive for
both stops (i.e. non-continuants) and continuants at Agbò and Olu, while at Owere and Oh
nuhnu an interesting complementarity obtains: continuants show the same nasalisation, but
the stops in morphemes cognate to Agbò forms in nasalised stops (and deriving from stop plus
nasal clusters in the immediate common ancestor language as reconstructed by Williamson in
various Ibadan seminar papers) show the reflex of aspiration. Armstrong (1967, p. 7) writes
some contrasts between aspirated plain and aspirated nasal stops for Olu but his transcription
is admittedly narrower than conceivable final phonologies for the dialects included in that
pioneering study, especially where minimal pairs are not always available; thus the Olu excep
tions to the complementarity of nasalised continuants and aspirated stops (i.e. respectively
continuants and non-continuants) can be suspended provisionally. More significant for the
explanation of this pattern is the unmarked phonetic realisation of some Agbo nasalised stops,
the nasal plosive release preceding the oral release, as in the verb (0 dh nä ~ 0 dh I) 'he fell".
This phenomenon of unsynchronised oral and nasal releases seems a link in the decomposi
tion of nasalised non-continuants or their ancestral stop plus nasal clusters. While preserved
archaic nasal is a shared retention of the four noted dialects, and hence not probative for their
subgrouping, conversion of this cluster/or compound articulation to aspiration in stops is
an innovation which is diagnostic. Since these towns are separated by areas without nasalisa
tion or aspiration two hypotheses are possible to explain the split.
a) Not only nasalisation, but subsequent innovation of aspiration in stops was widespread and
not confined to the four dialects noted; dialects without either complex feature (nas. or
asp.) are assumed to have undergone three rules of which only one has observable effect
(attestation; this of course may reflect our inadequate sampling of intervening dialects).
b) The following solidarity of process is postulated: no dialect has lost aspiration and nasali
sation, once having undergone conversion in stops. This does not exclude the loss of nasali
sation from an earlier stage: the Ehugbo (Afikpo) dialect shows the following reflexes,
*Nknu 'Firewoord' > Nku
*Nku Oil-palm' — > Nkwu
Here nasalisation is rephonologised along a different path, a separate (in principle) in
M. Angulu Onwuejeogwu 122
novation. The present distribution of aspiration thus defines a wave pattern of innova
tion, the spread of a set of variable-feature isoglosses (in Labor's terminology) as in the
Wellentheorie advanced by Joh Schmidt in the 1880's. This patterns is consistent with
the movement of some innovating speakers from a common locus, as claimed in their oral
traditions (except for Agbo). Of course neither fact requires such movement, but their
co-incidence is far more compelling than either alone, viewed statistically. One further
characteristic of the innovation suggestively indicates its direction and likely origin in
(linguistic) Wellen; recent reformulations (Labor's work, and Bailey, ms.). I have noted the
continuous degrees of implementation of a change, with low percentage at the leading edge
and high percentage at the core, in general a preponderance of values at the extreme
ends of the scale (i.e. most places will show either embryonic or near — complete change,
with values surrounding 50% extremely rare) in other words, we rarely observe such chan
ges 'halfway,' such a relation of course remains to be demonstrated with socially dif
ferentiated data for this question, but one's impression is that it would obtain, with Owèrè,
Òlu and Agbò appearing at "100%", "90%" and "10%". Thus the lack of traditions of
Owèrè origin at Agbò is partially made up by the Bte/Zen-patterning.
This movement, provisionally accepted, might have accured before the Eri and Nri
movements which peopled areas between the Agbo-Ùbùluku axis and the Niger, and
Northern and Eastern parts of the present Onitsha province. Since I assign the limits of
these later movements to respectively A.D. 800 and 900, the initial and major Owèrè move
ment can be called pre-9th century, in absence of more definitive linguistic and archaeolo
gical data. The Owèrè movement is significant in peopling or influencing most of Ikwere,
Eche, and Ngwa, and the West, East and Northeast periphery of the I.C.A. There is no
evidence to suggest that the Ozo title had evolved during this period.
Eri - Around A.D. 800
Evidence for the Eri movement is oral tradition in the Anambra valley. For example at
Nri and Aguleri we are told: "Eri was sent by Chukwu (the Creator) from the skay to rule
mankind; he came down the Anambra to near the present site of Aguleri. His first wife bore
Nri the founder of Agukwu Nri; Agulu who founded Aguleri; Onogu the father of Igboriam;
Ogbodudu the founder of Amanuke; and a daughter Igüedo who bore the founders of Nteje,
Nando, Ogbunike, Umuleri and Awkuzu. His second wife bore Onoja who left for the upper
Anambra near Ogulugu, and to found Igala land." (Nri oral tradition 1967).
The importance of this tradition is to have welded together twelve settlements scattered
over two hundred square miles into one kinship unit with past political and present cultural
consequences. The Anambra dwellers feel and act as one, with identical culture. Their arrival
down the Anambra gave rise to the Nri movement. The argument put forward by Afigbo
based on the general theory of a "South-ward push" from the plateau land of Northern Igbo
can be regarded as mere speculation. There are not evidence to support it. (Afigbo 1975, p.
38-39).
Ν r i - AD. 9th Century -1911
This long movement was tied to the growth and collapse of a hegemony. "Nri the son of
Eri left the Anambra Southwards into the forest. He lived first at Amanuke. then near the
present Enugwu Ukwu, finally at Agukwu, (The founder of Oreri) later moved Southwest to
found Oreri. Enugwu Ukwu, Nnofia and Enugwu Agidi were founded by the son of Nri. . .
Eze Nri Ifikuanim established the ozo title. He gave it to the Igbo through his Nri agents.
He told the Igbo to do like Nri men, to take titles and observe the taboos. He told Nri men to
give ofo and olo to all Igbo chiefs." (Nri oral tradition collected by author 1967).
During Nri ascendancy, 12th—18th century, Nri lineages proliferated over the Western
I.C.Α., continuing at lesser intensity until 1911 when the British banned their activities (On
wuejeogwu 1972, 1974). They are today found at Issele-Uku, Agbo, 11a, Ibusa, Ogwashi-Ukwu,
Asaba, Abala, Onitsha, Nnewi, Abátete, Olu, Okigwi, Udi, Nsukka, Agulu, Adazi,Nnobi and
Mba Ukwu (cf map 2). The Southward' push theory was also put forward by Henderson who
holds that the uplands West of the Niger was occupied by a Southwards Igbo expansion. There
is no evidence to support this speculation (Henderson 1972 p. 39). The proliferation of Nri
lineages extended into Western I.C .A. resulting in the diffusion of the ozo title.
Isii — 15th — 16th Century
This most intriguing movement in the I.C.A. is that dated via Ibusa genealogy (Onwue
jeogwu 1973). Part of Ibusa claims origin at Isu North of Oka, but the core of Isu settlements
may be South near Nkwere, the area called Isu Ama. The other Isu clans may have radiated
thence to Item, South of Oka, North of Oka, and Ibusa across the Niger. To attribute this
complex movement to land hunger or the slave-trade is over-simplifying. A second dosage of
ozo complex diffused Westward.
Ubulu— 16th — 18 th Century
Ubulu-Ukwu tradition traces Ezemu, his brother Ukwunye and sister Obodo to Afo near
Ukwuani; they founded Ubulu-Ukwu, Idumuje-Uno and Ubulu-Uno respectively. Okiti later
left Ubulu-Ukwu to found Ubulu-Okiti. Ubulu-Ukwu became an antonomous Igbo kingdom
with peaceful but intriguing diplomatic relations with Benin, 16 -17th Century; a Niger cross
ing of an Ubulu lineage to found Ozu Ubulu is likely during the Benin-Ubulu confrontation in
the mid-18th Century. These new settlements came in contact with those that had ozo title,
adopted and modified the system.
Eze Chima — 17th Century
Around 1698, during the Obi-ship of Adigwe of Agbo, another antonomous Western Igbo
kingdom. Chima (kima) in Ika dialect; compare (gi) 'yarn' with the palatalised (ji) elsewhere)
quarrelled with Adigwe, Chima fled Agbo, with members of his mother's lineage from Alisimien
(Aduwe, ms). They founded settlements at Issele-Ukwu, Onicha-Ugbo, Onicha-Olona, Ezi,
Isele-Azagba, Obio, Obomkpa, Onicha-Ukwu, Isele-Mkpitime and Onitsha, East of the Niger.
While oral tradition at these places claims that Chima came from Benin, the Agbo version is
probably nearer the truth (Onwuejeogwu 1972). These new settlements came in contact with
settlements with Ozo title; adopted and modified the system.
Ν Eté·
DOMA
/t\
01 I GALA • Okutu
Enugu-Ezike
Adoni
Obolo Afo
i Nibo
. -Nsukka
- . Nkpoloqu , , • Ezz a
Si <r. · Eha-Elumana/ TI V
Λ / -Umueie Ata * l
S*
EDO J?/ ι L ι "Oye
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• Izi
Nike
* / /■
ariam •Ezengbo
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^— Akuku · \\Anam/Âquleri ®Nando v ® ENUGU
(47= r ιcfpip. Ili / *®Umuleri·. , 1®Amanuke \ Nqwo

