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"Indigenous movements in Bolivia: history and configurations".

Course name: Indigenous movements

Responsible: Jorge Hernández Díaz

Student: Dylan Rene Castillo Pacheco

Content:

Introduction

the social movement and institutions: sociological perspectives

Collective movements and the nascent state

The nascent state
Specifications of the two states of the social
Power and social movements
The collective challenge and common goal
Collective action and social movements
The indigenous movement in latin america

Proposals for analyzing the indigenous movement as a social movement

Ethnic identities
From Indian subjects to ethnic citizens collective identity
The constitution of indigenous identity
4. Indigenous movements in Bolivia
The historical formation of the Bolivian indigenous movement
Indigenous autonomies in Bolivia
Bolivia today
Conclusions

Introduction:

This essay analyzes the indigenous movement in Bolivia and its configurations. I will review
the theories of the social movement and the indigenous movement in Latin America seen in
the course, in order to have a better understanding of the historical formation of the Bolivian
indigenous movement, this in order to see the mechanisms that have allowed the mobilization
of ethnic groups to defend different interests and have greater political participation in the
country. For this I will use concepts such as: social movement, ethnic identity and power. I
will use the bibliography seen during the course, as well as ethnographic information found
in articles, magazines, and information from internet sites.

The social movement and institutions: sociological perspectives

The starting point for the analysis of social movements is the recognition of "the existence
of a substantial diversity between two kinds of social manifestations" (Francesco, 1984: 17)
this idea is reiterative in the history of politics and thought. In sociology this distinction is
described by Weber when he describes the charismatic power, which acts from within man,
and the patrimonial and bureaucratic power, Tönnies contrasts this difference in the
community founded on the "will" and the society founded on the contract, Durkheim
analyzed this dualism present in the states of collective effervescence that were periods of
creation and renovation and later stable periods. (Francesco 1984: 17). In American
sociology this distinction reappears in the concepts of movement and structure, Marx
describes the contraposition at the moment when individuals become aware of the
development of the productive forces and the forms of opposing relations, in relation to when
this contradiction did not exist (Francesco, 1984: 18).

In an everyday context we see this contrast on the organizational and political level, in
periods of enthusiasm where new values are affirmed and new charismatic leaders appear, in
relation to periods of organized life through the usual bureaucratic system in the form of
clientelism and intrigue. In the experience of the individual there are also periods in which
he feels dominated by an inner need to transcend, this happens when he falls in love or
converts (Francesco 1984:19).

These relationships and phenomena take different forms depending on the historical, social
and cultural configurations in which they occur, depending on the structure and context of
the place. The "two states of the social" are present in all historical periods of societies, the
protagonists embody specific formations of the epoch, manifesting themselves as
counterpositions between organizations, ideologies, and specific political and social forces,
which are confronted with the manifestations of a previous epoch, these counterpositions
appear as different because in previous epochs their formations were different but equally
specific (Francesco 1984: 21).

These "two states of the social" are expressed in the antagonistic bureaucratic and patriarchal
structures, both thinking of their stability, according to Weber the patriarchal power lies in a
repeated daily need based on the economy, the bureaucratic structure is its counterpart on the
rational level, is where the bearers of "charisma" appear, which implies a rejection of the link
with any order, subverting it and breaking traditional norms, however it is threatened by the
weight of daily economic interests until it is suffocated by material interests until it is
degraded into something ordinary (Weber quoted in Francesco 24).

Durkheim mentions that what enters into the state of effervescence is the social, regardless
of the dominant authority or the leader, this process begins when the individual consciences
enter into a close relationship and act intensely on each other, from this synthesis a new genre
emerges, a group feeling full of energy develops, It is when man becomes aware of his
immersion by forces of the same kind, man is transported and dragged by the collectivity,
placing himself outside of himself, on the other hand the provoking forces do not allow
themselves to be easily manipulated or ordered, instead they expand in a violent and
destructive way, for this reason they are opposed to daily life, the superior is opposed to the
inferior (Francesco p. 25)
In these moments of effervescence is when the great ideals where civilizations rest are
constituted, since in the moments of creation or renovation is when men focus on frequent
meetings and assemblies, cultivating relationships and promoting the change of ideas. Thus
was generated the Christian crisis in Europe in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries that gave
rise to scholasticism giving rise to the reform and rebirth of the great social upheavals of the
nineteenth century, in the revolutionary era the ideal is identified with the real, although it is
an illusion because it is never lasting, once the critical moment has passed, one enters an
ordinary period of relaxation, everything that has been done survives in the form of memory,
no longer forming part of a set of ideas, these ideas wither if they are not continuously
remembered, that is why there are celebrations, ceremonies, representations, etc. everything
that brings men together and brings them into communion (Francesco p. 26).

This shows us how in these periods of collective effervescence ideals and values are created
that function as new institutions and to which they will make references to recover the ideal
vigor that reactivates them, in these moments there is always a process of succession,
institution, degradation (that is reactivated by ceremonial means) until a new impulse is
created that accelerates the advance of civilization. (F. P.26) Marx analyzes revolutions
mentioning class consciousness as a central place in these problems, mentioning that the
difference between the personal individual and the contingent individual are a historical fact,
but with different meanings over time, and that each epoch has its distinction, on the elements
that are already constituted, what appears as contingent in the later epoch as opposed to the
previous epoch. The relationship between the productive forces and the form of relations is
on the basis of material activity, the conditions to which individuals relate are individual
conditions, under determined conditions, they produce their material life, and no
contradictions are presented in this period. (p.28)

These conditions are presented as a personal obstacle, forming a series of relations, whose
connection consists in replacing the preceding forms of relations that are now an obstacle,
they need to be replaced by new more developed productive forms, to subsequently become
an obstacle, and they need to be replaced, these conditions correspond to the contemporary
development of their productive forces, being the history of the productive forces that are
developed and collected by each new generation thus being the history of the development
of the forces of the subjects themselves. Marx proposes a staggered scheme of the
development of the productive forces describing a form of discontinuity between institutions
and revolutions, which are reached politically to then fall into contradictions, having as stable
points the concordances that develop between the movements of the productive forces and
the institutions, this stability is reached politically, to then be lost in contradiction.
(Francesco. P.29)

At the moment in which the old ruling class and its structure is brought down, it loses the
power to present unilateral relations, which previously represented the norm, during the
revolution there is a correspondence between the structure and these states of consciousness,
which does not exist. This contradiction is not only present in the revolution, but in other
periods, when the class begins to become conscious of itself, this change is characterized by
the achievement of a unity and correspondence, which did not exist before, between the
historical-cultural conditions and the state of science, it should be noted that the class
consciousness which is the dominant consciousness was achieved through a material and
structural transformation. There must be certain conditions for it to have been formed. Class
consciousness appears when development reaches a certain threshold. (Francesco p.30) the
author puts this example in a graph where class consciousness, alienation (class in se) during
these periods can produce a transformation at the structural level, which does not always
correspond to the appearance of consciousness, and will not appear integrally in the whole
class, but to certain groups little by little (P. 30).

