ENGRAVED HISTORIES: A STUDY OF LEGEND OF NARAKA AND POLITICAL LEGITIMACY IN

THE KAMARUPA REGION

Author(s): Sneha Das
Source: Proceedings of the Indian History Congress, Vol. 75, Platinum Jubilee (2014), pp.
153-159
Published by: Indian History Congress
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/44158374
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 ENGRAVED HISTORIES: A STUDY OF LEGEND
OF NARAKA AND POLITICAL LEGITIMACY IN
THE KAMARUPA REGION

Sneha Das

Numismatics, inscriptions, archeological evidence and literary texts are source

which help in reconstructing the history of their times. While tracing th
evolution of the Kāmākhyā cult to its present status, these kinds of sources have
proved valuable. In this chapter, an attempt is made to delve into the various
inscriptional records and to look at the religio-cultural processes of cult'
appropriation and integration. I have also looked at the process of legitimization
of the newly emerging political authority by looking at the patterns of patronage.
For this purpose, a comparative study between the pre-Ahom, Ahom and Koch
dynasty inscriptions has been undertaken. This kind of a study is enriched by th
use of literary sources like the Kãlikã Purāņa.

The earliest reference to Kamarupa was made in Kautilya's Arthasāstra,

in chapter IX book 2, in the context of examination of gems that are to be entered
in the treasury. References are also found in Mahābhārata and Rãmãyana, but
they were mostly indirect. The Chinese literary sources mention Kamarupain
relation to the visit of Yuan Chwang during the reign of Bhaskarvarman of the
Bhauma-Varman dynasty in the 7th century, though not much has been said by the
author in this regard except, when it came to economic and commercial relations
There existed a trade route between Szechwan and India via Yunnan and Burma
or Assam according to Bagchi and Needham.1 The earliest publication of the pre
Ahom inscriptions appeared in 1840 C.E in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of
Bengal- three copper plates, Tezpur copper plate inscriptions of
Vanamalavarmadeva and the grant of Dharmapala. Assam came under the control
of the British in the context of the occupation and security of their Bengal
administration. Edward Gait initiated investigation into the history of Assam led
by the creation of an official institute. Before the establishment of the Department
of Ethnology, only two copper plates were found and published- 'Tezpur copper
plates and Kamauli copper plates of Vaidyadeva'. After the establishment of the
department, a few more inscriptions were found- rock inscription of
Harjaravarman at Tezpur, three copper plates and one seal known as the Bargaon
grant of Ratnapala (11th c), two copper plates of Sualkuchi and three copper
plates, and one seal Guwahati grant of Indrapala.2

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 154 ¡HC: Proceedings , 75th Session, 2014

II. 3. The Naraka Legend and Political Legitimization

According to Momin, a royalty manifests its authority through some

instruments, like warfare, socio-religious performances, erection of temples,
building and beautification of cities, patronizing scholars and priests, and lastly
donation of land to brāhmaņas.3 Yet, she falls short in giving one of the most
important instruments, which is the creation of genealogy. A line of descent,
traced continuously from an ancestor, gives ample space for the process of
legitimization. This kind of an exercise can be executed, greatly aided by the
religious scenario. A glaring example of this kind of a linear relationship is the
legend of Naraka itself. While analyzing the inscriptional records it can be seen,
almost all the rulers of Kamarupa have traced their lineage from Naraka. The
name Naraka is mentioned in the inscriptions of all Kamarupa rulers, whose
mythic elaboration is given in the Kālikā Purāņa.

According to the Kālikā Purāņa , having rescued Vasundharā (the

goddess of the land) after the pralaya, Great Flood, Lord Visņu impregnated her
in his Varāha avatãra at the time of her menstrual cycle. As, this profane
intercourse might, give birth to a demon from Mother Earth, the gods prevented
the delivery. Suffering from labor pain, the goddess came to Visņu and he
removed her pain and wished that she would give birth to her ward during the
middle of the Treta Yuga after the killing of Rāvana. In the same yuga, the
famous king of Videha, Janaka was childless. To have a child he performed a
yajña because of which he was blessed with a daughter and two sons. The
daughter was found ajt the edge of the plough while ploughing the yajña ksetra ;
she was Sita. Mother Earth said to Janaka, "this is your daughter; Rāvana would
be killed for her. Then, I would give you a son whom you have to bring up from
his childhood." After giving birth to a son in the yajña land, she informed Janaka
at midnight and disappeared. Thence reaching the spot, Janaka saw a newly born
baby lying there, keeping his head on a cut human head. As the boy was found
keeping his head on a cut human head, Gautama the head priest, gave him the
name Naraka. Vasundharā herself nursed him as his foster mother. After attaining
the age of sixteen, Aditī, with the consent of Janaka, brought Naraka to the banks
of river Ganga and showed him her divinity. She told Naraka of his birth. As
soon as Naraka became eager to see his real father, Visņu appeared. Viçnu
submerged himself with Vasundharā and Naraka in the waters of Gangā and they
reached Pragjyotisha, in the middle of Kamarupa where goddess Kāmākhyā was
solemnly present.4

