THE IGBO IDEA OF DEATH IN RELATION TO THEIR SOCIAL ORDER

Author(s): Osmund A. C. Anigbo

Source: Africa: Rivista trimestrale di studi e documentazione dell’Istituto italiano per l’Africa
e l’Oriente, Anno 37, No. 4 (DICEMBRE 1982), pp. 515-527
Published by: Istituto Italiano per l'Africa e l'Oriente (IsIAO)
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40759620 .
Accessed: 18/06/2014 20:12

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at .
http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp

.
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of
content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms
of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.

Istituto Italiano per l'Africa e l'Oriente (IsIAO) is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend
access to Africa: Rivista trimestrale di studi e documentazione dell’Istituto italiano per l’Africa e l’Oriente.

http://www.jstor.org

This content downloaded from 185.2.32.24 on Wed, 18 Jun 2014 20:12:04 PM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 THE IGBO IDEA OF DEATH IN RELATION
TO THEIR SOCIAL ORDER (*)

Human beings throughouthistoryhave adopted various strategiesand

techniquesto explain and containsome aspectsof the perennialproblemsof
evil,misfortune and death as the sociétéssee them. Thus, the Azande of the
Sudan, forexample,attributenearlyall deathsto the actionof witches. For
them, witchcraftis hereditary.It is born with the individualbut excitedor
set in motion by motives of envy or hatred (Evans Pritchard,1937:23).
When people die or experiencesome misfortune, close relationswould consult
a divinerin order to identifythe individualwhose witchcraft is responsible
forthe incident. But amongthe Azande,kin groupsare eliminatedfrompos-
sible suspectsbecause to includethemwould have been self-defeating and a
personal admission thatthe ego could also be a witch. There, it is onlypeople
enjoyingsimilarsocial statuswho could accuseeach otherof witchcraft (Evans
Pritchard,1937:113; Gluckman,1970:102). Besides, blood-brotherhood so
commonamong the Azande strengthens the ties of relationshipbetween in-
dividualsnot linkedby kinshipand therebyexcludesthe possibilityof accu-
sationsof witchcraft betweenthosewho have enteredthe relationship.Thus,
societygraduallylimitsand narrowsdown the areas of conflictand defines
the boundarieswhere personsresponsiblefor witchcraft could be detected.
In thispaper I will discussthe idea of deathamongthe Igbo of Nigeria,
showinghow it providessome awarenessof the causes of disorderin their
community.Its contribution in the conflictresolutionwill also be highlight-
ed. A briefcomparisonbetween the causes of social disorderand conflict
producedamongthe Azande and the Igbo is given at the end.

Some thirtyyearsago, a whole descentgroupnearlydied out because of

recurrentdeaths withinthe group. There were no epidemicsbut two bro-
thersonly appearedto have survived. Apparentlyfrightened by the deaths,
theychangedtheirhabitationand movedup hill by a quarterof a mile where
theybuilt a new home. It was not long afterthis,the youngerof the two
brothersalso died in a most mysterious manner.
The lone survivorthereuponfound it difficultto marryin the village
because the historyof deathsin his descentgroupwas well known to every-

(*) The research which led to the writing of this paper was carried out in 1976
with grants provided by the Demography unit of the Universityof Nigeria Nsukka, for
which grantsI am very grateful. What is analysed here is a generalizationof experiences
resultingfrom the field research. Also, the author is an Igbo. The ethnographicreport
with which the analysis began can be regarded as the phenomenon which triggeredoff
the research.

This content downloaded from 185.2.32.24 on Wed, 18 Jun 2014 20:12:04 PM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
516 NOTE E TESTIMONIANZE

one in the locality. It was felt,and some people expressedopenly,that any

womanmarrying the survivorwould certainlysufferas othershad beforeher.
Moreover,his quest to securea wife was made much more difficultby the
Igbo communalapproach to marriagenegotiations. There, individualsne-
gotiatingmarriagecontractsbut lackingin strongkin supportwould stand
littlechance of succeding{Achebe, 1963:74-75; Anigbo, 1978:442).
Afterprotracteddisappointments which should not have happenedbe-
cause the lone survivorcould have been considereda successfulman in other
ways, havingbeen the leader of a renownedmasqueradedance well known
in the villageand in the neighbourhood, he secureda wifewho was unfitfor
him,beinguglyand with a limp. But thoughthe womanwas not beautiful,
she was fruitful- a qualitywhich,in the final analysis,the Igbo would
preferto beautyof skin. For she bore the man foursons who, togetherwith
their father,became very prosperousand within a very short time have
alteredthe statusof the familyin the wider community.
It was the lone survivorhimselfwho explainedto me the historyof the
ruinedbuildingsand why he had to change his habitation. Accordingto
him,he movedon the instruction of a divineror fortunetellerknownin the
Igbo language as dibia affa. The dibia had warnedhim thatfailureto move
would resultin his own death and the probable extinctionof his descent
group- a thoughtwhich the Igbo could hardlyentertain. It was his ex-
planationthat led me to investigatethe Igbo idea of death and how they
exploit it.

