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Citizen Engagement: Participatory Citizens’ Co-production in Law almost all aspects of local policing, with a wide variety of roles,

icing, with a wide variety of roles, responsibilities and authority that


Enforcement benefit their agencies and communities, yet there are still great gaps in what we know about
volunteerism in policing (Dobrin & Wolfe, 2016; Wolf, Holmes, & Jones 2016; Wolf, Pepper, & Dobrin,
Paper presented before the 2019 Annual Conference of the Asian Association for Public 2016).
Administration (AAPA), Manila, Philippines (May 22-24, 2019).
Traditionally, the police protect public interests while security agents have protected private interests
Robert J. Dickey1 and assets (Dobrin, 2016, 723). Extra-judicial enforcement through vigilante groups, armed private
security forces, community militias, and private-action lawsuits are beyond the scope of this
volunteerism analysis, although their members may claim their acts are entirely consistent with the
self-help tradition of policing (at least, up to the point where they conduct extra-judicial trials,
INTRODUCTION sentencing, and execution of sentence). On the other hand, a valid reason for voluntarism in policing
under Osborne and Gaebler’s (1993) “steering not rowing” framework for New Public Management
Traffic. Policing. Two issues with strong association through traffic law enforcement and, hopefully, (NPM) is the concept of load-shedding (Johnston, 1992, p. 58), also known as “load-sharing.”
safer and smoother travel. The opening question, however, is whether there are other options. In a Whether this voluntary staffing used to reduce police costs, or extend police services, both are
time of declining governmental resources and increase demand, alternative strategies such as load- legitimate NPM aims and in keeping with the UN-defined Sustainable Development Goals of
sharing, including public-private partnerships, participatory governance, citizen engagement, and co- Sustainable Cities and Communities, and Peace, Justice, and Strong Institutions; for it is clear that
production of public services by residents must become the new norm. increased compliance with traffic laws should decrease traffic congestion and reduce the impacts of
climate change caused by energy, consumption, as well as improve ecosystems and peace and
Metro Manila is comprised of 17 autonomous local government units (LGUs), but some services are justice by removing inequalities.
coordinated through the Metro Manila Development Authority (MMDA), including transport, waste
management and flood control functions, each of which impact the focal area of traffic management. Volunteers also serve in office functions of policing, most invisible to the public. Use of volunteers in
While Dan Brown’s Inferno (2013) characterizes Manila’s “six-hour traffic jams” as entry into the policing may be seen as a way of increasing capacity and reducing demand while providing a better
“gates of hell” and some have described Manila’s traffic as “world’s worst” (Fallaria et al., 2019; service to the public, yet the arguments for an expansion of police voluntarism are much broader,
Hegina, 2015) others a slightly more kind verdict, including the National Capital Region (NCR) only at including potential for empowering and engaging communities (Callender et al. 2018). The concept of
number nine (Cantlas, 2015), while many others do not include the Philippines or Metro Manila in their “community policing” is strongly driven by both improved police-community ties and decreased
world’s worst lists. While nature, population density, and infrastructure are significant issues for policing costs through the engagement of citizens (Kempa et al, 1999). Percy (1978) argued that
Manila’s traffic, another aspect is driving behavior. Enforcement of road rules, including both driving reporting criminal activity—both real and suspected—is a fundamental role for citizens in coproduction
and parking, may alleviate some of the traffic issues. of policing (187).