An analysis of the legend focuses on some important points. Questions

like why was Janaka of Mithila made the foster father of Naraka, why is his
lineage not limited to Visņu? Further questions such as, why is the son of two
personalities who are given the designation of divinity, said to have been a
demon? And why was a demon, born in a brahmanical backdrop, asked to

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 Ancient India 155

worship the yonî in the form of Kāmākhyā? F

on the social attributes towards women's menstr

The examination of the representation

inscriptions not only gives answers to some
reflects the nature of the polity and throws li
of the time.

In the Guwahati grant of Indrapala (1 1th century)5, Naraka is regarded as

the one whose foot prints were worshipped by the whole world as the son of
Viçnu. In this case, one can say that there was an elevation of the king to the level
of divinity. In the Sualkuchi grant of Ratnapala (c.1036 A.D),6 there is mention of
Naraka in relation to the etymological meaning hell. There is mention of a scholar
named Bhatta Baladeva of Vâjasaneyi School of the Bhardvãja gotra , whose
son's name was Vasudeva. He was said to have repelled Naraka. This can be
regarded in the sense that, since Naraka was killed by Vasudeva himself, he was
sent directly to heaven. In the Borgāon grant of Ratnapala (c.1035 A.D)7, Hari
was regarded as having a son of the demonic descent. In this grant, the feats of
Naraka have been described as - " one who completely vanquishes the gods , let
loose Aditī, considering her to be weak, feeble, old and frightened took away her
earring, the very symbol of fame and splendor In this case, it can be said that,
the myth emerged as an instrument to confer controlled legitimacy to Naraka as
opposed to direct or absolute legitimacy. Under such an agenda, a larger amount
of the power share came to rest on the brāhmaņas who were the writers of
' genealogy and religious narratives. In the Huaraghat copper plate grant of
Balavarman,8 it has been described that Vi sņu in his Varāha avatãra has a son
who was the friend of demons. In this context it can be suggested that the Kirāta
population were alluded to as demons of whom Naraka emerged as a benefactor
and friend. In the Puspabhadra grant of Dharmapala (early 12th century),9 he is
regarded as the descendent of the Srī Varāha dynasty, widely known as the ruler
of Pragjyotisha of unchallenged authority. This tracing of the dynasties from the
Naraka lineage can be seen as a system of legitimization and mobilization of
acceptance of the new dynasties in the region. One explanation can be; before the
coming of the Bhauma dynasty, the Kirātas and other tribes were dominant here.
By mentioning Janaka, it can be suggested that this migration of the brāhmaņas
might have started from Mithila itself, Janaka being the legendary ruler
associated with it. The brāhmaņas in the region of Kamarupa even today follows
the Mithila School of social law in terms of inheritance, gifts, will and rņarriage.10
They even trace their descent from the brāhmaņas of Kanya-Kubja (Kannauj).
Many of the titles of the brāhmaņas that appeared in the inscriptions like Deva,
Sarman, Svamin, Nandi, Palita , Soma, etc. are similar to those of the Nāgara
brāhmaņa who migrated from Nagarkot in Punjab to various places in India. The
names of the brāhmaņas that featured in the inscriptional records, especially from
the 500 AD might have been Nāgara brāhmaņas who are said to have migrated to

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 1 56 IHC: Proceedings, 75th Session, 2014

Gujarat about the same time with the rise of the Vallabha Kings.11 Many of the
priests in Kämäkhyä made it a point to mention that they traced their lineage from
the brāhmaņas of Kannauj during my field survey.