For the Igbo, death is not just ceasingto be or ceasingto breathe-

O'nwugo simplymeaningthatan individualhas died. Death is not only the
resultof physicalorgansfailingto function. For them,death is all theseand
somethingmore. When they speak of death, one would gathermany im-
pressions. In a particularcontextone would thinkthatthe Igbo believe that
death is a being with its own independentand separateexistence. In such
cases, death moves and prowls around the world and strikesat any one
withoutfear. One of the Igbo sayingis Onwe atu egwu which means that
deathis not a respecterof persons,or fearsno one. Sometimesone has the
impressionthatdeath acts on its own and visitspeople withoutreason. At
othertimesit becomesobvious thatdeath is an agent,actingfor a definite
purpose,which can restoreconfidenceeven to an afflictedfamily.
It is not known for certainwhen death came into the world,but like
the Genesis accountof the originof evil and death (Genesis, 31-19),the Igbo
tracethe historyof death in theirsocial life to man's freechoice. In their
accountof the originof death, theyclaim that God createdman and gave
him libertyto choose betweendyingand stayingpermanently alive. It ap-
pears from the account that time must have elapsed before man gave his
decision. He did not discussthe choice face to face with God. Instead,he

This content downloaded from 185.2.32.24 on Wed, 18 Jun 2014 20:12:04 PM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 NOTE E TESTIMONIANZE 517

chose two animalsto informGod of his choice: the dog and the tortoise.
The dog, which moves much fasterthan the tortoise,was instructedto tell
God that it was the will of man never to die. The tortoise,on the other
hand,was chargedto accept thatman wants to diei1).
However, the plan misfired. The dog did not go straightto God to
deliverthe messageas expected. Instead,he loiteredon the way, branching
out in differentdirections,chasingotheranimalsand birdsas he went along,
because he feltveryconfidentthathe could get to his destinationbeforethe
tortoise. On the otherhand, the tortoiseplodded on steadilyand uninter-
ruptedlyuntilit arrivedin God's presence,and deliveredits messagein the
way it was givento him. Soon afterthis,the dog rushedin and hastenedto
informGod thatman had expressedthe wish neverto die. To the dog, God
gave the reply that He could not now alter His mind as He had already
takennote of man's choiceas spokenby the tortoise. This meansthatdeath
has come to stay.
From thatday forward,even thoughthe Igbo know thatdeath is not a
respecterof persons,theirseriouspreoccupationshave been how to control,
circumventand give meaningto various incidentsof death in their com-
munities.
Traditionally,in most Igbo villagecommunities, an annual cleansingce-
is
remony performed for each village. It is know as aja (2) Ochu - literally,
sacrificeto preventaccidentaldeaths. Some call it aja Chukwe - Gods sa-
crifice. And it is possible to discovermorenamesforit as one travelsfrom
one subculturalgroup to the other. Even thoughthereare some variations
in the naming,the meaning,the timingand the objectiveof the ceremonyare
the same in all the localities. Generallyit is performedby the married
womenof the villageon behalfof all its members. It musttake place before
the commencement of farmwork, as it is designedto expel death fromthe
community and ensure good healthfor the villagersthroughoutthe cycle of
farmwork.
To appreciatethe Igbo idea of death,it should be noted that the Igbo
makecleardistinctions betweenthe physicalfactof death,how the individual

(1) Traditional Igbo had no school and no formaleducation for their children. Sto-
ries featuringanimals and birds are used to inculcate differentkinds of virtues and
abuses. The involvementof the dog and the tortoisein the storyof the most important
event in man's life is also used to teach that the virtue of persistence in a given task
far outweighs natural qualities. The tortoise in Igbo stories representswisdom, cunning
(sometimes one would think that low cunning is better suited to describe the character
of the toroise). The dog, on the other hand, is despised. It becomes a kind of house-
hold scavenger,cleaning refuse, especially that deposited by babies and young children.
The saga ends by declaring the immutabilityof God. "I have already noted man's wish
as spoken by the tortoise". This remark can serve as a beginning for future study on
methaphysicalideas in primitivementality.
(2) The meaning and the definitionof aja is given later in the study, where it is
consideredmore appropriateand natural.