Here is where the concept of "Vanguard" takes importance, which is the group where
previously the transformation of consciousness took place, and from which it spreads to the
rest of the class in se, this under potential conditions of transcending to a new class per se,
as long as the process is activated, by means of structural preconditions. Marx analyzes two
situations involving states of consciousness: the appearance of class consciousness and
revolution, both of which depend on a process of transformation in their structure that
accumulates development to the productive forces, when this threshold is surpassed class
consciousness emerges, for later revolutions. Producing a structural transformation that has
as an essential characteristic the state of consciousness, which is reduced to the consciousness
of class opposition, according to the interest as an expression of objective development of
the context. Here a problem arises given the contradictions between the productive forces
and that of relations. (P. 31)

How to distinguish the workers' movement in its revolutionary manifestations such as the
Paris Commune, the October Revolution, etc., with the uprisings and other types of protest.
with the uprisings and other types of protest. The author Francesco explains that the in the
movement belongs to the states of collective effervescence as described by Durkheim,
however, the latter would have considered the Marxist movement, but Marxism as an
ideology considers these manifestations as historical processes, giving examples such as
sects, anarchic communities, etc.. Considering that their meaning is around the leadership,
not their presence, but the political result they achieve. There are useful facts of effervescence
and other opposites. The revolt should be valued as revolutionary only if it leads to a classless
society, this can only be judged post or from the point of view of some political group,
(Francesco p 33). Revolutions usually begin as improvisations rather than a plan, its
characteristic being the adaptation of its tactics, not creating the conditions in which it moves
if not maintaining a balance between them, to then control its direction and movement. This
Marxist theory of movement hides the real dialectic in order to subordinate it to a concrete
praxis. As we can observe there has been a dialectic between the moment of enthusiasm and
the daily moment, the great revolutions are the product of this dialectic, the process that
motivates men to change their structural process, the institutions and themselves (Francesco
P:35).

Collective movements and the nascent state

In American sociology, phenomena of this nature are related to social movements and
collective behaviors. These collective phenomena are related to institutional phenomena. (P.
35)

Collective and non-institutional phenomena include the formation of social upheavals, which
can have different characters, whether institutional or not. For example, the mobilizations of
a party or a trade union. The conflict is an aggravation of this permanent and institutional
conflictive modality such as war, but it is necessary to recognize the existence of a sector that
is not institutional. Francesco makes a distinction between the collective phenomena of
aggregate and group, the first is characterized by the fact of a multiplicity that act in an equal
way, but act only by themselves, they do not represent a superior entity in which they
recognize themselves therefore it is not a group because they do not have a consciousness of
a collective us. This phenomenon usually has very visible dimensions and can include
modern migrations where it is the product of personal decisions or family nuclei, the set of
the multiplicity of these separate decisions which causes a general change. P:38

In contrast, the collective group phenomena. is where the collective process causes a
modification of its subjects, who form part of a solidarity, each participant discusses the
cultural and social space where they were immersed before the collective process, creating a
kind of solidarity with the other members, creating the consciousness of collectivity, which
has as a common goal something to fight, the external system, the difference of the aggregate
groups that transform from themselves, in this type of aggregate creates a new social
solidarity that gives rise to new collective protagonists appear on the social scene. In the
collective phenomena of group can be around types of expressiveness, because they propose
a way of life and experiment in relation to different values. The common element among
collective phenomena is the involvement of values. P.40

In this essay we will analyze the indigenous movement in Bolivia as a collective social group
movement, because we will analyze the social configurations that they experienced in
history, in order to interpret them as processes that had a broad historical scope in the history
of Bolivia. And that promoted political changes in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.

The nascent state

The nascent state is only defined in relation to another state of the social called: institutional
state and everyday life. The social develops in the institutional sphere and in everyday life,
the nascent state represents a moment of discontinuity either in one sphere or in the other,
this nascent state has a certain duration. When it begins, the characteristics of institutional
social relations and everyday life are interrupted. Promoting a social subsystem that implies
a new state with particular properties. At some point the social system returns to the everyday
environment, but after a transformation. The nascent state is a modality of social
transformation, since there are others that can transform it, such as aggregate processes, by
the market, etc. It is a state of transition and appears when certain forces decline, creating an
alternative solidarity to the institutional state, this solidarity unites the previously dissolved
protagonists opposing the existing order, the nuclei that are created in the nascent state
induces them to an experience that makes them elaborate an alternative interpretation of the
existing, to recompose the relations from it, each nucleus of the nascent state corresponds to
a "social mutant" whose probability depends on the adequacy in the organization constituting
entities that are called movements and their success depends on their ability to give an
adequate response to the challenge. (P.42)

In the nascent state there is a fundamental experience, in the groups through its theoretical-
practical action synthesizes the cultural data of the time, operating as a form of exploration
of the frontiers of the possible, given a certain type of social system, in order to maximize
solidarity for themselves and for others in that historical moment. This group within which a
nascent state is constituted attempts to construct another type of politics different from the
everyday, in doing so it explores the possibility of giving itself a structure, of becoming an
antagonistic historical project and thereby clashing with the concrete and historical forces
present, thus becoming an institution and the normal. (p. 43)

The concept of nascent state is interesting because it shows the structure that charismatic
leaders follow when trying to propose a new way of relating to the world, clashing with the
old hegemonies, under this concept we can analyze the political project of the indigenous
movement in Bolivia and its development.

Specifications of the two states of the social

The nascent state in its transitional phase can be found in any social state, an example would
be that of the community to differentiate it from a new and dynamic formation, in all social
formations it is possible to see the two states of the social. The author Francesco makes a
relationship between different levels: 1) at the personal level when the couple relationships
are institutionalized, in a dramatic process of falling in love and acting together. 2) at the
group level, we have a set of phenomena belonging to the primary and informal and the group
of the nascent state 3) in the community we have the stable and structured village and on the
other hand the ideological community in the nascent state, 4) in the organizational one we
find the hierarchical party and the other in formation with its own solidarity 5) in the territory
we have the nation and the political organization the state and a patriotic movement with its
own solidarity etc. (p. 45)

An important aspect of this perspective is that these states of the social cannot be reduced to
other dichotomies such as rational and irrational, or conscious or unconscious, they cannot
be reduced to a dimension that is considered as "positive" given that it is a particular
concrete product of a historical conflict, and of the perspective that is used in these
changes. Which were seen as irrational by the old states of the social, therefore any
identification of the nascent state as "irrationality is only a value judgment" (P. 47).