In another perspective given by Dimbeswara Sharma, Naraka who

established himself as an independent king of Pragjyotisha somewhere in the
West must have been despotic ánd might have clashed against Janaka in which
the latter was worsted and made a vassal of the former, resulting at the same time
in Naraka' s embracing of the brahmanical culture. This possibly has been
described as the fostering of Naraka by Janaka.12 As has been suggested by
Romila Thapar when customs starts requiring legitimization or the sanction status
of law, it is indicative of internal crisis rather than peace.13

In the Borgāon grant of Ratnapala (c. 1035 A.D), there is a reference to

Naraka' s descent as a demon. This can be highlighted in the following verse:

Hari, who was the retriever of the earth from the ocean, in the shape of
the boar, has a son of demonic descent, Naraka by name, who, behaved like the
moon to the beauty of the lotuses in the shape of the divine damsels. 14

Before the coming of Naraka, the Dänava dynasty ruled here, with
Mahiranga as the king. According to K.L Baruah, Mairanga was sanskritized into
Mahiranga. He regards the name to be of Bodo origin, and that Dänava and his
descendents were called Asuras in the Sanskritic tradition. According to him,
epithets like Dänava and Asuras were applied indiscriminately to all the non-
Aryans.15 These kings may also have been of Kirāta origin that was mentioned in
the Kãlikã Purāņa , but there is lack of archeological evidences. It was after the
killing of Ghatakasura that Nataka became the ruler. The mention of the demonic
descent might have been a process of homogenizing the local Kirāta population,
so that they could relate to a completely new form of authority that came to the
Kamarupa region. D. Sharma, states that it has been mentioned in the
Mãhãbhãrata that Bhagadutta who is popularly regarded as the son of Naraka,
springs from the race of Sivis (sic), who were no other than the Alpines (sic)
spreading to different regions and later accepting the Aryan culture who still kept
a vestige of non Aryanism, and given the disdained appellation of Asuras.16
Therefore, it can be seen that the mythical lineage of Naraka can be regarded as a
fabrication of the royal genealogies by the brāhmaņas who were given the duty of
creating genealogy thereby, inserting the local motif through the introduction of
the demonic element within the Sanskritic model by alluding to the kçatriya and
divine links in the Naraka myth.

II. 4. Cult Appropriation and Integration

In the mobilization of acceptance from the Kirāta people, there can be

seen a cult appropriation and integration of different theological philosophies

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 Ancient India 157

within the existing tribal construct. Accord

Kakoty, the origin of Kâmâkhyâ- a cult of yo
tribal dimension. With the gaining trend of P
merged with the Saivite sect and eventually e
tantric cult. The diverse cults were transformed
incorporation or assimilation that were woven t
Sākta theological tapestry, which at once prov
these local goddesses in their unitary theistic for
of this concept to that of Sākti allows us to und
brahmanical religious tradition.17

In many of the Ahom inscriptions, there w

Mādhava temple which gained the patronage o
donated by the king Rudrasimha in 1711 A
Mādhava as the inscription on it declares.18 The
avatar of Visņu got incorporated into the exist
important factor can be seen in the presence o
Vaisnavite avatāra. The horse is, on the one han
the nether world and on the other, it is ident
fecundity are also two of the concepts which
name of Visņu. l9The Hayagrlva Mādhava temp
west of Guwahati, is also regarded as a very
because it had been popularly believed that Bu
Also, the name itself is derived from the two
and 'Jo' meaning setting i.e. the setting sun. Th
that when Buddha died, the sun over that
especially popular amongst the Buddhist popula
south west China.20 Buddhism underwent radic
of tantric mysticism. There is evidence to sho
ground in Assam. Both the Indian and the T
materials regarding the prevalence of later Bud
theology in Assam, even though there is no rel
place. The legend of one fighting Hayagrlva w
the divine and demonic. In the context of t
paradoxical convergence of the two Hayagrïvas
even an intermixture of the deific and the demon
said that, the Kirātas are being represented as
and the brahmanical intervention can be regard
of the brahmanical population within the same
been a very important Buddhist centre can be
incorporating the newly emerged religions. The
deity in the Buddhist tradition, who is regarde
fact is that it is not worshipped in the Bud
disparagement of pregnancy is not a unique cre

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 158 IHC: Proceedings, 75th Session, 2014

an ancient, perhaps Buddhist root. The idea of fetal existence is highly praised in
the Buddhist tradition, while in the Devī Bhãgavata Purāņa it is a vidambanā.22
In this context, since there is a connection of the horse-faced deity with the
womb, it can be seen in terms of a lineage with the Kâmâkhyâ as well. A process
of appropriation is seen in bringing the Hayagrlva Mādhava into the region,
where Kâmâkhyâ emerged as an important deity. The Vaisnavites were
appropriated within the prevailing Sākta atmosphere in the region through the
Hayagrlva cult, by bringing within it features from the tantric Buddhist tradition.
This can be further cemented by the fact that the deity Hayagrïva Mādhava can
also be offered sacrifices of meat and fish. There were inscriptional records which
show that patronage was given to both of these cults Hayagrïva Mādhava and the
Kâmâkhyâ cult by the Ahom royalty. This type of cult appropriation and
integration further put countenance through these processes of extending
patronage.

1 1.6 Conclusion

The ancient and the early medieval inscriptions of Kamarupa give a ve

elaborate picture of the social, religious and the political developments in t
region. Sanskrit was the official language as it has been used in all inscriptio
The question of social transformation is linked to this process of patronage
political legitimization. The coming of the brāhmaņas into the region was ma
by the introduction of the varnaśramadharmaś This led to the castification of
tribal community. It further led to distinct class identities, with the brāhm
emerging as householders and numerous service groups and laborers emerg
around the temple and areas of agrarian expansion.

Cultic integration implies the appropriation and assimilation of local cults

beliefs with the brahmanical traditions. The migration of brāhmaņas f
Mithila, Bengal and Madhyadeśa showed how migration of a caste changed
whole picture of political lęgitimization and acceptance. Pragjyotisha w
reserved for Siva and his domain, indicating the fact that it was largely Saiv
Further attestation to this argument can be seen in the Kālikā Purāņa as it
mentioned that- fifteen places were attributed to Siva, five to Devï and five
Viçnu worship. Yet, we see that there was a cult appropriation and integra
which brought about cults like the Kâmâkhyâ traditions, which further pav
fertile ground for cults like Hayagrïva , Umānanda, Bhavānī etc. in the preva
sectarian traditions. The practice of giving grants to gain religious merit can
seen in full blossom in the Ahom times. Looking at the patronage pattern it
be seen that, while land grants were the major gifts giving of the power of r
dynasties in the region, donations also were instruments for gaining relig
merit.

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 Ancient India 159

NOTES AND REFERENCE

1 Lahiri, Nayanjot, Pre Ahom Inscriptions of Assam: Studies in the Inscriptions

between 5th and the 13th Century A.D, Delhi: Munahiram Manoharlal, 1991, pp 10
2 Ibid.
3 Momin Mignonette, Aspects of Political Institutions and Social Structures in Kamarupa
A.D 600-1200, Mphil Dissertation (Unpublished) Delhi: Jawaharlal Nehru University,
1979, p25.
4 Sashtri, B.N, Kālikā Purāņa: Text, Introduction and Translation in English Versevise
with Shloka index, Delhi: Nag Publication, 2008, p 257.
5 Sharma, Dimbeswara Edited, Kamarupa Sasnavali, Guwahati : Publication Board
Assam, 1981, p2 14.
6 Ibid, pp 187
7 Ibid, pi 90.
ibid, pp 165.
Ibid, ppl95.
Barua, B.K, A Cultural History of Assam (Early Period), Guwahati : Bina Library, 5
Edition, 2011, pi 27.
Ibid
12 Sharma, Dimbeswara ed, Kamarupa Sasnavali, Guwahati Publication Board Assam,
1981, p.18
13 Thapar, Romila, Lineage to State:Social Formation in the Mid-Millenium B.C in the
Ganga Valley, Bombay: Oxford University Press, 1984, p 134
14 Sharma, Dimbeswara Edited, Kamarupa Sasnavali, Guwahati, Publication Board
Assam, 1981, p243.
Rai Bahadur, K.L Baruah, Early History of Kamarupa: From the Earliest Times to the
End of Sixteenth Century, Guwahati :LBS Publication, 1973. p46.
Sharma, Dimbeswara ed, Kamarupa Sasnavali, Guwahati: Publication Board
Assam, 1981, p245.
Mahalakshmi, R. The Making of Goddess: Korravai-Durga in Tamil Tradition, Penguin
Books India: Delhi, 2012, ppl2.
18 Neog, Maheswar, Praschya Sasnavali: An anthology of Royal Charters, etc. Inscribed on
stones, copperetc. Of Kamarupa, Assam(Saumara), Koch Behar from 1205 A.D to 1847
A.D, Guwahati: Assam Prakashan Parishad, 2008, p 78.
19 Gonda, Jan, aspects of Early Vaisnavism", Delhi :Motilal Banarssidas, 1969, pl47
" Barua, B.K, A Cultural History of Assam (Early Period), Guwahati: Bina Library, 5
Edition, 2011, pi 27.
' Brown, Mckenzie.C, The Triumphof the GoddessThe Canonical Models and
Theological Visions of the Devī-Bhāgavata Purāna, Delhi: Sri Sat Gurur Publication:,
1 192, p 47.
Ibid p51.

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