This content downloaded from 185.2.32.24 on Wed, 18 Jun 2014 20:12:04 PM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
518 NOTE E TESTIMONIANZE

met his death,and whyhe has to die at a particularmoment. The Igbo are
not afraidof dyingbut theyare deeplyconcernedabout how theywould die,
and his relationsmustinvestigatewhy he died at thatparticularmoment.
While theIgbo is alive he can gaugeforhimselfwhetherhe is livingwell
or whetherhe has left offspring to accord him fittingmortuaryrites. But
thereis no way he can procureforhimselfthe mannerof his own death. In
otherwords,he cannotbe sure of the natureof the sicknessor disease that
would terminatehis life. What typeof illness a man sufferedat the time
of his death could be crucialfor fixinghis statusfor all eternity. This is
because thereare diseases believed in the societyto be divine sanctionsfor
havinglived badly. Such diseases are epidemicsof all kinds. Then there
are leprosy,yaws, kwashiorkor,and suicide. Such deaths are not mourned
nor are the victimsgivenofficialburial rites.
An outbreakof an epidemicis regardedby the Igbo as a divinelyim-
posed sanctionon the community fora secretsin whichtheytoleratedwith-
out a publicoutcry. Althoughan individualcan contractthe disease and die
of it, neverthelesshe is not punishedas an individual. However, he is not
given an burial
official nor can he ever become an ancestor,a positionwhich
is highlycovetedby the Igbo - thus his punishmentderivesfrombeing a
memberof a communitywhere the outbreakof an epidemichas indicated
that the community is guiltyof some crimes.
An annual cleansingceremonyis expected to preventan outbreakof
epidemicsin the communityand assure for the membersof the village the
good healthnecessaryfor farmwork. How the ceremonyis conductedis a
clear reflectionof this objective. Each marriedwoman must sleep in her
matrimonial home the nightbeforethe ceremony. The lead is givenby the
oldest woman marriedto a memberof the descentgroup- umu nna (see
Anigbo, 1980:109) - chantingOnwu puba agu, Otolo puba agu. This
means,death,get you out of the premisesand get into the wilderness. Cho-
lera - a representative of all kind of epidemicdisease - is also enjoinedto
leave the villageand remainin the wilderness.
The restof the marriedwomenlivingin the same compoundmustjoin
her,chantingthe same theme. As each leaves her hut, she must take with
her twigsof grassfromher thatchedhouses. This is to ensurethatdeath is
not hibernating anywherein the roofsof the houses. She also collectsashes
fromthe fireplacein the kitchento make sure that the kitchenutensilsand
otherfood itemshave been purifiedof any contactwith death. Finally,she
removessome broomsticksfromthe bunch of broomsused in sweepingthe
compoundthat morning. This means thatdeath has been swept out of the
premisesand surroundings.Equipped with these collections,each woman
mustrushout to join her leader as theymove out of the compoundto meet
other groups of similarcomposition. As they combine,they swell into a
formidableforcechantingthe themealreadygiven above. They come from

This content downloaded from 185.2.32.24 on Wed, 18 Jun 2014 20:12:04 PM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 NOTE E TESTIMONIANZE 519

different parts of the village and head towards the village square. There
theymeet and select a numberof youngerwomen fromamong themselves
who mustrun as fastas theycan with all the collectionsand dump themin
the ajo ofia - bad bush of the village(cf. Basden, 1966).
Afterthis, the women have to returnto their respectivehouseholds,
fullysatisfiedthat theyhave servedtheirfamiliesas well as the village as a
whole. Whetherwhat theyhave done will achievethe objectiveby prevent-
ing epidemicsor individualdeaths duringthe currentseason of farmwork
is an entirelydifferent question.

Deaths in an Igbo community can stimulatea seriesof seriousenquiries

and consultations, to determinethe ultimatecause of death. Such knowledge
is vital because it reveals the characterof the deceased, which in turn
establisheshis statusbothin the community of thelivingand in the hereafter.
But thereis no such consultationwhere an individualmay have died as a
resultof an epidemic. The remainsare buriedquicklyand no riteis accorded
him. This is because an epidemicis regardedas a divinesanctionimposedon
a regionalbasis, and not on individuals. It is for the regionor the com-
munityto findout forthemselveswhy the sanctionwas imposedin the first
instance. Whateverpenaltyis imposedon the village must be met collecti-
vely. It can thereforebe claimed that the outbreakof an epidemic can
redefinethe unityof a village.
Even in cases of death where observerswould considerthemas nature
takingits own course,the enquiriesand consultationsmustbe made. This
is becausein theirsocialideologythe Igbo say Onye di ndu ada alu iyi- this
meansthata livingpersondoes not plead guilty. For them,men can acquire
wealth in various ways, build up a fortune,assert theirrightsto different
kinds of propertyand become famousin the community. But then, they
believe thatif the man acquiredthose thingsin dishonestways, he mustbe
foundout sooneror later and certainlywhen he dies.
Where rightsto propertyare opposed by counterclaims,finaldecisions
as to the rightfulowner cannot be reachedby mere forceof argumentsor
rhetoric. One of the claimantsto the propertymustbe allowed to support
his claimsby swearinghis rightsto the propertyat an Musi (3).