A nascent state can be true for those who live it and provoked for those who look at it from
the outside, the unleashing of the nascent state requires a series of conditions, which are
products of its historical evolution, being the product of complex situations that nobody
anticipates, some "agitators" and "revolutionaries" usually intervene in these phenomena,
orienting its direction, evolution and political exit (p. 49) but the fact that it is manipulable
is not a cause for it to be the product of manipulation.

In terms of conflict Touraine explains in his theory of social movements that opposition
(or) conflict, is an essential component along with the (i) social identity of group
movements, and the (t) totalization of these three is obtained movement. Therefore the
opposition - conflict is something structural, the nascent state can expand something
positive, as well as violence, the choice of the modality is not exclusive of the struggle,
although the evil is not located at some point if not present within the same group, and the
experience of possibility of a change is dramatic, the concrete identification of the enemy is
not necessary, this property cannot be attributed to social movements because the
possibility of a nascent state is enormous, since new counterpositions are created between
friends-enemies, which leads to ideological wars. But, although the nascent state constitutes
the basis of the counterposition, it is not an institution of conflict or class struggle.

Power and social movements

As we saw in the previous chapter, movements where people exercise considerable power
during mobilization appear throughout history, these movements had far-reaching effects and
caused great impact on politics and the international sphere. Movement power is put into
practice when ordinary citizens join forces to confront their social antagonists and the
authorities and elites. Creating coordinating and sustaining this interaction is the contribution
of these social movements, which emerge when certain political conditions for the
intervention of social actors that are commonly lacking are in place. These movements attract
people to collective action and mobilization through confrontations and different forms of
struggles innovating their margins in a different way, the basis of these movements lies in
the cultural symbols and social networks in which their social relations are structured
(Sydney, 2004: 17).

Movements are triggered by the incentives of political opportunities maintaining interaction

between their protagonists and with the state, with the system in a combination of
confrontations based on social networks and cultural frameworks. (Sydney 2010: 18) in all
social movements, contentious collective action is common, this action can take various
forms, whether it is sustained, institutionalized or becomes monotonous, in most cases it
becomes contentious when it is used by people who cannot regularly access institutions, and
act on behalf of new or unaccepted claims by conducting themselves in a way that is
threatening to others. That the basis is contentious collective action does not mean that it is
extremist or violent, but rather that collective action is the main resource available to people
to confront larger forces (Sydney p: 20) these contentious forms of collective action are
historically and sociologically distinctive as we saw in the first chapter, this means that they
have power because by challenging the institution they arouse solidarity and take on meaning
in certain population groups, situations and political cultures (P:20).

In order to analyze the theory of collective action, it is necessary to relate it to ideological

discourse, social networks and political struggle through concrete historical data. Promoting
coordinated collective action in strategic moments requires proposing a social solution, what
the author Sydney calls "the transactional costs of collective action", which is based on the
discussion of collective challenges, where common objectives are proposed, solidarity is
strengthened and the maintenance of collective action, being the basic properties of social
movements. (P.21)

For Sídney, movements are "as collective challenges posed by people who share common
objectives and solidarity in a sustained interaction with elites, opponents and authorities,
having as their properties collective and common challenge, solidarity and sustained action"
(Sídney P.22). (Sídney P.22) This definition is important to understand the indigenous
movement in Bolivia and its interaction with politics.

The collective challenge and common goal

As we have seen, movements pose challenges through disruptive direct action, against
current authorities or cultural codes, whether in the form of coordinated resistance or the
reaffirmation of new values. The challenges that collectives face are characterized by
obstructing or introducing uncertainty into the activities of others. These movements are
characterized by resorting to various actions such as selective encouragement of members,
the formation of pressure groups, negotiation with authorities and the questioning of cultural
codes through new personal practices, although the characteristic of the movements is
communities of discourse". (P.23).

The most characteristic feature of social movements is that they resort to collective defiance,
because in their attempt to assert their demands they lack the resources that interest groups
and political parties have and control, so in their attempt to attract new adherents, movements
resort to collective defiance to become the focal point of the members and attract the attention
of other sectors, which is why a common goal is necessary.

The most common motives for movements are around common demands on the elites in turn,
the basis of these movements are found to be common or overlapping interests and values,
as people do not sacrifice in movements unless they have a common goal. (P.23)

The recognition of a community of interests is what translates the movement into collective
action, those responsible for mobilization play a role in stimulating it, leaders can only create
a social movement if they exploit feelings rooted in solidarity and identity, according to
Sydney this is the reason why nationalism, ethnicities and religions have been the basis for
the organization of movements, rather than social class. (P.25). Social movements cannot be
considered as a rebellion because the people who participate in them only possess a passing
solidarity, and these manifestations acquire identity through the injustice of the "other", a
confrontation.

Instead, common goals, collective identity and a common challenge from the protagonists
allow the collective activity to become a social movement. But unless it succeeds in
maintaining defiance in the face of antagonists it will either fade away or stabilize in
intellectual opposition or recede into isolation. (P. 26)

Collective action and social movements

As we have seen in the previous chapters, movements depend on their external environment
to coordinate and maintain collective actions, as well as on political opportunities (Sydney,
35). In the first chapters we give a brief review of social movement theories, where we
analyze the social structure within the movement, Karl Marx analyzed collective action in
terms of class, where the social class enters in contradiction with the antagonists, he proposed
that in the case of the western proletariat the resources to act collectively were in class
consciousness and unionized, through the rhythm of socialized production, giving with it a
class in itself forming the unions. (Sydney P36-37)

As capitalism was established, it produced divisions and institutional mechanisms that

integrated them into capitalist democracy, through nationalism and protectionism an alliance
was created between workers and capitalists, which would show the inconsistency of class
struggles to generate a collective action for their welfare, it was necessary to form a
consciousness that transcends the union consciousness of workers and transform it into a
revolutionary collective action (Sydney: 37). Lenin proposed an elite of professional
revolutionaries given that workers act around union interests, this vanguard would be the
protector of the "true interests of the workers", but this vanguard was only a historical
organizational response, but it created the tendency to think that the masses required a
direction and leaders, (Sídney 38).