„ , . ',"ele , /· L ®Ntoje Achala ,\ ^
lowaî" UfeOqbeje Ukwu Asaba /Nsuqbe ®. «.Enuqu-Aqidi W
1 Abavo .'*Obior,;:8at · *-JLiteha 09idi ¡fe -Awka ùdi
• IDUbU yiv.iiioi.M · ΙΝΠΘΟΤΙΟ
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uteukpo" , Omvashi-// " INM · IN ISC
\ Ubulu- Ukwu \hc¿eî^'—*Nibo

Ukwu )\ "T ι lï^fr^T * ·Α/ίιιΙιι·μΙ"»Λ
,·r Awgu
TMnni Ora-UÌcwu.? .•Agulu'Mba-Ukwu
* ,ί· LAdazi -Nanka
'utoqba· Aballa* JR'NnobiôRERI -Ajalli
·* Uchi Igbo-Ukwu Okuilobia Afikpo·
* , ι -Να ι kel ι -Onwu r
A ko ko •Osomara · niala Uga .DDID.
» Κ wall ^ .Arondizuoqu ABRIBA
ΥAΚ0
Oguta ^,'Orlu Okigwe
• Nkw erre
OHAFFIA
• Owerri
•Bende
URHOBO •Abam
Aboh .//Ndoni / Ahi ara UMON
I SOKO 0 RATTA
Umuahia
k XArocrmkW\u
Umuaturu/· 0/pua|Q· IΒIΒIO

(okehi
NÄ.
• Ahoada
I g ritta /
ANANG
y® / Akwe+6
Diobu
Mòst of the important towns mentioned
in this work are indicated /n this map.
0G0ΝI * Ν RI
ORERI
m ν ι\ 1.1\ ι
® towns foundedôg the. children ofERI