(3) Musi is a form of shrine. It can be in the form of a grove or a heap of

stones, but it is adorned with differentkinds of ornamens, statues and carvings. Musi
is believed to be endowed with supernaturalpowers which it wields for and on behalf
of the entire group. As a supernatural force alusi can detect the most secret sins of
individuals, especially those brought to it for arbitration. There is no limitation as to
the number of alusi that can be found in one locality. In fact, they are not all equal
in importance. Nor are they equally known. Their fame derives from their effectiveness
and promptnessin decideng cases and inflictingcorrespondingpunishmenton the guilty
party.
Musi has a definite beginning because it is either created by a ¿Libia me-

34

This content downloaded from 185.2.32.24 on Wed, 18 Jun 2014 20:12:04 PM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
520 NOTE E TESTIMONIANZE

Ainsi, which means a kind of shrine,is an institutionin the village,

knownfor its ruthlessness in inflictingdeadlypunishmenton individualsor
groupswho mayhave stakedfalseclaimsto honouror propertyand formally
invitedthe shrineto bear witnessto theirhonestyby takingan oath in its
name.
In cases where rightsto honouror propertyare at stake or disputed,
one of the partiesto the disputeis allowed to uphold his honouror claim if
he swears successfullyat an ainsi. If the propertyor honour is worth a
greatdeal, the individualmakingthe oath can be asked to add two or more
membersfromhis descentgroupto himselfwhenhe is makingthe oath. The
propertyis takenover temporarily by the individualor the groupwho made
the oath. However,thereis a generalagreementon the lengthof timewhich
must elapse for the oath to be ratified. One year is oftenthe maximum
period of time allowed to the shrineto pass a sentenceof guilt. If the
individualis guilty,he ought to die. If not, he would live. Where the
individual dies, the propertyrevertsto the group who asserted counter
claims to the goods or property.
Anyone who feels very stronglyfor his stolen goods can informan
ainsi of his loss. He can explain his case by invitingthe ainsi to punish
the culprit adequately for the offence. He must compensate the ainsi
when the servicesare done, otherwisethe neglectwould boomerangon him.
It is generallyaccepted that some personscan injure othersor bring
about theirdeaths by poisoning. Poison, known in the Igbo language as
nshi or nsi, means somethingthat can maim,injure or even kill. It can
be served in two distinctways. The firstis administration throughthe
serviceof cooked food, and the second is done withouthavingany physical
contactwith the victim.
Poison servedwith food is any elementor concoctionwhich is known
to be harmfulbeingadded to foodintendedforhumanconsumption.Among
the Igbo, it is the customforthe host to taste the food servedto his guest.
Where the guestis suspiciousof his host he mustwatchcarefullyto see that
thisrule is kept. This is because the Igbo say obn onyemaalu madu n'egbu
ya. This means the belief that personal acquaintanceis a necessarycon-
ditionfor an effectiveadministration of poisoned food. Tastingfood for a
guest therefore indicatesthat the food is freefrompoison. Membersof the

dicine man-orit is harnessedfromthe powersof an alreadyexistingone, servingin

anothervillage. The growthof an dust is progressive.It acquiresfame as it di-
schargesits duties. Sometimesan dust can outgrowits usefulness. This happens
when it inflictsits sentenceof deatheven on merepretextof guilt. On this account,
people servedby it can also seek its destruction,as has happenedto manyin living
memory.
Althoughdust are intimately linked to Igbo religiouspractices,theycan be eli-
minatedaltogether withoutdisturbing thefundamental of Igbo religiousworship.
structure

This content downloaded from 185.2.32.24 on Wed, 18 Jun 2014 20:12:04 PM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 NOTE E TESTIMONIANZE 521