This preliminary fieldwork study examines Filipino drivers' acceptance of the Korean model of citizen- In the continuum of citizen-volunteers in policing, most common are the low-engagement (passive)
volunteer traffic enforcement, known as Caparazzi (car paparazzi) or citizen traffic officers (CTOs). neighborhood watch, who report crimes they observe. (Ostrom (1978) includes all witnesses who
The Caparazzi model, one approach in a “civilian policing” model (Huey, Nhan, & Broll, 2012) is report crimes in the policing continuum.) At the other extreme are the Special Constables in England
based on uploads to authorized governmental repositories of smartphone photographs evidencing and Wales, along with those police reserve in the United States and elsewhere who are fully-
traffic or other civil infractions, a type of “police-civilian partnership” (ibid). Smartphone technology warranted yet unpaid law enforcement officers. Intermediary levels include school crossing guards,
would seem an option for traffic enforcement in the Philippines, as many drivers are already using a teen-aged Explorers, citizens on patrol (with police radios), non-sworn police reserves on walking
locally-developed government-endorsed (yet privately managed) “MMDA Traffic Navigator” and there patrols, police ride-alongs, traffic & parking guides, community patrols, and office-support volunteers.
is also the Israel-developed Waze app, both offering real-time traffic updates (Yujuico 2015). Unlike Johnston (1992) has divided these types of volunteerism in policing as Responsible Citizenship,
real-time systems that require online connectivity and data streaming, an enforcement app can allow where neighbors watch out for each other, and Autonomous Citizenship, where reporting neighbors to
for occasional uploads based on (free or discounted) internet access, thus reducing online fees. government, vigilante behavior, and independent policing groups such as the Guardian Angels
Furthermore, use of non-governmental agents may lead to enhanced enforcement, since, as Cohen become common (p. 137), while Cook (2011) observes that one of the basic ways for citizens to
and Rubin (1985) observe, private enforcement agents, unlike government regulators, possess coproduce policing is “by carrying a mobile phone” (104) and participating in various “Tips” programs
(105). In contrast are the paid yet non-sworn policing personnel such as traffic & parking enforcement
ongoing economic interests directly related to the costs and benefits of public policy implementation
(169). As there are two schemes in Korea’s Caparazzi programs (compensated and non- wardens (meter-maids), crime and accident investigators, safety inspectors, and police department
compensated), both types are considered here. staff. Various programs encourage citizens to be proactive, perhaps providing cash rewards for those
whose information (“tips”) leads to convictions. Depending on the design of the system, payments for
reporting infractions may also provide a modest income for elderly, unemployed or disadvantaged
members of the community.
CITIZENS IN POLICING
Volunteers in policing extends beyond the Anglo-American model, including not only lands formerly
Coproduction in policing services, as with all other public services, is hardly new, perhaps even under British influence, but also Hungary, Germany and the Netherlands (Wolf, Pepper, & Dobrin,
tracing back to Biblical times (Koven, 1992). Since the 9th century English families were expected to 2016), also Korea (Dickey, 2012) and, in a more limited sense, in Sweden (Uhnoo & Löfstrand, 2018)
and Belgium (van Eijk, Steen, & Verschuere, 2017). In terms of traffic issues, cities in Hunan (China)
raise the “hue and cry” (Neely, 1990), and from the 13th century all men in town had to serve on the
unpaid nightwatch, a rotating responsibility (Dobrin, 2016). Dobrin (2017, 81) further notes that have granted ordinary citizens the power to write tickets and keep up to 80% of the fines (Zheng &
through the history of the Anglo/American police, volunteers have always participated significantly in Feng, 2012; Jacobs & Century, 2012); the City of Santa Maria (California) uses trained volunteers to
mark, and tow, cars violating the 72 hour parking ordinance; in Boulder (Colorado) paparazzi record
and submit evidence of animals relieving themselves on park grounds so that the owners would have
Keimyung University, Daegu S. Korea email: rjdickey@kmu.ac.kr to pay a $10 fine (The Denver Channel); PoliceWitness.com is a support organization for photo-
1 2
vigilantes who wish to report traffic and other infractions to the police in the UK (Gye, 2011;
PoliceWitness.com, no date); and many US cities train volunteers to write summonses for disabled
parking violations. A common bond in the above programs is some degree of training and supervision =============================
by law enforcement authorities. As an example of minimal training, the New York State Vehicle Code1
specifies a minimum of two hours training, and established procedures, for volunteers to enforce the FIGURE 1 ABOUT HERE
handicapped parking law.
=============================
The Philippines, too, have a long history of non-governmental policing, although there has been great
concern over the vigilante approach taken by many (May, 1992), such as the Confederate Sentinels
Group (Evangelista, 2018) and the Civilian Volunteer Organizations’ Barangay patrols
(GlobalSecurity.org, n.d.). Many of these “volunteers” are “working” full-time in law enforcement, with METHODOLOGY
some level of compensation, but without extensive training (Philippine News Agency, 2018).
This was a preliminary investigatory survey of residents perceptions, examining whether a more in-
Fully-warranted (sworn) volunteer officers, whether known as Reserves, Auxiliaries, Special depth study of residents’ acceptance of a citizen-policing model would be warranted.
Constables, or other, incorporate police authority (e.g., power of arrest, perhaps right to bear fire-
arms) beyond the scope of this study, although their empowerment points to the possibility of Data Collection
providing lesser policing powers to the broader citizenry. Volunteers serving in administration-only Survey responses from 103 licensed drivers were gathered by three educated Filipina research
roles, too, are not included here. associates during an August 2014 weekday near the foodcourt at SM MegaMall in Mandaluyong City.
This location was selected as a major foot traffic area and representative of middle-class
urban/suburban residents in the National Capital Region. The survey instrument consisted of six
TRAFFIC AND PARKING ENFORCEMENT demographic items, including driving patterns, and four subject items relating to perceived
appropriacy and willingness to participate in a Carparazzi-style program in Metro Manila. Sampling
Across the 20th century, most law enforcement came from the hands of uniformed police officials. was of convenience, with survey gatherers aware of the need for representativeness of respondents
However, as Moffat and Salzburg (1999) observe, public resources for traffic enforcement must based on obvious distinctions of age and gender. A small foodcourt gift coupon was offered in
compete against higher-priority crime response activity. Additional enforcement personnel, Traffic exchange for the 5-minute survey, which was done verbally and recorded on a paper survey
Wardens or Civil Enforcement Officers, are uniformed but non-warranted government officials. In the instrument. The survey was conducted in Tagalog based on an English-written survey document
US, Parking Enforcement Officers (colloquially known as “Meter Maids”) are generally a department (survey instrument in Appendix A) except where Filipino respondents preferred to use English.
within the Police Department, whereas in England and Korea they are attached to enforcement