Gramsci mentioned that a historical bloc of forces was necessary in relation to the working
class, for this a cadre of organic intellectuals was necessary to complement the traditional
intellectuals of the party (Gramsci in Sydney p.38). These innovations took into account the
power of culture, Gramsci mentioned that the movement became an organizational weapon,
as well as a "collective intellectual" with a message that was transmitted through intermediate
leaders, producing consensus and capacity to undertake organizational bridges, the process
would be long (Sydney p.39-40).

As we have reviewed there are different structural elements in collective action, Marx saw it
as contradictions or divisions of capitalist society that generated mobilization, Lenin an
organization so that the movement would not disperse and Gramsci the importance of culture
to achieve a greater consensus to the cause. Modern social movement theory is based on these
elements, "the transformation of mobilization capacity into action through organization,
mobility by consensus and political opportunity structure" (Sydney. P:40) form the basis of
contemporary social movement theory.

Sydney proposes that people join social movements in response to political opportunities and
create new ones through collective action; political opportunities translate movement into
mobilization. This concept of political opportunity structure allows explaining how
movements spread, and collective action spreads forming new networks (P: 48) this concept
refers to the consistent dimensions of the political environment that promote or discourage
collective action among people, the concept of political opportunity emphasizes resources
outside the group, social movements are formed by ordinary people encouraged by leaders
in exchange for opportunities to reduce the costs of collective action, being vulnerable to
elites and authorities (P. 49). The most salient changes arise from access to power from
changes in governmental structure, these opportunities are stable but changeable as the state
allows interlocutors to create new movements (Sydney p: 50).

David Kertzer explains that action is not born in the brains of the organizers but is transmitted
culturally, and that the learned conventions of action are part of the public culture since each
group has its own history and memory of collective action, Charles Tilly mentions that there
is a repertoire of confrontation, where people have knowledge of collective action routines.

The indigenous movement in Latin America

Social movements in Latin America are broad and diverse. These movements emerge under
a variety of contexts and occur in regimes of all types, in the previous chapter we see how
social movements become dynamic instruments that bring alternatives to society. The new
social movements of the 60s and 70s in Europe and the United States were characterized by
mobilizations with mixed behavior of political and cultural components, these new
movements differed in their strategies, demands and social structures from traditional labor
movements, the demands were based on the recognition of socio-cultural needs, collective
identities and civic rights that were different from economic needs. (Rodríguez Mir. 2008)

These new movements highlighted the claim of identity and denial of an identity imposed
from outside, social identity was consolidated as an agent of "empowerment" to the "new
social movements", they sought recognition of identity and tried to materialize the
recognition in rights and public goods, institutionalized by the state (Alonso, 1998), these
social movements were associated with greater participation in contrast to the old
movements, the conflicts shifted towards a cultural and identity (Rodriguez mir, 2008).

In the 80s and 90s transnational social movements emerged creating a mobilization of
different social groups creating a "globalization from below" (Falk 1993) to analyze alliances
involving connected sectors crossing borders and transferring knowledge that responds to the
actions of capital and national states, these globalization processes gave rise to a
heterogeneous social movement, made up of different organizations, which became known
as "anti-globalization movement" since it rejected the current phenomena of globalization,
Fernández Buey (2007: 22) proposes that this movement gives for overcome the distinction
between old and new social movements, the novelty of this movement was around the
aspiration for a citizenship that respects differences. (Rodriguez p 3)

Contemporary struggles have a factor that facilitates transnational alliances and consists in
the fact that it demands an identifiable common enemy, which is capitalist globalization,
financial markets, large transnational capital and its institutions (Lowy 202) proposing an
alternative that tends to overcome neoliberal economic globalization, 1) improving
conditions and human rights 2) democratizing institutions at all levels 3) concentrating power
and decisions at the lowest possible levels 4) giving priority to the oppressed and exploited
6) creating a sustainable economy, 6) controlling and limiting the large flows of speculative
capital that can cause national economies to collapse (Smith 200) Rodriguez 2008
Indigenous social movements in Latin America

Indigenous peoples are immersed in political systems that are foreign and external, defined
by the national states, these peoples acquired knowledge about the forms of the political
system, and adopted new forms of political organization, these peoples have implemented
strategies according to their interests and claims, in the different contexts of Latin America
favored oppression, marginalization, and exclusion towards indigenous peoples by
appropriating their lands, and extracting their resources, inadequate policies caused the
impoverishment of the same (Rodriguez P:5) it is necessary to be aware of the role of colonies
and republics and national states to this process for this reason the peoples struggle for self-
determination and control of their natural resources.

The emergence of these movements is associated with globalized processes, but it is these
same processes that facilitated this indigenous emergence, weakening the national states, the
global processes allowed to reach larger audiences, and to disseminate social problems. (P.5)

Indigenous societies have formed national and international organizations in recent decades.
The participation of social movements has forced governments to use protection and
conservation agreements, as well as sustainable development. Western interest in the
preservation of biodiversity is a preponderant factor in indigenous demands; during the 1980s
and 1990s, several UN and world leaders held conferences with various Amazonian
communities, which produced a favorable situation of political opportunity for the visibility
of indigenous populations (P.6).) Rodríguez Mir explains that the imaginary that western
society projects on indigenous people has had modifications over time, mentioning that the
valuation of indigenous knowledge and its application to biodiversity conservation coincides
with the moment when western societies began to refer to the "information society", when
genetic and biological materials began to be treated as information, with the development of
ethnobiology and the legal instruments that define indigenous knowledge as cultural property
(Conklin, 202 cited in Rodríguez, 2008).