same descentgroupdo not tastefood forone anotherbecause to do so would

indicatemistrustor a stateof enmity. For the same reason,close friendsdo
not wait forthe otherto tastehis food beforepartakingof the dish.
Poison, also knownas nshi or tisi,is not consumedbut a claim is made
thatit can be passed on to a victimwithoutdirectphysicalcontact. This is
what the Igbo regardas iko ogwu - throwingcharmsonto a target. Iko
ogwu ought to be distinguished fromika ogwu. Ika ogwu means vaccinat-
ing some preventative medicineinto the body to preventinfection. But iko
ogwu is the art of throwingdangerousmedicineknown as charmsto an in-
tendedobject to inflictit with bodilyinjurieswhichcould eventuallydestroy
the life of the victim. It comesunderthe umbrellaof ajo ogwu, namelythe
medicinedesignedfor evil purposes(cfr. Anigbo, 1979:140-141).
Thereforeas soon as an adult dies in an Igbo community, preparations
for burial are suspendeduntil the cause of death is known. It would be
obvious fromthe patternof the inquiriesthat the physicalcause of death
may not be in doubt. What concernsthe groupis to findout why the in-
dividualdied and who is responsiblefor the death. It can be recalledthat
thereis no such consultationwhere the victimwas suffering fromleprosy,
yawsor kwashiorkor or wherehe took his own life,forto die on accountof
any of theseis a confirmation that the victimis guiltyof some crimewhich
denieshim all the honourof the group. His remainsare quicklydisposedof,
and he could never become an ancestor. This is what the Igbo regardas
ajo onwu meaningbad death(4).
Any othertypeof death can be an occasion for seriousspeculationand
consultationsfor the Igbo. When an adult dies, relationswould rallytoge-
ther,pick up a few coins and, selectingtwo or threeindividualsfromamong
themselvesgo to consultwith a divinerto findout what is responsiblefor
the death. Many kinds of explanationsare possible. It could be anything
rangingfromminorfaultssuch as failureto worshipone's ancestorsin their
seasons to moreheinouscrimessuch as stealing,false oath-taking, killingby
poisoningfood or water. Where the deceased has been a man of doubtful
character,several such consultationsmust be made. This is because the
stateof a man at deathcan determinehow he would be buriedand wherehe
would be buriedor whetherhe would not be buriedat all but left to decay
in the open bush far away fromhumanhabitation.
It can be noted thatdivinersamongthe Igbo hardlyever claimsthat an
an individualnwulu onwu chi ya. This means the naturaldeath or death
accordingto the designsof the creatoris hardlyever upheld by the Igbo.
For them,all deathsoccurbecause somethingor some one livingor dead has
directlyplanned it.

(4) Ajo, onwu - this is a technicaltermused to designatethose who died suf-

feringfromillnessbelievedto be an act of God. Such is regardedas a bad man.

This content downloaded from 185.2.32.24 on Wed, 18 Jun 2014 20:12:04 PM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
522 NOTE E TESTIMONIANZE

Where divinersor fortunetellersclaim that a death occurredbecause

the deceased ate poisoned food, theymust also declare the identityof the
culpritand all those who conspiredwith him in the act. If this is difficult
to ascertain,the partyof the bereavedcan enlistthe help of an alusi to track
down the culpritand punishhim severelyfor his evil deeds. But if some
people are suspect,theymustbe told to clear themselvesbeforethe remains
are buried. They can do this by comingforwardand declaringtheirinno-
cence in frontof the corpseand beforeit is buried. It can be inferredthat
accusationsof that natureoftenput a seriousstrainon social relationships,
and probablystartoffcounteraccusationsand suspicionsof variouskinds.
To avert that, the two partiescan come to termsby negotiatingthe
relationshipof igba ndu. Igba ndu means to join life. It indicateswilling-
ness betweentwo or more individualsmakinga solemnoath beforean alusi
to respectand preserveeach others'life and property. It is a pledge similar
to the Azande blood-brotherhood.But the Azande contractcan only be ra-
tifiedwherethe partieshave swallowedeach others'blood (Evans Pritchard,
1962: 137). For igba ndu nothingis consumed. What is paramountis that
both partiesto the pact of igba ndu must accept the pact and presentthem-
selves togetherbefore an alusi. There, they must administerthe oath of
fidelityto the pact to each other. While the blood pact is a means of
ensuringor cementingfriendship, igba ndu is a means of avertinga feud or
ending conflict, and not necessarilya means of startingfriendship. The
blood pact and igba ndu have this in common: that both of them make
livingtogetherin a community easier and more tolerable.
However, resultsof consultationwith divinersand theirprescriptions
for what must be done beforeintermentcan vary. This is because of the
gravityof the causes leading up to a particularincidentof death. The
divinerscan claim that a death occurredbecause the group had failed to
honourtheirpromiseto presenta ram to a shrinein recognition of a favour.
They now know thatit cannotbe delayedany longer. Before goingon with
thepreparations leadingto burial,they can agree on how to collectthe money
to purchase the animals and goods required for the sacrifice. The most
senioramong them would thenleave a rope in frontof the shrine to indicate
that a four-footed animal was promised. The remainsof the deceased are
thenburied accordingto his statusin life. This means that the burial can
take place in the compoundor anywhereon the premises. Such an indivi-
dual is accordedfull burial ritesand he can be invokedas an ancestorpro-
vided he leftchildrento continuehis line.
The divinerscan also say thata particulardead personis a victimof so
manyheinouscrimeswhichthe deceased perpetratedagainstmembersof the
pubíicas well as thoseof his descentgroup,thathe cheated,took falseoaths
and as a resultobtained goods includinglanded property. Deaths of this
kind are not consideredhonourable. A varietyof issues are at stake. The

This content downloaded from 185.2.32.24 on Wed, 18 Jun 2014 20:12:04 PM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 NOTE E TESTIMONIANZE 523

divinersare verycarefulin such cases to prescribewhat ought to be done

beforeinterment takesplace. This is because theyknow thatfailureon their
partcan lead to moretroublesin the future. The minimumrecommendation
in that kind of case is that the remainsshould be removedto the village
communalgroundreservedfor criminalsof all sorts.
From the foregoingone can observe that it is death that finallypro-
claims the statusof an individualin the community.