divisions in local governments (not included in the regular police agencies). Fire & building inspectors, All data is treated as categorical response, although age is reported in ranges: at the time of survey
health inspectors, and truant officers are other types of enforcement officials not associated with crime administration these were approximately age 54 ½ or more, age 24½ or less, and two intermediate
and traffic enforcement. ranges (see the survey instrument for specifics). Distance driven per week was treated similarly: less
than 10km, 10-40km, 40-100km, and more. Survey responses and lack of questions from
During the past four decades, governments have made use of a variety of automated traffic law respondents suggest that these treatments were reasonable.
enforcement mechanisms: the most common radar and cameras for speed, traffic and parking
enforcement (or at least infraction deterrence). There are numerous objections to these devices, The amount of compensation for volunteers was not defined, but for any respondents who asked, we
generally related to questions of accuracy and lack of discretion. A trained officer, whether on the suggested that upper limits might be set related to aspects such as “not more than 25% of the fine
scene, or reviewing machine-generated evidence, exercises discretion in issuance of citations. amount” and not more some defined amount per month, e.g., 20,000PhP/US$500.
Automated system may lack this discretion. See Figure 1 for a flow chart of process in issuance of a
citation, inclusive of citizen reporters, technology-based observations, and enforcement officer Descriptive Statistics
observations. The tables below indicate the raw response rates for the survey items (Table 1), and the Pearson’s
Chi Square Test Score (goodness of fit) for the acceptance of the citizen volunteer enforcement
Additionally, it has been argued that governments may be “investing” in these devices for revenue- project based on the demographic items in the survey (items 1-6 displayed in Tables 2-7).
generation purposes rather than public safety or law enforcement (see Fang, 2012; Moffat & Salzburg,
1999; and Mahoney & Helperin, 2009). Similarly, it has been claimed that governments have a
financial motivation to promote citizen reporter “paparazzi” schemes: they can reduce costs for =============================
enforcement officers, and even after paying the citizen-informants still make a profit (Choe, 2011;
Glionna, 2009). On the other hand, a ‘Tragedy of the Commons’ -like argument was raised by some TABLES 1 - 7 ABOUT HERE
respondents in Kim’s 2004 survey concerning excessive spending by government on the program due
to more reports filed than anticipated. Clearly, any profit-sharing deals with the private sector should =============================
be designed to avoid the promotion of revenue-generation over safety (see CALPIRG 2011).
Nevertheless, revenue generation, despite displeasure from citizens, is one of the New Public
Management tools. Ultimately, as Bagolong et al. (2014) have offered, “the primary goal of traffic law
enforcement is to encourage voluntary compliance with traffic laws while keeping traffic moving safely ANALYSIS
and smoothly” (p.1).
Although confirmatory data has not been located, much of the summary demographic data “feels”
1
representative of the wider community of drivers in Philippines National Capital Region (Metro Manila),
New York Vehicle Code Section 1203-F: Handicapped parking enforcement. although the nearly 2:1 ratio of male to female respondents may be a distortion On the other hand,
3 4
deeper investigation might show that the gender or other measures are less representative within unavoidable traffic law violations where a police officer would have exercised discretion. Kim also
other demographics fields, e.g., the number of young women, or the number of older women, or older observed that both insurers and NGOs were active in the scheme: the former partially-funded
women driving more frequently, etc. As a preliminary very small scale survey we should accept these informant rewards, the latter aimed to develop higher awareness of traffic safety in a country which
limitations and look at wider questions. The number of drivers stopped for a violation also seems a bit often was near the top of global traffic fatalities listings. On the other hand, Korea’s Caparazzi
excessive, but outcome may be specific to driving frequency in the Metro Manila area. received no training beyond technical specification for image quality and delivery, which indicates a
significant difference from many police volunteers or neighborhood watch programs. Instead there
The data indicates acceptance of stricter traffic enforcement from volunteer reporters, despite the fact were and are private “Paparazzi schools”, where schools recommended particular recording devices
that over 75% of respondents report having been stopped for a traffic violation, while less supportive and strategies for maximizing reporters’ revenues (Lee, 2018; Schwartzman, 2011). We should also
of compensation, still less supportive of self or a family member being a volunteer reporter, and not note that the government and, importantly, the private sector (NGOs and insurance companies,
supportive of self or family member being a reporter if compensation were available. Not surprisingly, mostly) have continued to develop and operate paid photo-tipsters programs in Korea. In 2019 a new
those who had not been stopped for a traffic violation were more supportive of the volunteer program, reporting app was released by the central government to integrate a number of reporting fields
but surprisingly, were less supportive of themselves or a family member serving as a CTO. Distance previously reported through separate apps.
and frequency of driving in Metro Manila (survey items 3 and 4) were mostly not statistically significant
in terms of “Yes” responses to the key questions of the CTO program (survey items 7a-d). Women This preliminary study of the possibilities for the Korean-model citizen-reporter in traffic enforcement
were more accepting of the CTO program, paid or unpaid, than men, but men were more willing to for the Philippines suffers from several limitations. The small number of respondents, from a single
serve as a CTO, or allow a family member to do so. location in Metro Manila, leads to sampling questions and limits the depth of statistical analysis.
Deeper understanding of respondents economic condition, history of driving (experience), and use of
While the data analysis provided statistically significant outcomes for age vis-à-vis the CTO program, cellphone apps might also indicate important characteristics of the community, thus the survey should
they do not provide clear guidance how age impacts acceptance, other than that the younger (not be expanded in both depth and breadth.
youngest) age group of “born between 1975 and 1989 were least likely to say “Yes” to each of the
four CTO program proposals (7a-d). Korea’s Caparazzi system allowed citizens to take photographs or videos of traffic infractions –
principally parking and other non-moving violations, which were then uploaded to government
12 respondents commented that volunteers should not be paid, but while all of these commenters websites where enforcement officials reviewed the evidence. However, the 99% acceptance rate
thought that the CTO project was a good idea; only seven of those 12 (or their family member) would (Yang & Kim, 2003) on submissions would appear to indicate that discretion was muted. While the
be willing to volunteer, only 3 thought a payment would be “OK”, and only 5 would themselves (or a citizen volunteer reporters scheme in Korea has never been reversed, many of the financial rewards
family member) serve as a CTO if paid.; have been terminated or reduced to very small grants.