* towns with tiri lineages
X Arocbukwu
■ ENUGU (present capital of E.C S.)
• other fvwns
3o M i les t Ig bo-Ukwu & £zira arcbaeo logical sites
Map 2: Towns in the Igbo culture area
Aro — 17 th — 19 th Century
Aro movement is complex, associated with slave trade and raiding activities. Aro-Chukwu,
founded as a mixed settlement of Igbo slavers and slaves, increased in population by absorbing
Igbo an non-Igbo peoples. By the 17th century, Aro was fully established. When the new
opportunity of the slave trade opened up at the coast, between 18th and 19th centuries,
Aro expanded to the North, Northwest and Southwest.
The Aro, living between the Igbo hinterland and the coastal peoples trading in slaves direct
ly with the Europeans, gained control as intermediaries. They manipulated the agbala oracle,
and paramilitary systems of the Abam, Ada and Ohafia;and established slave settlements and
markets along the routes. Through marriage they allied with neighbours, and with paid agents
instigated intergroup conflicts (Tovey 1919).
Arondizuogu, Ndikelionwu, Ndiokolo were founded by Aro slavers, and others in Nsukka,
Ehugbo (Afikpo) and Nike areas. Umuoji, Abátete, Nkpo are said to be founded by frustrated
Aro slavers and hired warriors from Abam, Ada and Ohafia (Onwuejeogwu 1972, 1974). This
period of constant intersettlement 'wars' did not see extra-ordinary population movements as
one might expect; but it was the slavers' collecting methods that led to new settlements. Ozo
complex did diffuse but gradually lost its political and moral significance.
Iduu — 18 th Century
Displacement of people by Benin kingdom by wars with neighbouring states West of the
Niger was common in the 17th and 18th centuries; but unique was the Benin-Ubuluku con
frontation of about 1750—55. From its foundation by the diviner Ezemu, until its thirteenth
Eze, Obi Olise, cordial relations obtained between the two powers based on the Obi's supply
ing the Oba with medicine and divination. Olise married the Oba's daugther Adezua, but
finding himself impotent executed her for witchcraft. The Oba attacked Ubuluku to avenge
her. By the arrival of Iduu forces, the town had been deserted; the frustrated army dispersed,
some returning westward, others through Ugo. Benin historians have Azedua as the Oba's
lover. To the advances of the visiting Obi she made scronful reply, but he charmed her to
travel to Ubuluku to attend the market. Her continued insolence then provoked her death
(Egharevba 1962, p. 19).
Adezua's 60 mile journey to Ubuluku may be improbable given the conditions of travel in
the forest zone, but the two versions strikingly illustrate the historical relationship. The dis
persal of the Benin army is reflected in Benin lineages whose fortunes stem from the war, in
Ogwashi-Uku, Ubuluku, Okwe, Oko, Onitsha, Egbema, Atani, Osamare, Abala, Abo. Present
day claims of Benin origin for the whole of each of these settlements attests the influence of
prestige on the oral tradition. Yoruba immigrants to the Iduu sphere of influence were forced
into the Western Igbo area during this period, to form the cores of the settlements in Odiani
clan: Ukwunzu, Idumu-ogo, Ani-Oma, Ugbodu, Ubulubu, Ugboba. This enclave retains a
second language, Olukwumu, though completely 'Igbonised' from constant absorption of Igbo
migrants. These movements not only increased the rate of diffusion of Ozo title, it also in
creased the velocity of innovation that occurred since Benin and Yoruba elements were intro
duced to give the complex new and radical dimensions.
1 26 M. Angulu Onwuejeogwu
I g a 1 a — 18 t h— 19 th Century
Two major routes carried Igala to Igbo settlements: overland to Nsukka, Okpuje, Obukpa.
Eha Alumona, etc.,during brief vigorous military expansion; by water to Ila, Okpanam, Nzam,
Anam, Asaba, Oko, Atani, Abala, Osomari and Okwe over a sustained period of trade, fishing
and Ida runaways. Non-Igala settlements claimed Igala origin for prestige and descent-group
politics; Igala towns like Ebu became 'Igbonised' by absorbing Igbo migrants. (Onwuejeogwu
1972, Shelton 1972, Nzimiro 1972). Ozo title system was modifed by Igala incursions.
Minor Movements
In the cultural melting pot of the Igbo borders with Idoma. Tiv, Ibibio and Ijo, backward
and forward movements did occur. Movement of migrant farm labour and smiths, while not a
new phenomenon in the I.C.A., intensified with the introduction of money economy, easier
means of communication and the Paces Brittanica and Nigeria. Though something is known of
iron working in Oka and Nkwere, that supplied agricultural and ceremonial implements, its
significance in the people's past economic life cannot be fully assessed.
Rate and Character of Movements
Here again we can examine oral tradition in light of the ecology of the I.C.A. and travel
records of early Europeans. Ecological and social factors certainly hampered movements, but
its forms must be distinguished: en masse, by lineage, family or individuals. En masse move
ments are generated by military operations or natural crisis such as epidemic. News of invad
ing Ada, Abam or Benin contingent spreads in advance, setting off orderly change of settle
ment site; sudden warning might spark disorderly dispersion to places of safety. In either case,
partial return to former site could take place or not. If the invading army were frustrated and
broke into segments under different leaders, some might found new settlements while others
join existing ones. Oral tradition of Ihiala, Mgbidi, Nri, Okuzu, Ibusa (Igbuzo), Ubuluku
among many others record the range of these possible outcomes. Factors such as topology and
social structure would govern initial dispersal, and water supply, neighbours and leadership
would affect re-siting.
Natural crisis can disrupt the life cycle of a community. The Eze Nri could strike a curse of
epidemic such as smallpox or of famine on a village in his hegemony. If reconciliation through
Nri agents failed, fear would motivate dispersal. Lineages would move discretly to join neigh
bouring settlements gradually leaving the sanctioned site abandoned. Insect pestilence, soil
erosion and leaching, drought or excessive rain were not uncommon, associated with the anger
of supernatural forces such as Ana, Alusi. Again, the failure of ritual manipulations to control
the crisis leaves movement the only alternative. The new site, selected by oracle, would be
guaranteed by the influence of leaders to afford the basic community needs: 'the voice of the
people is the voice of God'.
The I.C.A. has many settlements founded by a single compound family moving from its
original home. These two examples were provided by long trekking on forest paths. Ogboli
(in Ibusa) and Ogwashi-Ukwu were founded by persons belonging to an elementary family:
Ogbe Nnaga, his wife Obodo and two sons Odanigbo and Edini. They left Nri to settle wher
ever should fall the two medicine pots on the boys' heads. Perhaps they moved from one
market settlement to the next, crossed the Niger by canoe and finally stopped somewhere
before moving to their present sites. From Nri to Ogboli is 23 miles; Ogboli's orginal site is
different, called Λ«/ Udo.
The Eze Chima movement also documents an extended family. Around 1698 Chima, mem
bers of his patrilineage and some of his mother's patrilineage in Alisimien fled Agbo; at dif
ferent times they founded the settlements of the Eze Chima clan. After the initially swift
flight to Obio, fifteen miles to the east, the rate of further establishment depended on existing
kinship or friendship relations, to Issele-Ukwu and subsequently. The Benin-Ubuluku con
frontation moved some Eze Chima family again, to found Onitsha around 1748—52 (Onwue
jeogwu 1972); this is about forty miles from Obio and over fifty from Agbo-Obi.
The proliferation and spread of Nri lineages with the spread of Nri hegemony is another
example of lineage migration; they were established by a few men in most of the older Igbo
settlements. Nri political and ritual activities, in Ozo title, cleansing of abomination, yam
growth, abrogation of rituals and rules of taboo and avoidance, led to the invitation of Nri
people to their midst, such an arrangement had political consequences, including annual
tribute to the Eze Nri (see Nwankwo's description in her article in number 2 the Odinani
(Journal). Nri men residing abroad were the Eze's 'eyes and ears', manipulating internal and
external settlement affairs through the visits of itinerant Nri (Onwuejeogwu 1972, 1974,
1975). These methods of political and ritual agency might have started in the 9th century,
increasing through the 12th to 15th centuries and declining until collapse on the British ban
of Nri activities in 1911.
The Aro slaving monopoly in the 18th and 19th centuries was based on individuals' exploi
tation of opportunities. Ikelionwu of Ibom Aro-Chukwu founded Ndikelionwu over sixty
miles away; similarly Izuogu the son of Ogbumukpo of Amankwu founded Arç-Ndûzuogu
(Tovey 1929). These outposts were slave stations midway between the markets at Afo Umue
che in Bende and the mercenaries at Abriba Ohafia Abam and Ada; and the supplies of slaves
to the North. The same function applied to Aro settlements at Ehugbo (Afikpo) and Nsukka.
The initial rate of founding and developing these settlements depended on demand by the
Europeans for slaves, and the skill of Aro leaders in negotiating for mercenaries and with
pre-existing Northern settlements. The monopoly gained was such that even Aro people
new to the trade could not establish new settlements without threatening the older ones. The
resultant, internal strife weakened the monopoly which began to crumble from its own ills
long before the British destroyed the Aro-Chukwu oracle, which had been instruments in
building it.
One fact emerges, the ban of Ozo title in the West of the Niger by the British administra
tion in 1914, the ban of Nri hegemony in 1911, the distruction of Aro oracle, the condem
nation of Ozo system by the Roman Catholics and the Anglican Churches, the introduction
of medieval knight-hood system by the Roman Catholics into Igboland in the late sixties
probably to substitute the Ozo system, do not involve the demise of the Ozo title. To the
traditional people Ozo is still regarded as a politico-religious title, to the non-traditional Ozo
is a prestigious title which they wish to acquire so that they may feel like being Igbo or Nige
rians or Africans.
. Angulu Onwuejeogwu
II
The Structure and Significance of Ozo Title
The Οζο title has many names. In Nri it is called Ozo, nze, isa mmuo, isa okwu, isa ile, ime
mmiw. In West Igbo area it is called nze, obi, eze, ime mmuo. In Nsukka it is called eze. In
Owerri, it is called duru, eze mmuo. Members of the college of Ozo are called ndi nze, or Ndi
Ichie ukwu. Variations in name also implies variations in structure and organizational pro
cedures and this is compatible with the wave pattern of diffusion which originates from Nri.
Even in Nri changes have occurred in Ozo structure and content between 1900 and present,
for example sons could now take the title during their father's life time. This was impossible
before 1931. Though variations have occurred, the basic paraphernalia of red cap, ugo feather,
greetings, ankle cord, ichi ceremony and above all the ideology of leadership remain fairly
constant and unchanged in terms of time and space. Since Nri is the fountain of Ozo title,
I shall proceed to examine its structure and significance in Nri.
The Concept of Leadership in Nri
In Nri thought, the head is one of the most important anatomical parts of the body. It is
regarded as the seat of wisdom, amamife, and the seat of life, ndu. After an animal has been
sacrificed, the skull is preserved and hung on the wall of the temple. The skull can be used to
represent the animal. Thus if a sacrifice involves the use of a goat, and it is not available, an
old skull of a goat can be used symbolically. Thus in the cleansing of abomination, the skull
of a ram must be used in the ritual.
It is not surprising that the word for leader is onye isi, meaning the person at the head.
Thus the head of all the ozo is called isi nze, head of nze titled men; the head of the untitled
men is called isi okolobia and the head of an age-grade is called isi ogboo. The leader is the ad
viser of the group and derives the authority to lead from accepted traditional sources.
The king of Nri is not referred to as onye isi. He is regarded as the source of leadership
and is therefore called Eze Nri. This has usually been translated as king of Nri. He is not
regarded as a chief. Indeed, Eze Nri Obalike refused bluntly to be a warrant chief when he was
so appointed by the British about 1910. Similarly, the present Eze Nrijiofo II refused to parti
cipate in the election of the appointment of a second-class chief allocated to Njikoka Division
in 1960 after the creation of the Eastern House of Chiefs in the then Eastern Nigeria on the
grounds that he was a natural ruler and not a chief. Only one first-class chief defined as a
natural ruler was allocated to Onitsha province, to which Nri belongs administratively. The
Obi of Onitsha was appointed first-class chief by the then Eastern Nigerian Regional Govern
ment, so Eze Nri preferred to remain in Nri as Eze Nri instead of competing for second-class
chieftainship.
The attitude of Eze Nri Obalike towards the British Government's appointment and Eze
Nrijiofo's attitude towards being a second-class chief are consistent with Nri political think
ing. To them Eze Nri is neither a head man nor a chief. He is a king, the ruler of a state. This
attitude is not novel. Major Leonard, Northcote Thomas, the Rev. Father Duhaze and a host
of British administrative officers were in no doubt when they referred to Nri Obalike as Eze
Nri and translated this as King of Nri. My research also confirms this. ( Map 3)
I have shown how the Nri notion of leadership is associated with the head which is regard
-7
IDOMA
Qr'f ( f I 6 ALA
Nsukkc^
() Extent at about the 16 Century European influence 17^- 20^ Centuries