Even today in some NorthernIgbo village communities,one can still

observeruinsof desolateplaces and structures of desertedbuildings. Stand-
ing here and there in the groundsare iroko trees,mahogany,and the oil palm
treewhichare not exploitedby anyone. There are also treessuch as oranges,
bananas and mangoeswhichbear fruitsin theirseasons,ripen,and drop by
themselveswithout anyone botheringto collect them even when they are
veryattractiveto eat. The people know thatthe fruitsare not poisonousor
poisoned and yet they are afraidto touch,let alone eat them. They also
know that some of thosewho used to live in that territory can stillbe alive
and settledsomewhereelse in the vicinity. Yet, theydo not come back to
harvesttheirfruitnor do theymake use of what is technicallytheirpiece
of land. Such phenomenaare explicablein termsof ghost apparitionand
incidentsof death in the community or a descentgroup.
It may not be so easy to identifysuch sites in the areas of Owerri,
Ihiala and Adazi, or any other village communitieswhose inhabitantshave
largelyembracedChristianity.This is because althoughby traditionit is
believed that serious contactswith the groundsare dangerous,the commu-
nityhave persistently turnedsuch groundsover to the Christians,expecting
themto come to seriousharm. They did not, and it became a practicefor
communitiesto donate similargroundsto the Christiansfor theirprojects
(cfr.Achebe, 1966). But theycan be foundin some partsof Owa (Ezeagu
Local GovernmentArea); Umulokpa (Uzo Uwani L.G.A.); Enu Ezike
and some neighbouringvillage communities(Igbo Eze L.G.A.). All these
villagesare to be foundin AnambraState of the Federationof Nigeria.
The Igbo expressdifferent kindsof beliefsabout the behaviourof their
dead. They claim that some dead people can assumephysicalformsand as-
sociate with the living in remoteplaces and where they are not known.
There, theycan relatenormallyto neighboursand enterinto obligationsof
friendship withthepeople of thatcommunity.But in doing so, theyare very
cautious,watchingout for anyonewho can identifythem and disappearing
beforethereis any real contactbetween them. They say that dead people
who behave in that mannerdied prematurely, the cause of death not being
traceableto theirpersonalfaults,nor to deeds or omissionsof membersof
theirdescentgroup.
There is also some elementof determinism in Igbo beliefs, This is so

This content downloaded from 185.2.32.24 on Wed, 18 Jun 2014 20:12:04 PM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
524 NOTE E TESTIMONIANZE

because theymaintainthat each individuals span of life is predetermined

even beforehis birth. Where a man died prematurely, he would not gain
admissionto the spiritworld - ani muo. Rather,he would eitherwhile
away his time somewherelivinglike a normalhumanbeing,or, if he was a
bad man,could spend his timedisturbingmembersof his descentgroup.
In addition,thereis the belief that some dead people can disturband
disruptthe social life of the living. Such disorderscan begin with ghost
apparitions. Ghost apparitionsare considered ominous and dangerous to
membersof a descentgroupif the ghostrepresentsa man of the group and
the apparitionappearsin the land belongingto the groupor theirresidents.
Such ghostsare known as okanogholior akalogholior ajo mou. They all
meanthe same thing,namely- evil spiritswanderingat random,determined
to wreakvengeanceon some membersof the descentgroup.
People claim that such ghosts make their appearancesat night,mid-
afternoonsand on marketdays - periodsin Igboland associatedwith lone-
liness. If the apparitionis confirmed, it becomesa signthatreal dangersare
threatening the members of the descent group.
For the ghostof a deceasedmemberof a descentgroupto appearwithin
theirpremisescan be a cause for seriousconcernto all the members. This
is because of the meaningwhich the Igbo attachto that kind of ghost ap-
parition. For them,the ghost of a deceased memberof the group seen in
its own formerresidenceor the homes of fellowmembersis associatedwith
all kindsof evil. Such an individualcan be regardedas onyelulu iyi mean-
ing a victimof falseswearing,or onyekpaluluani whichmeansan individual
who pollutedthe land when he was alive and still lies buried in the bosom
of the earth. Any individualwho kills othersby poisoningthem pollutes
the land, but the offenceis even more heinousif he kills a fellow member
of thedescentgroupby such means. None of thoseguiltyof such misdeeds,
and who obtaineda decentand honourableburial,can retaintheirfortunefor
ever. This is because the earth goddess Ani, the supremeguardianof all
morality,and who detectseven the most secretor hiddensins,would reject
the dead personby pushinghim out of the grave to go and menacefellow
membersof the group,thus demonstrating thathe is not worthyof honour.
Such ghost appearances have this in common: that theyindicatethat there
is stillan outstandingdebt whichthe groupmustpay on behalfof a deceased
member.
The group must pay because a descent group among the Igbo can be
regardedas a corporationowningat least a piece of land in common(Floyd,
1966:200). In addition,membersof a descent group can inheritwomen
fromone another. They also say ugwo nna ji, ntvatan'akwu ya. Literally,
this meansthata debt owed by the fathermustbe paid by his son. But in
realityit means that membersof a descentgroup must pay any outstanding
debt incurredby a deceased member. The latterinterpretation is more ac-