Many people who serve as volunteer law enforcement officers tend to view their law enforcement
positions as a way to provide service to their communities (Dobrin & Wolf, 2016, 222). However, the
FINDINGS & CONCLUSION sharply lower numbers of volunteer reports in contemporary traffic enforcement in Korea may be an
indicator that much of the citizen reporter activity last decade was profit-driven rather than altruistic.
As Dobrin (2016) observes, the “primary responsibility” of volunteers in policing is “to augment patrol,”
that is, it frees up the professional law enforcement officers to handle more complex duties and to Citizen engagement as a means of transforming public service delivery has not been deeply
increase their general presence across the city, thus discouraging potential criminal activity (724). examined for negative effects: this enforcement reporting form of co-production would appear to have
deeper social impact than what might be viewed on the surface. In light of the sustainable
The respondents to this survey have indicated an acceptance of a traffic enforcement citations system development goals related to the environment and financial support to the disadvantaged, one option
based on reports from volunteer citizen traffic officers, although there is somewhat less acceptance if might be to limit participation in this public-private partnership to defined disadvantaged groups within
payments are made to reporters based on the number of citations issued. society (such as elderly and poor), and to limit the level of financial reward. Still, this survey suggests
that citizen-enforcement in the Philippines may serve a nobler cause of citizen engagement. Further
Philippines has a noted propensity for corruption in traffic enforcement (Nolasco et al. 2014). investigation is warranted.
Removing potential corruption is one consideration here. In cases of automated enforcement, location
is important. Koven discussed displacement—moving criminal activity from one neighborhood to
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APPENDIX A Figure 1.
Survey of Drivers in Metro Manila

Conducted at SM MegaMall in Mandaluyong City Aug 18, 2014

I. Demographics

1. Age
Born after January 1 1990
Born between January 1 1975 and December 31 1989
Born between January 1 1960 and December 31 1974
Born before January 1 1960

2. Gender
Male Female

3. Metro-Manila driving frequency (within Metro-Manila in a typical week)


1 round-trip per week
2-3 round-trips per week
More

4. Metro-Manila distance driven (within Metro-Manila in a typical week)


Less than 10km (6 miles)
10-40km (6-25 miles)
40-100km (25-60 miles)
More

5. Have you ever been stopped for a violation of the Philippines Traffic & Vehicle Law?
Yes No

II. Camera citations program


Flow Chart of Process in Issuance of a Citation, Inclusive of
6. Did you know that camera and radar are used to issue traffic citations in the Philippines? Citizen Reporters, Technology-based Observations, and
Yes No Enforcement Officer Observations

7. In some countries, citizen volunteers have authority to issue citations, which are handled through
the normal government channels, based on photographic evidence of infractions (examples: illegal (from Dickey, 2012.)
parking, failing to stop, blocking the intersection).
a. Would citizen-volunteer traffic enforcement be a good idea in Metro Manila?
Yes No

b. Would you or a family member be willing to become a part-time Citizen-volunteer Traffic-


enforcement Officer (CTO)?
Yes No

c. Would it be OK if CTOs received a small payment (10Piso?) for each citation


accepted/approved by the Land Transportation Office?
Yes No

d. Would you be willing to become a part-time citizen-volunteer traffic enforcement officer


(CTO), or would you allow a family member to be one, if there was a small payment for each
citation accepted/approved by the Land Transportation Office?
Yes No

e. Any comments? (open response) (other side of page)

9 10
Table 1. Age & “Yes” Responses for CTOs

Percentage of “Yes” Reponses


TOTAL 7A 7B 7C 7D
1. Age 102 0.696 * 0.559 * 0.636 * 0.636 *
Table 5. Stopped for Violation & “Yes” Responses for CTOs
Born after January 1 1990 11 (.108) 0.909 * 1.000 * 0.500 * 0.417 *
Born between Jan 1975 and Dec 1989 24 (.235) 0.500 * 0.458 * 0.542 * 0.354 *
Percentage of “Yes” Reponses
Born between Jan1960 and Dec 1974 48 (.471) 0.688 * 0.500 * 0.684 * 0.684 *
TOTAL 7A 7B 7C 7D
Born before January 1960 19 (.186) 0.842 * 0.579 * 0.569 * 0.461 *
5. Have you ever been stopped for a violation? 100 0.686 * 0.552 * 0.562 * 0.457 *
Yes 77 (.77) 0.636 * 0.545 * 0.532 * 0.468 *
* p < 0.05
No 23 (.33) 0.870 * 0.565 * 0.691 * 0.391 *
Figures may not total 100 due to rounding.
* p < 0.05
Figures may not total 100 due to rounding.

Table 2. Gender & “Yes” Responses for CTOs

Percentage of “Yes” Reponses Table 6. Know Camera & Radar are Used & “Yes” Responses for CTOs
TOTAL 7A 7B 7C 7D
2. Gender 102 0.686 * 0.552 * 0.562 * 0.457 *
Male 64 (.627) 0.641 * 0.578 * 0.516 * 0.484 * Percentage of “Yes” Reponses
TOTAL 7A 7B 7C 7D
Female 38 (.373) 0.786 * 0.526 * 0.658 * 0.421 *
6. You know camera and radar used in Phils? 103 0.686 * 0.552 * 0.562 * 0.457 *
* p < 0.05
Yes 94 (.913) 0.723 * 0.585 * 0.564 * 0.479 *
Figures may not total 100 due to rounding.
No 9 (.087) 0.444 * 0.333 * 0.667 * 0.333 *

* p < 0.05
Figures may not total 100 due to rounding.

Table 3. Driving Frequency & “Yes” Responses for CTOs

Percentage of “Yes” Reponses


TOTAL 7A 7B 7C 7D
Table 7. Citizen Volunteers with Authority to Issue Citations (CTOs)
3. Metro-Manila driving frequency typical week) 102 0.696 0.569 0.578 0.471 *
1 round-trip per week 8 (.078) 0.875 0.625 0.250 0.375 *
a. good idea in Metro Manila? 102
2-3 round-trips per week 18 (.176) 0.667 0.667 0.667 0.556 *
Yes 71 (0.696)
More 76 (.745) 0.684 0.539 0.592 0.461 *
No 31 (0.304)

* p < 0.05 b. You/family member willing to CTO? 101


Figures may not total 100 due to rounding. Yes 57 (0.564)
No 44 (0.436)

c. OK if CTOs received a small payment? 102


Yes 59 (0.578)
No 43 (0.422)
Table 4. Distance Driven & “Yes” Responses for CTOs
d. Willing CTO, allow a family member if pay? 102
Yes 48 (0.471)
Percentage of “Yes” Reponses No 54 (0.529)
TOTAL 7A 7B 7C 7D
4. Metro-Manila distance driven (typical week) 101 0.693 * 0.564 0.574 0.465 e. Any comments? (open response) (other side of page)
Less than 10km (6 miles) 13 (.129) 0.769 * 0.615 0.615 0.385
10-40km (6-25 miles) 24 (.238) 0.917 * 0.542 0.583 0.500
40-100km (25-60 miles) 22 (.218) 0.636 * 0.591 0.773 0.409
More 42 (.41.6) 0.571 * 0.548 0.452 0.500

* p < 0.05
Figures may not total 100 due to rounding.
11 12

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