Extent at about the ending of the 1 ^Century Aro militarism 18th-19th Centuries
Direction of Nri Cultural influence Igala militarism 18th-19*h Centuries
Igbo Culture area Agbor influence 17^-19^ Centuries
0 10 20 AO Miles Benin influence and militarism
18*h-19*h Centuries
Map 3: The collapse of Nri hegemony
130 M. Angulu Onwuejeogwu
ed as the seat of wisdom and life. This brings us to another aspect of leadership as conceptual
ized by Nri people — that of knowledge, which is defined in terms of a person's knowledge
ability of Nri traditions and religion and his ability to speak wisely and persuasively.
But in Nri a man of knowledge must also be wealthy because they see both as closely
associated. Knowledge, they argue, brings wealth and increases it. But they also accept that
wealth does not mean knowledge. They cite several examples of idiots who inherited great
wealth and lost it within a generation.
Wealth is defined in terms of the cash one has accumulated and the number of wives, chil
dren, houses, livestock, yams and property one has acquired. But to them a man who has
wealth and knowledge is only a potential leader. His leadership has to be activated by title
taking which transforms latent leadership into active leadership.
In Nri, leadership operates at four levels and may be classified according to these levels as:
leadership at the age-grade level, leadership at the lineage level, leadership at the state level and
leadership in women's associations.
Leadership at the Age-Grade Level
Nri age-grade system is fully discussed in Onwuejeogwu 1974. Here I shall only deal with
leadership within each grade which is first determined by age when it is formed; thus the
oldest person becomes the leader. After this the leadership criterion changes. The first person
to be married and have a child and so do the ritual called ima chi, which entitled him to take
further higher titles, becomes the leader of the group. Then, finally, the first to take the ozo
title and to give the feast of the head of the age-grade to his age-grade becomes the head,
called isi ogboo, until death or until he is stripped of his ozo title if he commits a serious
crime.
Of the nineteen extant age-grades in 1967, two had retired - Olimgba and Ekwueme — and
were exempted from activities such as payment of levies, the other seventeen were still active.
Of these, two age-grades had combined and emerged as the executive of the active age-grades.
This was the Irunabo age-grade. Its duty was to mobilize all the other age-grades when called
upon to do so by any of the two state councils. This age-grade directs the communication of
actions emanating from the state councils to all other age-grades below and above them. They
do not use force; they only organize and report to the state councils. They have other specific
functions such as collecting the stipulated fines imposed on parents whose unmarried daughters
are pregnant, dealing with all matters connected with the violation of the codes of behaviour
and taboo connected with ritual masquerades, collecting all public contributions levied by the
state councils and now by the Nri Progress Union, and mobilizing the age-grades for the com
munal and community development activities.
Only an age-grade with strong leadership can emerge as the executive age-grade. They are
never appointed. The group as a unit would have to achieve it by showing over a long period
of time that they are exceptionally responsible and reliable. They remain in office until they
begin to show signs of weakness to lead and then they hand-over to the next emerging ex
ecutive age-grade.
Leadership at the Lineage Levels
Leadership within each level of lineage is first determined by age. The oldest man will be
the leader. Such a man is called Ikenye okolobia since he has no ozo title, but generally it
might mean he has taken the next title to the ozo title which is nlinwamadu. If the custodian
of the founding temple and ofo is a different person from the oldest man he will still be the
leader in secular matters, but when it comes to the rituals connected with the temple the
custodian of the temple will receive the ritual gift or tribute whatever his age.
The first person to take the ozo title in the lineage automatically becomes the leader and
is called isi nze whatever his age. Such a person is not only a leader in secular matters but also
in ritual matters, for he is also the first priest of most of the alusi of the lineage. Even if he
is not the custodian of the founding temple and ofo he is still considered the first priest of the
temple and will be expected to perform the rituals, but leave the ritual gifts for the custodian
of the temple. The isi nze of the lineage is also the head of the lineage council which com
prises: all other ozo men if any; all the non -ozo elders, ikenye okolobia; and all the other
younger men, umu okolobia. During a discussion on plans only the ozo men will take the
decision and the isi nze announces it. If there are no ozo men the ikenye okolobia will take
the decision and the head of the ikenye okolobia will make the announcement. The age
grades of the lineage will then execute the decision in so far as it falls within their competency.
As the component lineages of the genealogy are ranked hierarchically, so also its leadership.
The leadership of a minimal lineage is made up of all the ozo men headed by the isi nze of the
minimal lineage. That of the minor lineage is also made up of all the ozo men of its compo
nent minimal lineages headed by the first among them to take the ozo title, and so on and so
forth to the maximal lineage. Similarly the authority in the linages is hierarchic. Theoretically
the minimal is less powerful than the minor and the minor less than the major and the major
less than the maximal.
The State Leadership
At the state level members of the two state councils are all ozo men. To be a member of
the ndi nze council one must be an ozo person and one's position in the hierarchy depends
on when one takes the ozo title. The first to take the ozo title in this group is regarded as the
leader of the group called isi ndi nze. He is assisted by the next person in position.
The Nzemabua council is originally composed of the first four men to take the ozo title drawn
from certain maximal, major and minimal lineages. The leader of this group is also the first
to take the ozo title amongst them and is called isi nzemabua. As it stands, the man who is the
isi nzemabua is also the isi ndi nze, although he plays different roles in the two councils.
On top of all this is the EzeNri, who is regarded in Nri concept and ideology as the king of
Nri (Onwuejeogwu 1975).
Leadership in Women's Groups and Associations
Women have their own titles, although fewer in number. A successful Nri woman is one
that has taken all the women's titles, is married and has children. As an elderly wife in her
husband's lineage, she can be a leader in the married-women group called inyom. As a daughter
in her father's patrilineage she can be a leader of the daughters-of-the-lineage group called
Umuokpu. She may be appointed a member of the ilimmadunato association which is fully
discussed in Chapter 7 (Onwuejeogwu 1974).
The headship of inyom group is determined first by the order in which women are married
into the lineage and then by the first to take the various titles culminating in the title of nne
mmanwu. The nne mmanwu is the same title of ima mmanwu which male children take at the
age of nine. Elderly married women of exemplary character and achievement are allowed to
take this title in which the secret of the ritual mask are revealed to them. It is the greatest
honour a lineage can give to a woman and so it involves much feasting. By it the woman is
given many of the privileges of a male citizen of the lineage.
Conclusion
It is now clear that in the tield of political action, leadership with respect to men is struct
ured not so much by age as by achievement epitomised in title-taking. Although titles are
taken in stages arranged hierarchically, five titles are essential and crucial in the political field.
These are Ima mmanwu, Ozo ichi, ili nwammadu, Ozo and AW.
I shall proceed to describe, as briefly as possible, the essential elements of these titles and
how they determine the political role of the individual and of the group.
Political Titles
Ima Nmanwu title
By the age of nine a Nri boy has taken about six or seven 'titles' which are directed towards
transforming him into a social and ritual personality. Around nine he takes the sixth or seventh
title, but this title has its special significance because for the first time the child is brought
indirectly into the scene of political actions. This title is called ima mmanwu, that is know
ing the secret of the ritual mask. The procedure is briefly as follows:
1st Stage: The payment. The father pays the fee ranging from 50 Κ to Ν 2 as charges differ
from lineage to lineage, and he gives four gallons of palm wine to members of his minimal
lineage who have taken the title.
2nd Stage: The revelation. The child is taken to a mmanwu club house. The mask comes in
dancing and singing and uncovering his hands, his feet and, finally, his face and head. The
child recognizes the masked dancer as his relation. He is next shown the whole paraphernalia
of the mask.
3rd Stage: The admonition. The child is warned of the grave consequences of revealing or
talking to any female about the secret. He is reminded that he is a man and the secret is
known only to initiated men and few elderly women. The revealing of the secret of the mask
is called itikpo isi mmanwu (literally: breaking the skull of the mask). It is a major abomina
tion to break the taboo.
After this ceremony the child is regarded as a member of the mmanwu group and can take
shares from payments made by new members from the next day. He can now put on the mask
and while wearing it he exercises some freedom of speech. He can now addresse the public
during shows and call people names reflecting their anti-social behaviour. This title has
brought the little boy indirectly into public life.
Ozo Ichi title
Immediately after ima mmanwu, at about the age of ten the child takes the seventh or
eight title called igbu ichi or ozo ichi. In the past, in taking this title the child was subjected
to the ordeal of having his face marked with elaborate parallel marks made with a knife. These
marks are similar to the type found on the Igbo-ukwu bronze objects.
A very brief account of the major procedure will help to bring out the political significance
of this title. Ichi title-taking commences from the eigth month and ends in the ninth month
of the Nri traditional calendar and the procedure narrated to me by those who have the marks
on their faces is as follows:
1st Stage: The payment. Payment varied; at Akampkisi it was £7; at Agukwu is was giving a
feast to members of one's lineage who were holders of the title. A specalist facial artists from
Umu Di ani lineage of Neni, a neighbouring town, was called in to perform the task. He was
paid.
2nd Stage: Exorcism. The marking of the face was risky operation, so two ritual sacrifices
were made. The first was that of 'tying the bad spirits', called ifie ekwensu, to stop them
from coming to create havoc. The other was called ino obo, in which a hole was made in the
ground and ritual food buried — a symbolic way of burying the evil spirits.
3rd Stage: The ordeal. The child was laid on his back and Iris head placed on a plank laid
across a small pit. He was held firmly by the head and the marks were made. He had to try
not to cry. Hot water was dropped on the marks. Charcoal got from the bottom of a pot was
rubbed in and the face was wrapped with leaves called otubolo. The child was removed to his
mother's house.
4th Stage: The seclusion. The child was kept in seclusion for the traditional twelve days
and was carefully nursed. If he died during this period then it was an abomination. The house
was purified. At the end of the period the 'daughters-of-the-lineage' called umu-okpu would
keep a vigil, dancing and singing "Nwa ichi nyem agwuagbunem, Ichi,Eze Nwa di Okpala",
meaning "Ichi boy give me food that I may not die of hunger. The ichi that belong to the first
son of Eze."
In the morning the women were fed with pounded yam.

5th Stage: Integration. The child went to their aitisi to do the ritual competition of "break
ing the-egg" called itu anwu. He broke the egg. After twenty-one days his parents gave a
feast to his lineage and after thirty days his body was decorated with decorative patterns of
juice paints made from the uli seeds. He was well dressed and in company of all who had the
title; he went to the market where he was greeted and given gifts by the people. Eze Nri sent
his greetings too.
6th Stage: Admonition. The child was told by the isi nze of his lineage that henceforth he
must begin to observe taboos. He was now like the first son of Eze Nri, nwa okpala nri. He
could now carry the spear of peace called otonsi and could validly perform the ritual of
purification, abrogation and enactment of taboos under the supervision of his elders as author
ized by Eze Nri.
The ownership of this title is mythically attributed to Eze Nri, as stated in the mythology
of the origin of yam discussed in Onwuejeogwu 1974. This is the ritual basis of this title. The
first son and daughter of any Eze Nri born after his coronation were marked with ichi marks
seven days after their birth. The male and female dwarfs in Eze's palace were also marked.
Similarly all sons of Nri men were marked with ichi. This mark is the mark of royalty which
may be executed on wood, pottery and on walls.
The ichi title confers on the child the rights of a full male citizen of the state and the right
to become an emissary of Eze Nri. By beginning to keep the taboos he has begun to obey the
supreme authority of his state. He had taken the secondmajor step towards becoming a political
figure. He accompanied his father or relations to other settlements. As a trainee he carried for
his master or father the ofo staff and the otonsi staff. He was taught the code of conduct used
outside Nri and the elements of the secret 'language' used. As he grew older and became
knowledgeable in Nri rituals he was made an agent of Eze Nri and thus earned his living both
as an agent and a 'ritualist'.
With the advent of Europeans the making of this mark was stopped. But the taking of the
title of ichi is still done for Nri children by parents making the payment and touching the
knife on the child's forehead symbolically. The last age-grade that has ichi marks on their
faces are Nribuenyi, those born between 1906 and 1908. But a few persons in Okpatu (1912—
14) and Ifediora (1915—17) have ichi marks on their faces.
Nli Nwammadu Title
After the ichi title, five to six more titles are taken which further elevate the social status
of the person. Then the person gets married and immediately he has his first child he does the
ima chi.
After marriage, a person would be allowed to continue title-taking up to the stage of nli
nwammadu. He cannot be allowed to proceed any further if he is not married. Marriage is not
a title but it is a social status that has to be fulfilled before one is allowed to move up.
The next in the series that brings one into the limelight of public affairs is the title of nli
nwammadu. The procedure is simple and less elaborate.
1st Stage: Payment. The person tells the isi nze of his ozo aliance group called ogwe mmuo
of his intentions. The isi nze calls the ozo alliance group. He brings four gallons of palm wine
and four of tombo wine and £20 or £40 according to the payments stipulated by the group.
The money is shared by former members and he can begin to take shares from the next day.
2nd Stage: Installation. The isi nze will announce the new name of the person. Since ozo
men must have four title names, the name announced must be one of the four names the per
son will use while and after taking the ozo title. The three paraphernalia associated with this
title will be handed to him: the bag made of the skin of an aborted calf, akpa nwaefi\ the skin
of a ram, akpukpo ebunu, and a short spear-like staff with a roundhead, called alo okpulukpu.
3rd Stage: Admonition. He is advised by the isi nze to begin to behave responsibly so that
in the near future he can take the ozo title.
The person has now reached a point when he may begin to arrange to take the 020 title. He
has the right to hold the alo okpulukpu staff while talking in the Eze's palace when the Eze
calls the okolobia group into action. This alo staff symbolizes the new political power he is
aspiring to assume.
Ozo Title
In the past it was a taboo for a man to take the ozo title while the father was alive. They
argue that it helped to reduce leadership conflict within the extended family. Around 1927,
just before Eze Nri Obalike died, he was persuaded by his council to abrogate the taboo he
refused. Around 1932 the council did it and the first set of Nri men took the ozo title in their
father's lifetime. Also junior brothers do not like taking the title before their elder brothers
because it alters the authority structure based on age seniority. But some do and this generates
an almost perpetual state of strife within the extended family because the structure of leader
ship has changed.
To take the ozo title is an elaborate affair. Here 1 shall only highlight a summarized version
of the significant stages which I witnessed when the ozo title was taken by five traditional
men between 1967 and 1972.
1st Stage: Ofo Ozo. The person told the isi nze of his lineage, who called a meeting of the
ozo group to which the lineage belonged. He gave them small feast of four gallons of palm
wine and four gallons of tombo wine and 8 kolanuts. He paid them £60. He had done the ofo
ozo which meant that from the next day he could begin to take his share of payments.
2nd Stage: Obu nisi Payment. The person again called together the ozo group of his lineage
and gave them eight gallons of palm wine and eight gallons of tombo wine. He paid £100 to
the ogwe mmuo group. On the next day he gave all the ozo men cooked food and four gallons
of palm wine and four gallons of tombo wine.
The money was shared. On the next day he gave a goat, one hen and one cock to all ozo
men; this is called nni afu onu.
3rd Stage: Igba Okpete - Washing of Hands. The juice of the sugar cane was put in a bowl
in the temple of the man taking the title. Each woman whose husband had taken the ozo title
in the ozo group of the person taking the title was given 3d. All ozo men of Agukwu were
given 2d. each and the isi nze Agukwu was given 3d. Each ozo man that came into the temple
dipped his finger in the sugar cane bowl and his 2d. or 3d. was given to him. The person taking
the title could eat anywhere without fear of pollution.
4th Stage: Ula Mmuo - The Vigil for Spirits, a) On the appointed day the aspirant feasted
all nze men, his age-grade, all okolobia, the umu-okpu, his mother's patrilineage and his in
laws and friends. They danced throughout the night and gifts were exchanged as stipulated by
tradition.
b) On this night, the isi nze handed two paraphernalia to the aspirant: the double-headed
spear staff called alo-ozo and a small elephant tusk called mkpalo. His three remaining names
were announced by isi nze. one having been taken when he obtained previously the title of
nlinwammadu. He now has four new names. From that night it would be regarded unusual to
call him by his former name which was given to him by his parents.
5th Stage: Ikpata Ofo - Getting the Ofo. a) In the morning that ended the vigil the aspir
ant, accompanied by his flautist, went to the isi nze of the keeper and giver of the ofo staff of
his ward. He paid one hen, eight yams and two shillings. This isi nze consecrated the ofo,
sacrified a hen, kolanut and wine on it and counted one to nine and placed the ofo on his
hand, saying: "Our ancestors say go, be old, look after our people with justice and truth."
The aspirant kept silent. He took the ofo, walked away silently without talking to anyone or
looking backwards and went to his temple and placed the ofo on the altar.
6 th Stage: Ritual of Installation. This ritual is made up of four parts as follows:
a) Ido Mmuo - Making of the Altar. In the morning of Eke (one of the four market days)
the isi nze tied a ritual bundle of sticks called ifie egbo. This was to shield all persons against
misfortune and accidents.
By afternoon, the people had gathered and the ritual of installation began. The aspirant
sat at the front of his temple on the ceremonial wooden stool, oche mmuo. The isi nze came
and planted four ritual trees of ogilisi in the ground. Each stick represented the four market
days, eke, oye, afo and nkwo. Sacrifice was offered. The aspirant was now a potential great
ancestor owning a big temple.
b) Ichi ozo — The Title. The man sat on his chair in front of the temple, his body decorat
ed with white chalk. The isi nze tied the person's ankle with cord, gave him an ofo and ngua
giliga, a staff of honour which is a long iron lance decorated with rings, and a red cap was
placed on his head. He wrestled with his wife and was knocked down. The isi nze announced
his four ozo names publicly.
c) [sa Ile - Cleaning of Tongue (Admonition). The taboos that are observed by ozo men
were recited to him by the isi nze.
The tongue of the man was consecrated, mmacha, by the isi nze thus: the ozo man put his
tongue out and the isi nze took some leaves of ukpa tree and dipped them in ngwo solution
and then rubbed them on the man's tongue four times. He did the same with the leaves of a
kola nut tree. A hen was also brought and the beak was rubbed four times on the tongue of
the person. While doing each of these actions the isi nze was saying: "You are now nze. Be
ware of evil and dirty deeds. Beware of lies. Never tell lies. Beware of injustice. Never be unjust.
Bring peace and prosperity to your people." The hen's mouth was torn open and the blood
dropped on the man's tongue and on the ground. The hen was cooked and all nze men ate it.
7th Stage: Izu Afia - Going to Market. The ozo man went to the market on the following
eke in the midst of drumming and singing. He went and greeted the Eze Nri and gave him
tribute.
8th Stage: Seclusion. The person was secluded in his home for twenty-one days.
9th Stage: Last Ritual. During the seventh traditional month in Nri calendar, the person
made his ebo, which is a special ritual altar in front of his compound and which shows that
the compound is that of an ozo man. He went to the ebo belonging to his ward and confessed
his past evils and then went to the ajana shrine to be cleansed.
Lastly, he paid £2.2.0. to the whole of Nri for recognizing his four names and £10.10.0. to
the Nri Progress Union. The Union gave him a certificate signed by the president and secretary,
and at the bottom signed and sealed by the eze Nri. His name was officially registered as an
ozo man in Nri town.
To sum up, the title confers four major statuses and roles on the holder:
Ritual: The person can now own the temple of ichie ukwu, the spirits of the great ances
tors. He is considered as a living ancestor and may be referred to as ichie ukwu. He has to
observe some specific taboos. He can be a priest of the lineage temples and those of the alusi
when it is his turn. He must attend the onu ebo ritual annually to swear to his integrity, and
honour and confess his social crimes before the ozo men, otherwise his integrity, honour and
'purity' will be in doubt and so he may not attend the Eze's palace. He can be made an ichie
ukwu after his death if he fulfilled certain conditions. If he dies he can be given a burial for
ozo men.
Economic: He is a shareholder in his ozo alliance group. He can negotiate the buying and
selling of ofo staff certificates in his ozo group. His economic security is regarded as high.
Social: He has the right to own, keep and use all ozo paraphernalia the red cap, the white
ankle threads, the double-headed spear, alo, the single-headed iron lance, nguagiliga, the ofo
ozo, the ozo bronze bell, the elephant tusk, okike. He can be called by any of his four names.
He can have the shrine of agbala, anyanwu and ebo.
Political: He becomes a member of the traditional ruling group. Thus he becomes a mem
ber of ndi nze, one of the state councils, and he is regarded as a man of upright character and
integrity. He can be an adjudicator in the Eze Nri court, participating in decision-taking, igba
ume or ipu izu. He can be appointed a member of the nzemabua state council. He can be the
head isi nze of his lineage and of his ward and of Nri.
The ozo man is a significant political personality both at the lineage level and at the state
level. His installation was centred on his ability to speak the truth and maintain justice and
peace amongst his people. He achieved this position by working hard for it.
He has received the alo of his lineage, which symbolizes the power ike that came from
Chukwu through Eze Nri. Chukwu as creator of his lineage is symbolized in the mkpa alo or
okike (the short elephant tusk) that was handed over to him with the alo on the day of his
installation. He was later given the ofo of the ancestor, also derived from Nri Menri through
Eze Nri. The ofo legitimatized the use of power. Thus, power to act on people, in Nri think
ing, is of divine origin while authority to use power is of social origin. He remains an ozo
while alive, but if he committed a grievous offence the Eze Nri ànd his council will take away
the ozo title.
The Sacred Eze Nri
The king of the state in Nri is the Eze Nri In 1910, N. Thomas, who had the opportunity
to see the Eze Nri Obalike, has this to say: "The Eze Nri, or king of Nri, a town otherwise
known as Aguku, is a somewhat striking figure. In his own house, or in the town of Aguku,
a large single bell is used and when the Eze Nri strikes this all the people present clap their
hands. He is the spiritual potentate over a large extent of the Ibo country and so great is the
awe which he inspires that recently, when, probably for the first time in history, an Eze Nri
entered the native court of Awka while a sitting was going on, the whole assembly rose and
prepared to flee." (Thomas 1913, p. 48). This record is indeed an authoritative summary of
what Eze Nri stands for in the eyes of his own people and many other Igbo peoples.
Earlier on I have pointed out that he was not called isi or onyi isi. He was called Eze mmuo
or Eze alusi, meaning the king of spirits or king of the spiritual forces and beings. He was
greeted as igwe, meaning symbolically the sky, and he greets the people as ora, meaning my
people. He sounds his small iron gong and the people reply by clapping their hands.
What do all these symbolic words and actions mean in political terms? This will be the
topic of this section.
Nri people believe that Eri derived his divinity from Chukwu, the Creator, and that all Eze
Nri are believed to derive their sacred and mystical powers from Eri. This sacredness with
mystical power has passed down from generation to generation patrilineally to the present Eze
Nri, who holds the original ofo and alo of both Agukwu and Diodo Kingship. I shall go on to
examine very briefly how the person is selected and crowned, granted that he has fulfilled all
the other conditions including that of taking all the titles, except that of Nri.
a) The Ritual Selection of Eze Nri. The major lineage whose turn it is to produce a candidate
for Eze Nri does not do that by election or appointment. It is believed that the candidate is
ritually inspired. The statement that Eze Nri is not selected may be regarded as a ritual state
ment. It is believed that the candidate will begin to see signs. Indeed he proclaims that the
former Eze Nri appears to him in a dream and has ordered him to be Eze Nri. Then people
will begin to watch out for signs. The walls of his compound will begin to collapse in the dry
season; his children and livestock may begin to die if he continues to delay. He can predict the
future. He can make rain or prevent it. He can cause plagues of locusts, yam beetles, swarms of
flies, birds, soldier ants and snakes, and on the other hand he can stop them and generate
fertility of plants and animals.
The acquiring of mystical powers and the manifestation of these are a sure indication that
the individual concerned has been elected to succeed by the spirit of the past Eze Nri, Nri
Menri. But this has to be confirmed by divination, afa. The ndi nze with the nzemabua council
will approach three different diviners who will divine in the front of the temple of an alusi so
that they may not bè able to say any untrue words and in the presence of the public. The
diviners after long divining may or may not be able to reach a unanimous conclusion; in this
case they are dismissed and the interregnum continues until unanimity is reached. Then the
nzemabua informs the candidate to go ahead with his coronation ceremony. But the diviners
may reach a unanimous conclusion and yet the nzemabua council disagrees. In this case the isi
nze cannot announce anything because it is only decisions that he announces. Then a stale
mate is reached until such time as an agreement is reached.
It is clear that the candidates for the throne are indeed not just sitting waiting for the
supernaturals to appoint them; they know that the voice of the people is the voice of the
supernaturals. They are actively engaged feeling their way silently but surely through the in
tricate corridors of Nri power politics as represented by the electors, the diviners, the ndi nze,
the nzemabua and the public.
b) The Coronation. Once the selection of the new successor is accepted, he begins the long
coronation ceremony. I shall only be able to state very briefly what the present Eze Nri and
two of those who were deeply involved in his coronation told me.
1st Stage: The Visitation. The incumbent visited all the temples of the past Eze Nri located
in the various royal lineages of Nri and all the alusi in Nri in their order of seniority. To each
alusi the sacrifices of a goat, a hen and a cock were made. He then went to the Umu Diana
lineage to inform them and make the necessary payments of a she-goat, eight yams and a pot
of palm wine. A sacrifice was offered at the collective temple of Ezikanebo, founder of the
Umu Diana lineage. He also visited all the alusi in Uma Diana and offered a cock or hen and
wine to each. He was given a small Umu Diana boy to carry his wooden bowl of white chalk,
nzu, during his journey to other Igbo towns.
2nd Stage: The Journey to Aguleri. Accompanied by musicians, representatives of Nri
lineages and his wives, he travelled through the towns of Enugu-Uku, Enugu-Agidi, Amanu
ke, Achalla, Nando and Igbariam to Aguleri, staying a night in each town, visiting the town's
alusi and recieving gifts.
He stayed four days at Aguleri in obu uga to recieve the blessing of Eri and to collect a
lump of clay brought from the bottom of the Anambra river by divers. This lump of clay
would be used for making the ritual pot, odudu, for the shrine of Nri Menri.
They left Aguleri and travelled through Umuleri, Nsugbe, Nteje, Awkuzu, Ukpo, Abagana,
Nimo, Abacha, Nnobi, Oraukwu, Nneokwa, Adazi, Agulu, Nibo and Nise and then back to
Nri. In these towns he also visited the principal alusi, received gifts and demonstrated his great
mystic powers.
3rd Stage: The Period of Seclusion. He remained secluded for a year in a place called Aban
anwara in a hut made of leaves. He lived there with his first wife and the small Adama boy
from Umu Diana lineage. Ufie music was sounding day and night.
4th Stage: The Coronation. He moved to his new palace and sat on the mud throne, cov
ered with leopard skin. He was clad in white cloth. The isi nze of Umu Diana lineage placed
the crown made of hide, okpu eze, encircled with eight ugo feathers, on his head. Copper, or
bronze anklets, mgba ukwa ona, were put on both of his ankles and a carnelian bead, aka, was
tied on his right wrist. The isi nze of Umu Diana brought the ofo-Nri and alo-Nri-Menri from
the palace of his predecessor and handed them to him. The Adama enumerated all the taboos
the new Eze must observe and those people would observe on his behalf. He ended saying:
"Rule your people well, chi ofuma, so that peace (udo), health (ezi ndu), prosperity (aku),
wisdom (amamife), truth (ezi oku), justice (ikpe kwu oto), may prevail in your town and in
your kingdom, mgbangba ora. The isi nze made the shrine of Nri Menri in front of the palace
by burying the sacred pot made from the mud got from Aguleri and the bronze or copper ob
jects and wooden objects made by smiths and carvers employed by the candidate.
5 th Stage: Ritual of Desecration and Rebellion. The Eze first 'fought' with his wife who
knocked him down and then he knocked her down. He, armed with sword and shield, 'fought'
a young man okolobia, who pushed the Eze back and the Eze finally pushed him out of the
palace. The same act was done with a titled man, onye nze. The weapons were destroyed and
buried.
6th Stage: The Transformation - Death and Resurrection. The Eze was buried in a shallow
grave. His wives began to do the real mortuary rites which lasted for twenty-one days. He
'rose' from the 'dead' clothed with white cloth and decorated with white chalk nzu. He is
now a spirit 'mmuo' and a living alusi. He announced his new name and the people greeted
him as igwe, (the sky) the most high. He is now Eze Nri.
7th Stage: Integration. A wrestling match was held and ufie music was played for one year
in his palace. Other towns came to bring tribute and pay him homage.
The Eze's palace becomes the centre of the community activities. He transmits his mystical
power to his people who can make and unmake the rules of taboo, remove abominations and
control the ozo title and alusi in and outside Nri.
The ten mystical powers attributed to Eze Nri and the Eze's relationships with the super
naturals and the living are summed up in Figure 1.
c) The Palace Organisation of Eze Nri. The palaces of the past and present Eze Nri are similar
in structure. The present Eze Nri's palace occupies a rectangular area of about 200 χ 250
yards. His personal quarters are built in a portion of the rectangular area and are fenced off.
In front of this fenced portion is his big reception hall; on the other side is his personal temple,
and in the front of the reception hall is the temple of the spirits of the past Eze Nri, nri Menri.
Inside the hall there is a raised platform where he sits or reclines during the day. At the other
end of the hall are long benches where anyone may sit. Here 1 will not concern myself with
the description of the interior of the palace and its symbolic meaning, but I will deal briefly
with the palace personnel.
The palace is manned by the palace officials, Odibo Eze, who are of four types: some
selected members of the Umu Diana lineages, the male and female dwarfs of Eze Nri, the
Eze's palace priest and the Eze's musicians.
d) The Umu Diana Lineage Personnel. Some of the most important palace officers of
Eze Nri are persons selected from Umu Diana lineages. They vary in number from five to ten.
Some of them were little boys who always remained naked. They carried the gong of Eze Nri
and cooked for him. They were 'Virgin' boys, the king's pages. They grew up in the palace
and once they reached the age of having interest in girls they were paid off and they left the
service of the palace.
The adult officials of Umu Diana lineages do not live in the palace. They live in their village
which is part of Nri, about two miles away from the present palace. But they attend the
palee very often, especially during ceremonials. They are the personal advisers of Eze Nri
in matters of palace protocol and behavior in public. They are also in charge of the inner
chamber of the palace where the sacred royal objects are kept. They have the final say in what
Fig. 1 : Sacred kingship and politics
is taboo and what, is not taboo with regard to Eze Nri. They introduced visitors to Eze Nri
and they handle his paraphernalia. The Eze speaks to the audience through one of them. They
alone can touch the Eze and his regalia and they alone can perform the coronation and burial
of the Eze.
They are rewarded as stipulated by custom and according to the wish of Eze Nri. There
are two types of rewards, collective and individual. The collective rewards are the ones Eze Nri
gives to the Umu Diana lineages as a whole and are traditionally defined, and the individual
rewards are the ones given to individuals. The Eze Nri could refuse to accept an Adama, as
members of the Umu Diana lineages are sometimes called. He could also dismiss any. In this
case the individual could attend the palace not as an individual to serve the king but as a
member of the Adama lineage.
e) The Dwarfs of the Palace. Nri religion prohibits the killing of human beings and regards
it as the greatest abomination against the mystical force of the earth. Twins were not regard
ed as human beings and it was permitted to kill them, as it was an abomination to have them.
Dwarfs born in parts of Igbo land under Nri influence were regarded as mystical beings and
were sent to Eze Nri through Nri men in the various Igbo settlements. Most of these dwarfs
grew up in the palace of Eze Nri or in the homes of Nri men. They were believed to be adept
as traditional doctors. These little human beings were very important members of Eze Nri's
palace.
They were symbols of Eze Nri's power and he used them as instruments of communication.
If a male dwarf, called Aka Nri, or a female dwarf, called Ada Nri, knocked at one's door and
said "Eze wants you", the person obeyed without delay. In the past if Eze Nri wanted to sum
mon leaders of other towns or wanted to settle a dispute, he sent Nri men accompanied by
one of his palace dwarfs. The presence of a Nri dwarf in an Igbo village was a matter of great
concern and anxiety.
The Eze Nri looked after the welfare of the dwarfs. The present Eze Nri 'had' dwarfs, the
last of which died in 1970.
f) The Palace Priests. After the coronation of Eze Nri, which involved his 'Death' and
'Resurrection', he is regarded as a spirit. He does not offer sacrifices, because sacrifices are
offered to spirits, of which he is believed to be one. All palace sacrifices are offered by his sub
jects to Nri Menri, the spirits of the past Eze Nri. He appoints a chief priest to be in charge of
all rituals connected with the palace and the community. The priest is rewarded by taking
the traditional parts of the animal offered which would have been the Eze's share. The chief
priest is generally a member of the Eze's minimal lineage and is an ozo titled man. The Eze
could change him.
g) The Eze's Musicians. The Eze keeps a group of state musicians composed of drummers
and flautists. In the past, all over a large portion of Igbo land under the Eze Nri's influence,
the wooden slit drum was played only in the temples of alusi and palaces of authorized Eze.
The wooden slit drum, which is a type of talking drum, is played during the night of any fes
tival when dancing, wrestling and acrobatics are held in front of the palace.
The Musicians are all members of the Eze's minimal lineage, except the slit drum players
who are generally hired from Agulu, a neighbouring town. All the musicians are rewarded
with gifts and stipulated money payment.
h) The Character of the Palace Officials. Nri palace officials are not hierarchically ranked.
They do not participate in politics, although as individuals they may have some influence in
the palace politics. They are officials who help human beings to communicate with the king
who is considered a spirit and so is hemmed around by taboos.
Conclusion
The analysis above shows that at Nri, the ozo title and Nri title of kingship are closely
interrelated. The first Eze Nri was the first man to take the ozo title and become the eze Nri·,
thereafter other men who took the title became eze ozo. This culture element associated with
leadership diffused to other parts of Igbo land. Though the system was controlled from Nri it
evolved into different forms in different parts of Igbo land. The system diffused rapidly be
cause it is adaptive to the segmentary lineage system of the proto-Igbo type.1
Eventhough ozo title is a microcosm of Nri title synonymous to Eze Nri, the Nri king dif
fers from ozo men and from other forms of eze: he is identified in Nri religious myth as
"participant in the creation of the world" and each new Eze Nri must re-enact this role during
his accession of office.
The decay of the essence of ozo title in Igbo land synchronizes with the decline of Nri
hegemony. Nri title and ozo title symbolize leadership par excellence. The attack on Eze Nri
and Ozo title by early British administrators and the Christian Churches was an attack on the
basic structure of Igbo philosophy of political leadership. It was unfortunate and unwarrant
ed as demonstrated in recent attempts of westernized Igbo elites to revive a system they still
regard as primitive because it happens to be developed by their ancestors. The revived-ozo
title is not ozo title geared to leadership but bears the mark of conspicuous consumption and
split political personality.
The decay has created a hiatus between traditional political morality and values,and im
ported western political morality and values. The Igbo man of today is like a confused polit
ical animal, not sure of its political future, because neither the government nor the churches,
nor the westernized elites are able to bridge the gap between the two trends of political ethics
and values which though they believe are opposing yet could co-exist in the name of Cultural
Revival. The fruit of this effort is the emergence of a dysfunctional relationship between the
two trends. It is hoped that a synthesis between the two trends might yield a new system
adaptive to contemporary demands.
Bibliography
Afigbo, Α. E., 1975: "Prologomena to the study of the culture history of the Igbo-speaking peoples of
Nigeria" in Ogbalu, F. C. and E.N. Emenanyo (eds) Igbo language and culture, Ibadan: O.U.P. 1975.
Anadi, I. C. K. 1967: Oreri cultural heritage.
Armstrong, R. G., 1964: The Study of West African Languages, I.U.P.
Bailey, C. J. N., ms: "How the wave model explains what it explains".
Brothwell, D. and T. C. Shaw, 1971: "A late upper pleistocene Proto-West African Negro from Nigeria",
Man 6-2 (June).
Egharevba, J., 1962: Short history of Benin, l.U.P.
Hartle, D. D., 1967: 'Archaeology in Eastern Nigeria' Nigeria No. 93 (June)
Henderson, R. N., 1972: The King in Every Man, the university press.
Iduwe, A. E., 1970: A short history of Agbor Kingdom (ms)
Jeffreys, M. D. W., 1934: The divine fUmu NdriJ kings of Igboland, Unpublished PH.D. thesis, London
University.
1 The evidence available supports the adoption of the single-origin theory. A case for multi-origin may be
made but there are no evidence to support it. Until such evidence are available the single-origin theory
holds sway.
Variations in ozo title are later innovations and do not negate the single-origin theory adopted in this
paper.
Nzimiro, I.. 1965: "Study of mobility among the Igbo of Southern Nigeria". Int. J. Compatì. Sociology.
-, 1972: Studies in Igbo political systems, London: Cass
Onwuejeogwu, Μ. Α., 1970: "Typology of settlement pattern in the Igbo culture area "African Notes 6.1
-, 1972: "Outline of the dawn of Igbo civilisation in the Igbo culture area"Odinani (1 March),
-, 1973: Political system oflbusa (Igbuzo) Onitsha: Tabanisi Press.
-, 1974: Political organisation of Nri. Unpublished M. Phil, thesis. London University.
-, 1975: The Social Anthropology of Africa: An Introduction. London: Heinemann.
-, 1977: Ethnogenealogy in the dating of oral tradition (In press: Ibadan University Press).
, 1977a: "Patterns of population movement in the Igbo Culture Area" Odinani 2 (Sept. 19).
Shaw, T. C, 1968: 'Radiocarbon dating in Nigeria' J. Hist. Soc. Nigeria 4.3 (Dec.).
Shelton, 1972: The Igbo-Igala borderland
Stewart, J. M., 1976: "Towards Volta-Congo Reconstruction" Inaugural Address, University of Leiden
(October).
Tovey, D. C., 1929: Report on Ujali Court Areas Awka Divisional Office, (unclassified, field-note-book).
Thomas, N. W., 1913: Anthropological Report on the Ibospeaking Peoples of Nigeria, Part 1. Law and
Custom of the Ibo of the Awka Neighbourhood, South Nigeria. London: Harrison & Sons.
Weimers, W. E., 1975: African Language Structures. Los Angeles: Univ. California Press.
Willett, F., 1962:1fe in the history of West African Sculpture, London.

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THE GENESIS, DIFFUSION, STRUCTURE AND SIGNIFICANCE OF ỌZỌ TITLE IN IGBO LAND

Author(s): M. ANGULU ONWUEJEOGWU

THE GENESIS, DIFFUSION, STRUCTURE AND SIGNIFICANCE OF

The Genesis and Diffusion of Ozo Title

Type Ά' Characterized by:

Type 'D' Characterized by:

Type 'G' Characterized by:

Earliest Peopling of the Forest Zone

Oral Evidence for the Peopling of the I.C.A.

Listed by source; compare map 1

Owere —Pre—9th Century

Eri - Around A.D. 800

Ν r i - AD. 9th Century -1911

Isii — 15th — 16th Century

Ubulu— 16th — 18 th Century

Eze Chima — 17th Century

(47= r ιcfpip. Ili / *®Umuleri·. , 1®Amanuke \ Nqwo

\ Ubulu- Ukwu \hc¿e^i^'—*Nibo

Umuaturu/· 0/pua|Q· IΒIΒIO

® towns foundedôg the. children ofERI

Map 2: Towns in the Igbo culture area

Rate and Character of Movements

The Structure and Significance of Ozo Title

The Concept of Leadership in Nri

() Extent at about the 16 Century European influence 17^- 20^ Centuries

Map 3: The collapse of Nri hegemony

Leadership at the Age-Grade Level

Leadership at the Lineage Levels

The State Leadership

Leadership in Women's Groups and Associations

Ima Nmanwu title

Ozo Ichi title

In the morning the women were fed with pounded yam.

Nli Nwammadu Title

The Sacred Eze Nri

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