This content downloaded from 185.2.32.24 on Wed, 18 Jun 2014 20:12:04 PM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 NOTE E TESTIMONIANZE 525

curatebecause where a man has no son, it is the group that must unite to
pay offhis debts.
When, therefore, the ghostof a deceased memberof the group appears
in theirpremises,each adult memberof the group must examinehimselfon
the various kinds of transactionhe may have negotiatedwith the deceased
memberwhen he was alive. At the same timethe groupmustreacttogether
immediately by going to consultwith a divinerto determinepreciselywhy
the ghostis appearingin theirmidst. Very oftendivinersconsultedin this
kind of situationare not thosepreviouslyseen at the timeof death,as these
have shownthemselvesto be incompetent, otherwisetheywould have exposed
the deceased beforeinterment, thus nullifyingfuturedisturbances. In order
to be certain,the group may send for special expertsin the field,especially
thosewho peddle theircraftsto different localitiesin Igboland. They must
explainwhy the ghost has appeared and what the groupmustdo to end the
apparition and restore confidence to the family.
The divinercan say that the deceased is a victimof false swearingand
thathe obtaineda piece of land for so doing. Prescriptions handed over to
the clientsought to include findingout the precise piece of land and the
partyto the dispute,as well as the shrinewhere the oath was taken in the
firstinstance. They must returnthe piece of land to the other partyand
informthe priestof the shrinethat theyhave done so. Some compensation
can be paid to the shrineand to the earthgoddessfortheirrespectiveservices.
Delays in payingoffthedebts can sometimesbe dangerousto the group.
This is especiallythe case where more and more deaths occurredwithinthe
groupbeforethe outstandingdebts are paid off. As morepeople die, so the
compensation to be paid to the shrinesfortheirserviceswill increase. It can
happen that the increaseshave outweighedthe means of the survivingrela-
tives. Where theyare not able to affordthe necessarycompensation,they
may abandon theirtraditionalhome and seek safetyin flightsomewherein
the village. This explainsthe evidenceof manyruinedbuildingsand fruit-
bearingtreeswhichare not touchedby anyonein some Igbo communities.
It is also possibleforthe divinerto prescribeaja sacrificeto stop ghost
apparition. In the Igbo language aja does not imply somethingnoble or
somethingto be desired. Ichu aja in Igbo meanssettingsomethingaside for
non-domestic uses. When the Igbo say nwelu ya chua aja, it means forget
about it. It means givingsomethingout withoutexpectinga returnor any
formof reciprocity.The conceptof ichu aja differsa great deal fromthe
meaningof a presentor gift. Where a divinerprescribesaja to appease a
particularghostapparition,it meansofferingthe ghostsomethingunpleasant
and not destinedforhouseholduses. In actual factaja means a combination
of different food and animalelements,most of themunfitor unsuitablefor
normaldomesticuses. It can include rotteneggs, dead lizards, a day-old
chick,a sick lambkin- somethingveryreminiscent of the concoctionof thç

This content downloaded from 185.2.32.24 on Wed, 18 Jun 2014 20:12:04 PM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
526 NOTE E TESTIMONIANZE