Author Rodriguez explains that there are three reasons for nation states to perceive
indigenous groups differently from other ethnic movements, 1) indigenous culture exists as
a counterculture that continually criticizes the capitalist project and the official history of
states 2) they often demand autonomy from states which usurp indigenous lands 3) the
populations attempt to preserve economic activities and objectives that conflict with state
agendas (Dunaway 2003), communities' land rights have been and are violated by national
states, in places where there are resources such as mineral or oil reserves, the fact of fighting
for their recognition and titling has an importance by itself and tends to encourage political
organization, stimulating debates and strategies to follow, helping to reinvent their identity
as native peoples, in indigenous societies the territory is not limited to economic value or
profitability but reproduces deeper social and cultural spheres. (P. 9)

The principles of local autonomy and land control are not applied by the states, as they
systematically exclude indigenous populations, (Messer, 1995), Dunaway (2003) mentions
that half of contemporary ethnic mobilizations are around greater political participation, It is
important to understand that ethnic, cultural, social and identity differences do not imply
separatism or fragmentation, but rather a way of understanding human rights and overcoming
the exclusion and marginalization in which they find themselves, the claim for autonomy is
an active strategy of articulation on the part of the peoples in relation to national states and
international organizations, given that they propose a right to exercise their social
organization and their form of government, as well as to maintain their culture and identity
(Rodríguez, 2008 p 10) the current condition of these peoples can be associated with two
factors, 1) the progressive destruction of their ways of life and economy 2) the denial as full
citizens in equal conditions within modern states have transformed indigenous peoples as
"invisible" citizens within their nationality, and lands and (Stavenhagen 1999 cited in
Rodriguez 2008)

Indigenous social movements have an integrating platform that allows them to negotiate,
forge alliances, raise issues of autonomy and determination, and claim their ancestral
territories. nation states usually perceive these rights as a threat to national integrity, or as
incompatible with the nation, in this sense state policies try to break this integrating base by
delegitimizing certain leaders, arguing that they are not "true indigenous", returning to the
homogeneous, unchanging and monolithic image of indigenous societies, the indigenous
peoples have forged solid alliances, and have been able to take advantage of the processes of
globalization to break the ties with the historical processes of invisibilization promoted by
the public policies of national governments. the indigenous movement in Latin America is
promoting a transformation in the national states, inviting to abandon the mono-cultural
imaginary of the nation state in favor of a more just pluricultural and pluri-ethnic society. the
efforts have borne fruit but are not sufficient due to the historical processes of oppression and
subjugation. It is necessary to create efforts to consolidate pluricultural societies that respect
and enforce the rights of these societies, it is essential that states reconsider their public
policies in order to create fairer and more democratic societies (Rodriguez 2008).

A proposal to analyze the indigenous movement as a social movement

The author Marisa Revilla (2005) proposes a research proposal that includes the construction
of identity and the dynamics between the political configuration of power and other actors
such as religious congregations, unions, and international organizations. Given that in the
last two decades indigenous movements appeared to stay in the political scene, sociological
analyses focus on the structures of political opportunity in their consolidation without
explaining the process of construction of this identity and its relationship dynamics. (P. 1)

As we reviewed in the previous chapter, at the beginning of the 1990s, the constitution of an
indigenous social subject began to become visible, with its own forms of politics and
demands. In Bolivia, this process was visible in 1990, when the Aymara and Quechua
organizations mobilized around land titling, the right to water and coca leaf production. In
1989 the International Labor Organization (ILO) adopted Convention 169 regarding
indigenous peoples, currently the convention is ratified by seventeen countries, twelve of
which are Latin American (Bolivia is one of the countries) (p. 2) this convention recognizes
the rights of indigenous peoples to identity, territory, and autonomy, the countries that accept
it must produce constitutional reforms to establish this convention. (P.2)

The importance of the indigenous social movement and the collective action of ethnic groups
lies in the political strategy of ethnic identity, which is the basis of group solidarity (Bello,
2004 cited in Revilla, 2005), this capacity for mobilization is expressed as a social movement,
but also for representation, negotiation, and pressure before international and national
institutions. (Revilla, 2005).
Manuel Castells (1997) in The Information Age warns of the power of identity as a resource
for mobilization, taking ethnicity as a referent of identity with a greater potential for
mobilization, mentioning ethnicity as a source of recognition and meaning throughout history
being a basic structure of differentiation, mentioning that race has importance as a source of
oppression and discrimination, while ethnicity was fragmented as a source of meaning and
identity, for broader principles of cultural self-definition (P. 75 -76).

The ethnic condition in contemporary societies is a referent of identity and sense of

mobilization in conflict with the state, the latter being the referent for the attempts of ethnic
homogenization. Under this idea, the mobilization capacity of ethnicity is shown as a
comparable phenomenon, such as the Afro-American identity or the EZLN uprising in
Chiapas, in these examples parallels are established between nationalist movements and
indigenous movements (Revilla p. 53).

The author Revilla shows that taking ethnicity as a collective identity pre-existing to the
action of the social movement is a theoretical mistake, since it is based on the premise that
being indigenous is a condition that justifies mobilization, therefore it is necessary to discuss
the process of construction of this identity, but in the form and reasons why they mobilize,
as well as the institutional results achieved.(P. 51). 51) since there is not a linear evolution of
the indigenous identity in Latin America nor in its manifestations, but it is in relation to the
appearance and development of the movement that supposes a rupture, a radical movement
of change, in which the indigenous condition is resignified (Velasco, 2003) in the
contemporary mobilizations there has been a reconstruction of the indigenous identity, and
reappropriation of the Indian category given that this category was forged by the practice of
an indigenous policy elaborated by themselves, This reappropriation of the indigenous
identity allows us to speak of an indigenous movement that constitutes itself as a political
subject, that claims its difference to the extent that it is immersed in a political system with
the capacity to articulate this difference, at least institutionally, to analyze the indigenous
movement as a social movement it is necessary to account for the appearance and
mobilization of the collective actor, the "indigenous movement" (P. 52) for this it is necessary
to take into account the following aspects 1) The problem of collective identity: the existence
of a common ethnic condition of the participants does not explain the constitution of a
political conflict or of interests 2) to consider the dynamics of structure and action: in the
process of construction of the indigenous collective identity it is affected by the structure and
the changes in the collective action, in its internal and external conditions (such as the role
of intellectuals, churches, and NGOs) (Revilla p. 52).

Ethnic identities

As we have observed the ethnic matrix constitutes the expressions of nationalist and
indigenous conflicts, ethnicity is a specific form of collective identity, its construction is a
social process in relation to interaction, ethnicity is based on belonging to the same ethnic
group, Weber proposes a definition that says " those groups that, based on the similarity of
external habitus and customs, or on memories of colonization and migration, harbor a
subjective belief of a common origin, which is important for the enlargement of
communities", these ethnic groups are forms of social organization that are defined by the
demarcation of objective differences that the actors define as relevant to themselves. From
this perspective, nationalist and indigenous conflicts may share an ethnic matrix, since the
root of the conflict lies in both, in the claim of belonging to specific ethnic groups (Revilla,
p. 5). Both can be seen as examples of politicization through the notion of people, although
beyond that they are not comparable in definition; since being nationalist does not unite a
common and shared ethnic identity as are the indigenous peoples that are formed under
multiple names in all Latin American countries, this is the main issue, to analyze the
formation and mobilization of the indigenous movement, the analysis of ethnic identity
implies the understanding occurred during the change of identities. (P. 52)

From Indian-subjects to ethnic citizens, collective identity

Guerrero (1993) synthesizes the ideas of the transformation of local identities to a generic
identity in political terms, how they were constituted and the relationship with the state, this
from a transformation of a situation of denial of the ethnic rights of a population in the
countries, which is reflected in "Indian subjects" (which are reminiscent of the colonial origin
of the state and Creole civil society). To another situation where the symbolic order of
citizenship and ethnic citizens is activated, where the peoples demand collective recognition.
(Guerrero, 1993).
The category of indigenous peoples is an external recognition of their constitution as a plural
ethnic group, this in the language of international organizations and agreements, and is
articulated on the variables of language, self-identification, and geographic area (Revilla,
2005). The Indian category carried a pejorative and discriminatory charge, placing them in a
position of inferiority, the self-perception of the indigenous is constituted in the assimilation
of the dominant ideology that places them in a low grade in the social scale. In the process
of construction of the indigenous identity what happens is that being an Indian becomes a
feeling of pride and a resource for mobilization around the grievances towards culture and
territories, the element that mobilizes the indigenous conscience is their rights. (Revilla,
2005: 54) the relationship between tribal identities and indigenous identity moves between
unity and division, this means that when being Indian is an external category it is attributed
for domination and when being Indian is a common reference it acquires capacity for
mobilization as an appeal that unites different identities, the accentuation of differences is
seen as part of the strategy of domination, to the extent that it is about fragmenting the peoples
it becomes necessary to establish borders and rivalries (Revilla, 2005: 56).

The re-signification of the indigenous in the appropriation of the ethnic identity allows the
recognition and constitutes the basis of the capacity of mobilization and constitution of the
indigenous movement, in this process has an important role the indigenous organizations up
to the international recognition. This does not mean the resurgence of old identities but a
"transmutation" of identities. (Revilla 2005: 54)

The struggle for an ethnic citizenship is embodied in the claim for access to a citizenship that
ensures the civil, political and social rights that have developed in the societies that integrate
them and the claim for "the specific right to maintain the tribal identity that does not disappear
under the generic identity of the Indian" (Cardoso 1960, 160).

The constitution of indigenous identity

Revilla (2005) proposes that it is necessary to analyze power relations, inequalities, the
historical development of the state, and international transformations that have affected
changes in collective identity and in the consolidation of the social movement, in the case of
the indigenous movement in Latin America there are important factors 1) organization and
leadership as resources and capacities depend on the social group that mobilizes them 2)
external actors, as other actors influence it, 3) national and international structural conditions.

It is necessary to analyze Latin American events and events around a common agenda based
on the rejection and moral reprobation of the conquest and colonization of the American
territories (Velasco, 2003: 49) since the changes in the organizational profiles allow us to
account for the change of position of the indigenous peoples from the moment in which they
change their position to propose their demands through other actors, and then guide their own
action under a common agenda and representation.

The role of anthropologists was key in the production of discourses for the State's indigenist
policy, since in the mid-twentieth century a new way of perceiving native peoples emerged,
indigenism helped with the task of integrating the populations to nationalism, through a
paternalistic and assimilationist idea, This strategy was greater in the 40's to 70's of the 20th
century and consisted in the attempt to bring symbols and advances to these populations, for
later critical anthropology generated concepts such as autonomy, ethnodevelopment,
territory, nation and civilization that were determinant in the movement (P. 61). At the
international level, the UN and the ILO have had a strong influence, placing a human rights
agenda and influencing the modification of relations, playing the role of spokespersons for
the movement, reproducing the ventriloquism in a now international environment. The
processes of economic modernization and reforms have constituted negative conditions for
indigenous peoples, land invasions, displacements, exploitation, have endangered their
subsistence, in the context of modernization, in the context of deepening democracy in the
90's Latin America constituted a structure of favorable political opportunity for the
constitutional recognition of the protection of rights, and have allowed the consolidation of
indigenous movements and parties (Revilla, 2005: 62) as we will see in the following chapter
in the Bolivian case.

Indigenous movements in Bolivia

Statistically, Bolivia has 62.2% of its population that declares itself indigenous, this country
has had a very busy history in relation to indigenous movements, currently it is a country in
controversy given its recent coup d'état, the changes in politics can be understood by
analyzing the history of indigenous movements. In the previous chapters we gave a simple
review of the theories of social movement and institution, as well as theories of social
movements and collective action related to power, this in order to understand the indigenous
movement in Bolivia, in this section we will review the historical formation of the indigenous
movement in Bolivia, to analyze the process of the formation of indigenous peasant identities
in the territory, and what were the outcomes during the MAS government.

The historical formation of the Bolivian indigenous movement

Lohman Huascar (2013) makes a descriptive historical framework of important events in

Bolivia, we will use his work to analyze the consecutive moments that defined the peasant
indigenous history in Bolivia to analyze the configurations in the indigenous struggle and its
configurations in the country's politics.

Lohman (2013) mentions that with three key moments in history that would be 1) the
indigenous movements and the federal war in 1899 2) the rebellions that precede the
revolution of 1952, and the configuration of a field of social dispute where new actors emerge
in the XXI century (Bolivia rebel), these facts were articulated by the subject that permeates
these consecutive moments, and unfold different possibilities within the order, through a
social dynamic that unfolded in different paths built by the peasant indigenous movement,
and created the conditions to enable it. (p. 20)

In August 1285 Bolivia declared its independence from the Spanish crown, but this did not
produce a change in colonial policies but rather intensified, by means of liberal policies that
implemented private property, a Bolivarian identity, land distribution, In 1826 there were
1,100,000 inhabitants of which 800,000 were indigenous and 90% were dedicated to the field,
50% of which belonged to them, the other half belonged to the post-independence haciendas,
so eliminating the tribute was unfeasible based on the economy. Therefore, Marshal Sucre
renewed the conditions between the state, tax extraction and community life (Lohman, 2013).

Decades after the foundation of the republic a framework was designed against communal
property, in 1870 this purpose became evident, which was caused by the relevance that silver
was taking which meant less dependence on tribute, triggering policies in 1866-1868 that
established a sum to conserve their lands, these policies triggered rebellions in 1869 and 1870
causing an alliance that would annul these laws, already in the year 1874 laws were
formulated to promote the free market, promoting the dissociation of lands, in 1880 the
mining elites demarcated the territorial limits of the communities initiating a process of
individual partitioning, destructuring to community life and its relationship with the
community, and the settlers, provoking a resistance and opposition to this process. (Lohman
2013)

This created the conditions for the indigenous uprising at the beginning of the XIX century
and in 1899 where there was a federal war and an uprising. As we can see, society in Bolivia
developed as a process related to the monopolization of land, markets, and the political power
of the elites, which was accentuated in the middle of the century, but was not consolidated
due to indigenous resistance, which caused a collapse in 1899 and marked the beginning of
new forms of political organization that would mark the future of the indigenous movement
in Bolivia (Lohman 2013).

The legal regulations of the Bolivian Republic eliminated the figure of the cacique, which
allowed the indigenous people to develop in a regulatory framework where they were
Bolivians without citizenship, allowing the employment of "proxies" which supplanted the
cacique, and related to the state through intermediation and legality, these should respond to
the community struggle of property, and that provided legal security before the tax laws.
(Lohman 2013)

These proxies created alliances with the elite, managing to mobilize 20,000 indigenous, the
expansion of the hacienda provoked the legal defense of the proxies having as axis the
community, and the management of ancient titles, as the law did not stop, representative
leaders were created beyond the capital La Paz, reaching 55 proxies allowing a supraregional
and intercommunal alliance, the federal war cannot be explained without these organizational
dynamics that leaders like Willka achieved. (Lohman 2013).

The federal war began on December 12, 1898, and it was conceived in the last 15 years of
that century, this was due to the increase of domination and exploitation by the Bolivian elite,
the formation of the oligarchic state through parties created two sides, the conservatives who
promoted the silver mining elite and their interests and the liberals who promoted an inclusive
discourse, or federalist, proposing to eliminate the centralization that only benefited the elite,
arising a law of radicatoria (Lohman 2013).

The liberal alliance with the Indians was gestated years before, when they saw the
opportunity in the conflict of the elites to restore their lands, this alliance would be fractured
by the lack of Pando to indigenous agreements, dividing them and creating disputes
controlled by Willka the politician Alonso was defeated by the Indians who took their lands
and created their own force of government, promoting species of Indian government zone,
which was victimized by authorities and landowners, Willka and Juan Lero were
reprimanded and went to trial for promoting a race war, Pando moved out of the picture and
La Paz moved to a place near the tin industry, from the indigenous Angulo everything
remained the same. (Lohman 2013)

Already in the twentieth century of 1,776,000 inhabitants 60% were indigenous, and 40%
mestizo there were few changes, this year 55% of production came from the elite and political
groups around the tin, the only objective of the government was to generate mining
conditions to create market with other countries, the liberals forgot the promises in the
decades 1900-1920, 44,687 hectares were expropriated, which benefited certain politicians.
From 1880 to 1930 the communities went from 11,000 to 6,783.

The agrarian dynamics suffered many processes prior to the national revolution, the liberals
promoted strategies of disciplining and converting indigenous people into citizens, through
policies such as direct subordination through military service, and through education and
evolutionary ideology to justify and civilize, in 1905 the rural school was imposed, but it
failed. (Lohman 2013)

The political, economic and cultural panorama responded to a pattern of capitalist

accumulation, which was dominated around silver, which marked a liberal victory, after the
transfer of the political headquarters, which responded to a form of productive organization
and give land to the elite, as well as cover the needs of the mining sector, which gave account
of its evident classism and segregation, as well as the necessary conditions of control of
indigenous people from their ethnic and racial condition. (Lohman 2013)
In 1914 there were uprisings for the restitution of usurped lands, in that year there was a new
legislation, the discourse was changed by an essentialist one that claimed the colonial past to
vindicate the colonial titles, in this process influenced the proxy chiefs who were the
intermediaries of the colonial state order and the descendants of the former proxies, they
created a coherent discourse to legitimize their lands, thus new strategies of struggle and
appropriation of education policies were re-articulated. That acquired a sense of liberation,
there was an agreement where military service was accepted. (Lohman 2013)

In 1917 the proxy caciques created a national network, which was an alliance between
republican parties, they adopted a liberal discourse of restitution, creating a left republic in
1920 the republican revolution gave a blow to the liberals, at this stage the Indians understood
the opportunity to demand self-management, the republican alliance approved requests for
schools for the communities, as well as the sale and expropriation of land without justice,
decreasing the latifundia expansion from 1921 to 1925 to 1930 changes in the relationship
between the state and the allies were preserved, at this stage there was a hard crisis due to the
decrease in the price of rubber, and tin, so a network of nationalist and leftist organizations
were consolidated. (Lohman 2013)

During the thirties there was a crisis and the country suffered from social instability, the
indigenous and peasants had the worst part because the recruitment and war as a synthesis of
order made it possible to segregate the communities, the landowners created new processes
of dispossession, displacing communities and killing their leaders, at the end of the war there
was confrontation to the Bolivarian discourse, the political order was questioned and new
interests emerged in the spheres of power. (Lohman 2013)

The socialist and military mobilizations produced a social policy around nationalism, created
unions and federations that were controlled by the government, this created an opposite result
since the STB was created, consummating its autonomy the government yielded to the
demands which led to the convention of 38 of the constituent assembly and left, the national
problem was the inclusion of the Indian. (Lohman 2013)

This led to the expansion of education, the elimination of the ex-bonding law and the
protection of community property, and the reduction of expropriations, in the post-war period
the indigenous struggles were protected, the war of chico transformed and strengthened the
new panorama, in 1936 the first union was created that promoted education and land, it
promoted unions to have organizational capacity, during 1939 and 1946 Cochabamba
challenged the entire hacienda. (Lohman 2013)

There were activities that questioned the latifundia system by rioting against the forms of
work, they began to ignore the authorities and did not pay tribute, they began to self-manage,
and to resignify the designs of the laws by appropriating them by drafting them, combining
legal and illegal maneuvers they managed to fight for the land to have self-government and
political rights during the 30s and 40s, in 194 there was a coup d'état. (Lohman 2013)

In 1942 was the first indigenous congress in La Paz where 45 organizations met to discuss
policies on labor, education, the agrarian code, before this the landowners reacted through a
rebellion that began with the murder of Villalba, who was a great political promoter in
Cochabamba and helped the settlers during this period anarchism had a central role in the
indigenous struggles and in the formulation of their speeches.

1.- the revolution cannot be understood without the indigenous struggles

2.- not only Chalco, but also those before the rural revolution.

On April 9 there was an uprising of the MNR to power in peace, demanding a popular agenda,
as well as popular vote, agrarian reform, and elementary rights, during this stage there was
universal suffrage, the nationalization of mining had an exponential growth, there were 163
mines and 29,000 workers. (Lohman 2013)

The agrarian reform laid the foundations for a new structure that functioned as an expanded
latifundio oligarchy, which meant a national project of the government since the 40's, a union
structure was created creating an active subordination. At this stage migration increased due
to the lack of land. (Lohman 2013)

Barrientos in Cochabamba grew for his populist discourse in 1964 on April 9 created a
peasant military pact, Hugo Banzer (1978-1988) was a violent neo oligarchic regime with
processes in community nationalism, creating a repressive regime in 1974 the peasants
annulled the agreements which caused a massacre in Cochabamba, in 1973 the Katarista
regime created a manifesto that broke the corporate logic and positioned ethnic identity as
central. (Lohman 2013)

Indianism and Katarism had Aymara indigenous bases, in 1979 a single union was created,
in 1980 to 1999 there were several coups to the congress, which caused the change of the
fundamental agrarian law, LAF, which was a common platform for all indigenous struggles
and discourses, during Katarism there was a recovery of the movement against peasant
reductionism, in 1985 new neoliberal reforms were created, in the 90's the multiethnic and
pluricultural laws had an impact on the law of education and popular participation,
decentralizing state and municipal management, ILO policies began to be implemented,
agrarian policy was homogenized, neoliberal development created a new rural subject,
through the cocalero movement that functioned around a sacred discourse around the coca
leaf, which marked the struggle for the following years and the beginning of the twentieth
century. (Lohman 2013)

As we can observe the history of Bolivia is full of examples about the history of the
development of its productive forces creating a solidarity around the cocalero movement,
which produced a framework for the struggle of the following years and structured the
political future of Bolivia, (Lohman 2013).

Indigenous autonomies in Bolivia

López Pavel (2018) analyzes the process of indigenous autonomies in the lowlands during
the last governments, he mentions that two decades after that period of mobility, called the
water war (200) and the gas war (2003) and its political outcomes, showed the outdated
political-party system, and the assumptions of the nation state, producing a popular political
agenda from the social subjects, historically and systematically excluded, which was
positioned with intensity a socio-political change in the country, which led Evo Morales to
carry that popular agenda, he established plurinationality as a foundation to a new statehood
in the country, (López Pavel, 2018) taking decolonization as a condition and horizon of
transformation, and " refoundation of the state (Santos, 2010), however beyond reconstituting
a transversal and recurrent concept no space of effective realization was found in government
policies, nor were there any signs of decolonization as a basis to a plurinational state, however
it became increasingly undeniable the processes of recolonization from the government in
various fields (López, P. 2018: 91)

López Pavel (2018) addresses the issue of decolonization in relation to the claims within the
proposals of indigenous social movements, expressing its foundation around a Plurinational
state, as are the indigenous autonomies. he mentions that the MAS government bets on the
control, limitation, subordination of indigenous autonomies, to the ignorance and denial of
collective rights neutralizing and reducing the horizon of decolonization to a simple
folklorized and depoliticized state rhetoric (p. 91).

One of the main innovations of the Bolivian state policy had to do with the political-territorial
redesigning that was instructed from the autonomy regime in the new structure of the
plurinational level, which would imply a process of deconcentration and redistribution of
political power in the territory, incorporating the indigenous native peasant autonomy
(AIOC) as an autonomous level and territorial and specific entity, this transformation disrupts
the structure of the state around the autonomies, being a main axis in the territorial re
organization of the state, (P. 92)

The institutional recognition of indigenous autonomies was presented within the Bolivian
state horizon and transformation as a radical approach for the realization of the plurinational
state, decolonizing the historical territorial, colonial and neocolonial schemes of power in
Bolivia. However, currently in the plurinational state there is a predominance of visions based
on extractivist models, which contradict and threaten the sense of political and territorial
autonomies of indigenous peoples, affecting the territory and communities, and generating
socio-environmental conflicts, as well as reactivating community resistance of rights and
territorialities (P. 93).

The policies around these grievances became more evident since the enactment of various
laws such as the "framework law of autonomies and decentralization (2010), the "framework
law of mother earth and integral development for living well" (2012), the mining and
metallurgy law (2014) manifest the conception and the extractivist core of the MAS
government, given that its plural economy was having socio-territorial impacts with
authoritarian, and anti-communitarian signs, in this way a classist component of the new state
reconfigured the relationship between the state and the government, and the indigenous
movements under the modality of " primordial form." (P. 105)

In this process where indigenous autonomies were projected and constituted of a way to
materialize the transit from a mono-nationalist nation state, put in crisis by social and social
movements since the beginning of centuries in Bolivia towards a plurinational state today is
not an issue of interest beyond a sort of electoral bureaucratic process, it is no longer a priority
for the former MAS government (Lopez P. 2018)

Bolivia today

Currently there is a political crisis, given that on November 10, 2019 there was a civil uprising
against the government of Evo Morales and various assemblies in La Paz demanded his
resignation there are various authors such as Silvina Romano, Tamara Lajtman, Anibal
Garcia (2019) who interpret this coup as part of US interference for geopolitical reasons.
Where the ultra-right promoted civic committees that went out to protest with shock groups
intimidating MAS politicians. For the reason of the appropriation of natural resources related
to lithium. The authors of "The U.S. and the construction of the coup d'état in Bolivia"
highlight this fact based on government reports.

The OAS (Organization of American States) has played a leading role in the coup, through
various agencies and a network of right-wingers, mentioning that Bolivia is the country that
has had more coups, so it is necessary to study the coups in Latin America. Since in Bolivia
it has served to divide racially in strong distances of class and gender, perspectives that were
thought to transcend, the extreme right forces of not accepting the reelection of evo, trying
to consummate a coup endorsed by the international community with the appointment of a
new government, was guided with tactics of social terror (P. 15) so it is necessary to study
how the coups began in Latin America to understand the structure of these changes resistant
to a political consolidation greater than that of democracies.

Conclusions
As we observed in the first chapters the theories of social movement marked a before and
after in the way of interpreting the different social movements, to the extent that they can be
related to the current society, the indigenous movements in Bolivia show how the productive
forces develop around the mobilizations and the relationship with the institutions, the specific
case of Bolivia shows how changing are the structures during the periods of time since it
shows how the pluricultural project could be consolidated but through the new energy
policies and lithium tipped the balance against Evo's project, anthropologist Fernando Pepe
in an interview mentions the racism within the sectors that ousted Evo, given the symbolic
burning of Whipala which is an ancestral symbol in Bolivia, as it represents the resistance,
the burning of this symbol represents another Bolivian sector, which through various tools
such as evangelical churches financed by conservative capitalism played an important role.

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