witchesin Shakespeare'sMacbeth(cfr. Macbeth,Act IV, Sc. 1). These are

collected and packed in a badly designed basket especiallymeant for the
purpose,and submittedto the directionof the bad bush fromwhere the
ghost is comingto disturbthe membersof the group. Ichu aja which is
directedagainsta menacingghostis a symbolicact which indicatesthat the
livingdo not ask for reunionbetween themand such ghost. That is why
thisfood is not sharedbetweenthe livingand the evil spiritstowardswhom
it is directed. Ichu aja can thereforeneverbe directedto the reveredance-
stors,with whom the livingare in communionand who are offeredregular
sacrifice.
Where the ichu aja does not stop the ghost apparition,it means that
somethingmoreradicaloughtto be done. More consultationswith a diviner
can be made and further can includethe exhumingof the grave
prescriptions
where the remainsof the deceased may have been buried. Whateveris left
of him is takenaway and throwninto the bad bush. The graveis leftopen
foreveryoneto see that the formeroccupantis not an honourablemember
of the group. Such membersof the groupare referredto as ndi mgbaluno
ndi nkelu. This meansthe spiritswhichpolluteand createmaladjustedchil-
dren. They are normallyofferedfood with the lefthand and addressedin
the termsexpressedabove.
Thereforewith regardto adults,one can speak broadlyof four kinds
of dead people amongthe Igbo. The firstand the most importantof these
are the well-behavedpeople who have attainedmatureage, begot childrento
continuetheirline and died withoutstain to theirnames. These become
ancestorsand are reveredby the membresof theirdescentgroup. Secondly,
thereare also men who lived well but have no childrento survivethemand
therefore failedto qualifyas ancestors. They are lost to the group. Finally,
thereare two classes of dead people, both of whom died prematurely.The
firstof thesecan be regardedas good people but theymustspend some time
on earthuntil theyrun theirfull time beforebeing admittedto the spirit
world. There are also the vicious spiritswanderingabout seekingto harm
some membersof theirgroup.

Conclusion
In comparingand contrasting the Azande and the Igbo ideas of death
and conflictresolution,the followingobservationscan be made. For the
respectivesocieties,the unityof the descentgroup is always maintainedin
all issues of conflictinvolvingmembersof the group. In the case of the
Azande,the Ego is verycarefulnot to bringchargesof witchcraft againstany
memberof his groupforfearof dishonouringall the members. This is be-
cause theirsocial ideologyclaims that witchcraft is herediaryand the sub-
stancetransmissible in the directline. But the areas of conflictare limited
by a numberof social mechanismssuch as the blood-brotherhood negotiated

This content downloaded from 185.2.32.24 on Wed, 18 Jun 2014 20:12:04 PM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 NOTE E TESTIMONIANZE 527

and ratifiedonlyby equals belongingto different descentgroups. Moreover,

witchcraft accusationcannotbe made by inferiorsagainsttheirsuperiorsor
vice versa. It follows fromthis that the individualcan identifyall those
withinthe community againstwhomhe can safelybringchargesof witchcraft
withoutendangering the traditionalties of social relationshipin the area.
AmongtheAzande,no one is confirmed a whichsimplybecause someone
else or even the divinerhas supportedthe accusation. There is a correct
methodof determining whetheran individualis a witchor not and this can
onlybe done when the accusedis dead. Then and onlythencan membersof
his descent group organizea kind of autopsyon him to find out whether
witchcraft substancecan be foundin his system. If it is, the accused is a
witch. If not, he is free. But he must be dead beforebeing certifiedor
finallycondemned.
In like manner,the Igbo must uphold the unityof the descentgroup
in the issues of conflict. He does thisby ensuringthat the honourand inte-
grityof the descentgroupare respected. This is why he cannotplead guilty
to chargesof wrongfulacquisitionof propertyunless he wants to admit
publiclythat he is a thiefor a rogue. For a rogue to be foundwithin a
descentgroupdishonoursthem. In fact,in cases of disputesbetweena mem-
ber of the descentgroupand an outsider,he mustbe given total supportby
all the memberseven wherethismeans standingwith him when he is taking
an oath to defend his innocence. For them to fail to supporthim is to
disown him or proclaimto the entirecommunity that such a person is of a
doubtfulcharacter.
Amongthe Igbo, a formaloath does not dishonourthe individualof his
group. But wherean individualdies because he has takenan oath,he thereby
demonstrates thathe is guiltyof the charges.
For both the Azande and the Igbo, incidentsof death or misfortune are
an occasionfor the people concernedto rehearsesocietalbeliefs,normsand
ideologiespractisedin the community. For them death occurs because of
some externalstimuliwhich can be identified. This explains the position
of the divineror the fortunetellerand his vital role for the phychological
survivalof the community. Withoutthe diviner,explanationsare not pos-
sible and scapegoatswould not be foundto soothe the inquiringmindof the
disturbedgroup. But even then,the people know thatthe fortunetellersare
not always accuratein their diagnosis of causes of conflict. That is the
reasonwhytheyhave to wait foranotherdeath to happenbeforethe conflict
can be resolved. So death, a mystery providesits own solution. But then
thisis not peculiartot he Igbo and the Azande: death remainsa mystery for
all societiesand peoples.
Osmund A. C. Anigbo

This content downloaded from 185.2.32.24 on Wed, 18 Jun 2014 20:12:04 PM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions