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FROM PHYSICAL TO SOCIAL LANDSCAPES:

MULTIDIMENSIONAL APPROACHES
TO THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF SOCIAL PLACE
IN THE EUROPEAN UPPER PALAEOLITHIC

Jean-Michel Geneste, Jean-Christophe Castel, and

Jean-Pierre Chadelle
In southwestern France, Paleolithic studies have
long relied on the study of archaeological sites
largely devoid of proper consideration of their envi-
ronmental settings. Over a period lasting approxi-
mately ten years, initially researchers focused much
of their attention to attributing cultural finds into
chronological phases and sequences. It was only in
the 1960s that serious attention began to be given
to environmental contexts and raw material distri-
butions so as to allow stone artifact sourcing stud-
ies to proceed (Valensi 1960). Subsequently, such
studies on the provenance of archaeological raw
materials proliferated (Borde 2002; Bressy et al.
2006; Geneste 1985; Tiffagom 2006), as did those
concerned with the origins of faunal resources
(Castel 1995; Costamagno 2006; Fontana 2001) and
those comparing technological and subsistence
provisioning strategies (Castel et al. 1998).
In contrast to these earlier and largely techno-
economic programs, here we present a multi-
disciplinary study of past landscape engagements
by systemically investigating the regional environ-
ment and its relationships with the material culture
of Solutrean deposits in southwestern France. We
combine these various sources of information to
explore strategies of past landscape engagement,
in particular as these relate to subsistence prac-
tices, technology, and social organization.
The Solutrean, an archaeological “culture” or
phase (20,000–17,000 B.P.) of the European Upper
Paleolithic (40,000–10,000 B.P.), is amenable to a
range of functional and spatial research approaches,
since its restricted temporal and spatial extension
limits possible confusions between the synchronic
and dynamic perspectives emphasized by Binford
(Binford 1982a).
It is thus possible to approach different archaeo-
logical perceptions of Solutrean territories through
patterning in the exploitation of animal and miner-
al resources (Castel et al. 1998, 2005, 2006). This
analysis, which is synchronic owing to the short
duration of the Solutrean, interrogates diverse data
concerned with subsistence economy and symbol-
ism to inform us on ecological contexts of territori-
al behavior through the spatial distribution of sites.
In contrast to other recent studies that favor a limit-
ed disciplinary field or that concern limited data
collected a long time ago, our approach concerns
an interdisciplinary perspective of the human ecol-
ogy of the Upper Pleistocene (Binford 1981; Ellen
1979; Guille-Escuret 1989).
In this chapter, we explore how what is by now a
detailed archaeological understanding of the tempor-
al and spatial distribution of Solutrean archaeologi-
cal materials can inform us on Solutrean territorial
networks—that is, how material distributions across

228
 Chapter 21: From Physical to Social Landscapes
the land can be used to inform us as to past social
arrangements as sociopolitical landscapes.
Territories of Alimentary Resource
Acquisition
To understand ancient territories, at least in part
from animal resource acquisition activities, one
must have an ensemble of well-preserved, contem-
poraneous sites, knowledge of the seasonality and
duration of occupation at these sites, as well as an
understanding of the zones of geographical distri-
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bution and patterns of movement of the fauna in
question.
The Sites
In the Aquitaine region of France, the Solutrean
sites that have well-preserved faunal remains con-
tain palimpsests of different occupations; sites
with specialized activities attributable to individual
events are rare. All faunal remains were collected
at four recently excavated sites: Combe Saunière,
Cuzoul de Vers, Les Peyrugues, and Cave XVI. At
five other sites, all fauna were collected from a
limited area of the site: Le Placard, Jeanblancs,
Casserole, Petit-Cloup-Barrat, and Sainte-Eulalie.
The faunal assemblages of sites that were exca-
vated a long time ago (Badegoule, Laugerie Haute,
Pech de la Boissière, Fourneau du Diable, among
others) have been altered by successive selection
of the excavated material and by loss of parts of
those collections.
Seasonality
The period of occupation at a site can be deter-
mined through analysis of seasonality. One method
is based on tooth eruption and tooth wear among
the fauna. Another consists of the analysis of dental
cementum annuli for seasonality of death, a method
applied mostly to ungulates (Castanet, Meunier, and
Francillon-Vieillot 1992; Sergeant and Pimlott 1959).
Other factors, such as the presence of fetuses, can
also provide information concerning the seasonality
of use at a site. These methods can be used on fauna
where births are restricted to particular seasons.
We currently have seasonality information
for five sites: Combe Saunière; Les Peyrugues;
Cuzoul de Vers (cementum annuli, dental eruption,
fetus); Badegoule; and Fourneau-du-Diable (den-
tal wear and eruption, fetus). Seasonal hunting is
characteristic of sites that were occasionally occu-
pied and indicates geographic movements among
human groups. Year-round hunting indicates either
229
a site of permanent residence or a palimpsest of
shorter duration occupations at different times of the
year (for example, seasonal occupation). It can thus
be difficult to infer the movement of populations
across space based only on attempts to interpret the
seasonal presence of people at a given site.
On the southwestern border of the Massif
Central in France, the southern sites of Cuzoul
de Vers and Les Peyrugues were occupied during
summer (Allard, Chalard, and Martin 2005; Martin
In press). In the north, Combe-Saunière (Castel
1999; Pike-Tay in Castel 1999) and Fourneau-du-
Diable (Fontana 2001) were occupied during late
winter, spring, and perhaps summer. Badegoule
was occupied year-round (Bouchud 1966).
A synthesis based only on these preliminary analy-
ses would lead us to conclude that the sites in the
south were occupied in summer, whereas those to the
north were occupied year-round, notably including
winter. The data are still too limited, however, and it
is more important to observe that different site occu-
pational strategies were probably followed in different
parts of the Massif Central during the Solutrean. To
further explore this issue, one must integrate archaeo-
zoological results with other forms of archaeological
and multidisciplinary information.
Distribution of Hunted Animals
We consider different animal species to be associat-
ed with different resource zones, which can for the
purposes of our work be divided into three major
environmental forms: (1) an open arctic zone; (2) a
non-arctic open zone; (3) a forested zone (Delpech
et al. 1983; Griggo 1995). Each of these environ-
mental zones tends to be found at some distance
from the others, rather than in short-spaced patch-
work. The representation in the same site of species
belonging to different environmental zones would
thus attest to the circulation of animal bones across
relatively large distances.
For the arctic environment, we use as a refer-
ence the model defined by Binford (1978, 1982b)—
namely, exploitation of a territory from a residence
base camp surrounded by specialized activity sites.
Following this model, the species hunted within
given locations will differ according to seasonal
and geographical availability.
The different species identified at a site reveal
choices made within an integrated, annual cycle of
activities. In the case of human populations circulat-
ing over vast territories, the presence of a species
represents its rank in an optimization of hunting
activities, which is primarily related to the relative
abundance of different species, their spatial distri-
butions, and the economic profitability of the hunt.
 230
From the perspective of the optimization of
acquisition and exploitation (cf. Binford 1978;
Keene 1981; Lee and De Vore 1968; Winterhalder
and Smith 1981), one can distinguish three types
of species representation within individual sites
(Castel et al. 1998):
1. Species brought back to the site whole then
completely exploited. These species are
hunted near the sites. They correspond to
specific ecological circumstances to which
the human subsistence strategies are well
adapted.
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2. Species of which only certain parts of
the skeleton are introduced into the site.
This reduction in transport costs is sought
in diverse circumstances, such as when
hunting locations are far from occupation
sites, when the animal carcass is particu-
larly large, or in the absence of sufficient
human means to exploit and transport the
animal (e.g., Bartram 1993; Binford 1978;
Bunn 1982). This is the case for bovids and
mammoth, whose presence in the local
environment is often difficult for archaeolo-
gists to determine. Such a representation
of only partial skeletal presence could
also be found among poorly represented
small-sized species. We note that poorly
represented species do not necessarily
represent a lack of exploitation of a given
environmental zone, because absence of
evidence could relate to delayed consump-
tion, among other possible explanations.
3. Species represented exclusively by body
parts of symbolic or technological value.
Such skeletal evidence cannot be taken as
evidence for food consumption at those
sites, because portable “art” made on
animal bones could (and indeed in some
circumstances at least to) were likely have
been carried around over potentially large
distances and over long periods of time.
For these reasons, our present analyses of the distri-
bution of animal populations during the Solutrean
concern only locally exploited ungulates.
The geographical distribution of animal popu-
lations 20,000 years ago was informed by ref-
erence to modern ethological data in order to
identify the environments favorable to different
species. Being unable to reconstruct the climate
of the last glacial maximum with sufficiently fine-
grained precision, researchers estimated faunal
distribution zones from landscape relief and soil
type. This argument can be applied only to species
Part III: Thinking through Landscapes
dependent on particular physical environments,
such as horse and ibex. Reindeer, however, are
present in large quantities at all Solutrean sites.
This species was hunted everywhere within a local
range and exploited for both alimentary and tech-
nological purposes. Bovids also appear to have
been ubiquitous, and for them there is also the
question of transport, which was forcibly selective
between the kill site and the cave or rockshelter
sites studied here. These species do not contribute
to the question of the circulation of bone remains
over long distances.
Despite the small sample size, some significant
tendencies can be observed. Reindeer are largely
dominant, both in terms of the number of individ-
uals and the quantity of meat they provided. For
the other species, there is a zonal variation from
north to south: ibex are present only in the south,
where horse and saiga antelope appear to be
absent; chamois is present further north than ibex;
red deer are present only in the central zone. At
the sites in the northern half, the Solutreans hunted
ten reindeer for every horse. Because horse bone
remains are associated with greater quantities of
meat than are reindeer bones, the alimentary con-
tribution of this animal seems to be more import-
ant than apparent from ratios of the numbers of
represented fauna alone. These examples show
that the relative representation of fauna within
archaeological sites does not necessarily indicate
the relative importance of environmental zones as
food resource zones.
The Geographical Distribution and
Circulation of Technological Objects
The exploitation of non-alimentary animal and
mineral resources (for technological and/or sym-
bolic reasons) does not follow the same model of
land use and geographical organization as that of
alimentary resources.
Animal Resource Exploitation
The ibex remains at Combe Saunière (Castel 1999),
Badegoule (Cheynier 1949), Le Placard (Griggo In
press), and probably Fourneau du Diable (Stéphane
Madeleine, personal communication), exist only in
the form of pierced or unpierced incisors. Their
presence attests to territorial relations with the
southeast, as this is where ibexes came from. At
Cuzoul de Vers, horse remains are represented
almost exclusively in the form of retouchers (frag-
ments of long bone diaphyses used to retouch flint
tools), which could have been introduced into
the site in the same way as lithic tools made from
 Chapter 21: From Physical to Social Landscapes
exogenous materials (Castel 1999). The situation
at Les Peyrugues seems to be analogous (Michel
Allard, personal communication). These remains
could have originally come from some consider-
able distance away, if horse was absent in the
Quercy region, or from earlier times, if horse was
not exploited during the period of site occupation,
or a combination of both.
Do the unique saiga antelope remains pres-
ent in the Solutrean assemblage of Jeanblancs
(Drucker et al. 2000) indicate a displacement from
the north, or mixing with the Magdalenian levels
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in which this species has been identified, or per-
haps an introduction by carnivores? This example
illustrates the difficultly of interpreting the status
of a species represented by very few remains. In
any case, it does not appear to result from confu-
sion with chamois because this species is absent
from the deposits.
Mammoth is represented in several sites in the
form of ivory fragments that are sometimes worked.
In this case, it seems that we can attribute the pres-
ence of this material to an exploitation of a raw
material source rather than to the exploitation of an
animal for its meat. At Laugerie Haute, the presence
of dozens of mammoth molars, numerous ivory frag-
ments, and a few diaphysis fragments of standardized
dimensions also indicate the transport of materials
for purposes other than alimentary needs.
These different elements attest to the presence
of technological and symbolic products made from
animal materials in regions far from those where
archaeozoological analyses show the presence of
corresponding species, and which were intensively
exploited following transport over short distances.
These displacements of animal materials in the form
of technological and symbolic products attest either
to the movement of human groups or exchanges
between partners within interacting groups.
Mineral Resource Exploitation
The study of the origins of lithic materials allows us
to perceive a locality of social and environmental
engagement, exploited daily (the “local zone”); a
“neighboring zone,” exploited episodically; and a
“distant zone,” which sometimes simply represents
the preceding residence site(s). However, the raw
materials exploited do not always represent the
geographical patterning and physical availability of
natural resources in the environment. For example,
Bergeracois flint, an abundant and high quality
material, appears to have been minimally used dur-
ing the Solutrean.
Technological studies of lithic industries allow
us to characterize the duration of occupation of
231
sites. The presence of remains from all phases of
the operational sequence indicates the exploit-
ation of nearby flint sources, diverse activities,
and prolonged occupation. On the other hand,
the presence of only the initial phases of a reduc-
tion sequence reveals a knapping workshop and
a brief, sometimes unique occupation at the flint
source. The presence of remains from only the last
phases of tool production indicates the preliminary
exploitation of distant sources, specific activities,
brief and possibly repeated occupations.
At Combe Saunière, the intensive and repeated
exploitation of sources near the site represent 90%
of the retouched objects, whereas distant sources
(Aubry 1991; Servelle and Vaquer 2000) are attest-
ed only by the most efficient hunting equipment
(Chadelle, Geneste, and Plisson 1991; Geneste
and Plisson 1986; Plisson and Geneste 1989). The
choice, availability, and optimized modes of trans-
port of these diverse products seem to reveal a
tradition common to all Solutrean groups within
a range extending over more than 300 kilometers,
from the Tarn region in the south to the Indre-et-
Loire region in the north.
The economic strategies adopted within a local
zone, regularly and intensively exploited within
a 5-kilometer range around the residence sites,
differ from those developed within the broader
range that includes the distant zone. In the latter
case where the distant zone is exploited, only
selected sources are exploited and the products
are diffused in the optimized form of raw blanks or
roughouts within a vast interregional zone accord-
ing to the rules, now classic for the Palaeolithic,
of long-distance diffusion (Renfrew 1977). The dis-
tances of between 50 and 200 kilometers in the
region considered at such broader spatial scales
are far greater than those that can be covered in
one or two days of walking. At the intermedi-
ary scale that incorporates a consideration of the
neighboring zone, which varies according to the
relative position of resource sources and habitats,
we encounter intermediate economic solutions. It
is also possible that within zones of social inter-
action (contacts and exchanges) located at medium
distances from residence sites (one or two days
by foot), unworked raw materials and roughouts
may have circulated through exchanges between
groups. Detailed studies of these questions are in
progress.
The multiple territorial entities related to
the economy of lithic materials are distributed
over a vast geographic zone constituted by the
middle and high valleys of the rivers circulating
over the highlands of the Massif Central toward
the Atlantic. This multiplicity has already been
 232
observed (Peyrony 1932) and remains difficult to
interpret. Though a systematic confrontation of
data related to the exploitation of the physical and
faunal environments in this ensemble of Solutrean
sites is still lacking, it already appears that geo-
graphical zones of engagement determined on
exclusively economic bases were integrated within
a single environmental zone. Human movements
across long and medium distances are oriented
according to a large north-south axis, whereas the
east-west movements, following the river courses
and natural paths of circulation, concern only short
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and medium distance movements, which archaeo-
logically appear less frequently as these are more
difficult to detect because of the natural down-
stream transport of flint blocks by rivers.
The Circulation of Objects of
Sociosymbolic Value
To compare and contrast the geographical circula-
tion of alimentary and technological objects with
that of sociosymbolic objects (artistic, aesthetic, or
ritual items), we now consider body ornaments
(worked teeth, pendants on horse hyoid bones,
beads, buttons, bracelets, shells, and fossils). Such
an approach will enable us to consider the circula-
tion of people across space in terms of relations of
symbolic value.
Briefly, the method used here to under-
stand the circulation of “non-economic”1 sym-
bolic objects, for which we do not have localized
sources identifiable through the natural sciences,
consists of an analysis of the spatial distribution
of objects with highly determined characteristics
(nature, technique, morphology, decoration) and
which are found only in Solutrean contexts. Bi-
lobed ivory buttons, ivory “bracelets” and “rings”
with notched decoration, quadrangular beads with
geometric motifs (Geneste and Rigaud In prepar-
ation), and notched pendants made on horse hyoid
bones materialize contacts and exchanges between
groups.
The geographical distributions of these objects
indicate human movements across a maximum
distance of 80 kilometers. These distributions are
well integrated within the range of transported
lithic raw materials; they may thus also correspond
geographically to the alimentary subsistence
zones superposed on the distribution zones of the
exploited animals.
The origins of marine shells found in the major-
ity of Solutrean sites indicate two constant but
diametrically opposed sources: the Atlantic coast
(both along the coastline and at fossil deposits in
the Bordeaux region) and the Mediterranean coast.
Part III: Thinking through Landscapes
These contact zones, geographically the most dis-
tant identified during the Solutrean, forcibly imply
intergroup exchange zones that overlap at their
margins with those of other contemporary socio-
cultural entities.
Conclusions
Certain aspects of the economic organization of
prehistoric human groups across space and through
time will always be out of reach; data relevant
to the recurrence and seasonality of occupation
are perceptible within archaeological sequences
only in a relative and generalized time frame.
Consequently, our conclusions must necessarily be
restricted in scope. Although in this chapter our
results are preliminary, this study, which is above
all methodological in its attempt to integrate the
results of archaeozoological analyses with those of
lithic and osseous technological productions, has
aimed to explore the spatial and territorial organ-
ization of people across the landscape for a very
distant past, one that is entirely without local ethnog-
raphy. Similar approaches have been undertaken
for other periods of the Upper Palaeolithic, but in
the majority of cases these have relied on single
lines of evidence rather than multidisciplinary data-
sets, albeit aiming at the eventual multidisciplinary
integration of results (Bressy et al. 2006; Chalard,
Guillermin, and Jarry 2006; Costamagno 2006).
The sites studied here correspond essentially to
sheltered sites that could have been regularly and
frequently occupied, perhaps seasonally, during
the Solutrean. This would explain the thickness of
some archaeological deposits.
The archaeological assemblages of these rock-
shelter sites are divided into two functionally sig-
nificant categories. Those containing the longest
sequences, with the richest and most diversified
assemblages in terms of raw materials and espe-
cially domestic tools, correspond to prolonged
periods of residence, or perhaps aggregation sites
following the criteria defined by Conkey (1980).
The other sites, with assemblages dominated by
hunting equipment—Combe Saunière in par-
ticular—appear to be related to more temporary,
probably repeated, hunting activities (acquisition,
butchery, preservation, tool maintenance, and so
on). The artifact assemblages at these sites attest
to repeated use, sometimes to distant contacts, and
occupations of varied duration and more or less
complex organization.
The sites studied within the regional scales
considered in this chapter would thus be linked
by a network of contacts and exchanges and par-
ticipate in a common system of regional mobility
 Chapter 21: From Physical to Social Landscapes 233

in the framework of an ecological exploitation
differentiated in space and time, and by varied spa-
tial and temporal scales. Technological and symbol-
ic relations between places allow us to trace past
contacts between sites during the Solutrean. In this
way, the conventions employed in the manufac-
ture of body ornaments indicate close social rela-
tionships between Combe Saunière, Fourneau du
Diable, and Le Placard in the north (ivory beads,
rings and bilobed buttons). Combe Saunière could
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thus be considered as a satellite to the larger con-
firmed occupation sites, such as Fourneau du
Diable (1 day by foot) and Le Placard (2 or 3 days
by foot). The contents of these latter sites is much
more diverse, and projectile points are proportion-
ally less numerous. These larger occupation sites
could also be defined as aggregation sites (Conkey
1980). This difference in status of site use seems to
be confirmed by an integration of data related to
parietal and portable art. Among these three sites,

ivory bracelets

bilobed ivory buttons

ivory beads with geometric decoration

pendants on horse hyoid bones

pierced ibex incisors

retouchers on horse diaphyses

1 lithic raw materials

marine shells and fossils

2
3
4

5
8
6 7

11
10
9

50 km

Figure 21.1 Spatial circulation of objects with a social value for all of the sites studied, as well as the lithic
raw materials and shells of the Solutrean of level IV at Combe Saunière. The sites: 1 = Le Placard, 2 = Le
Fourneau du Diable, 3 = Combe Saunière, 4 = Badegoule, 5 = Laugerie Haute, 6 = Les Jeanblancs, 7 = La Grotte
XVI, 8 = Pech de la Boissière, 9 = Le Cuzoul de Vers, 10 = Les Peyrugues, 11 = Sainte-Eulalie. The shoreline
shown is today’s, not that of the Solutrean.
 234
Combe Saunière is the only one without evidence
of portable and parietal art.
The strategies for the exploitation of alimentary
animal resources, lithic resources, as well as non-
utilitarian objects with a primarily social and sym-
bolic function, show that different ways of relating
to place prevail at each domain.
The spatial inscription of these different subsist-
ence activities through the deposition of material
items within sites and regions allows us to identify
social landscapes of human interaction and land
use. The environmental homogeneity (of geology,
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climate, biomass, physical environment, habitat in
natural rockshelter) in the geographical distribu-
tion of Solutrean sites along the Atlantic zone, at
the limit of the plains and the western border of
the Massif Central, is in fact remarkably consistent
from the Loire River to the Pyrenean Piedmont, to
the Basque Country, and beyond until the Asturian
coastal zone. It is probable that an analogous situ-
ation exists also along the French and Spanish
Mediterranean coast.
Despite the reservations formulated above con-
cerning the criteria used to define faunal resource
zones, the Solutrean sites discussed here appear to
represent more or less prolonged residence sites
where a range of activities related to the acquisition,
exploitation and consumption of hunted species
took place. Based on the skeletal remains of these
diverse species, we can estimate human movements
within this landscape. Through a determination of
the ages of the animals hunted or fished, we can
obtain indications of the seasonality of occupation
within these sites, and of regional land use.
Finally, the results of this study show that lithic
raw material exploitation is organized in relation to
the intended end products (domestic needs, com-
monly used tools, projectile points, hearth stones,
and so on). Similarly, before any archaeozoologi-
cal, economic, or alimentary understandings can
be claimed, the animal species must be understood
in relation to their accessibility and subsistence,
technological and economic importance, as well
as, if possible, their symbolic roles for particular
peoples at particular times.
Acknowledgments
The authors wish to thank Michel Allard and Francis
Juillard, who contributed their unpublished data
on the Solutrean of Les Peyrugues; Hélène Martin,
Jean-Philippe Rigaud, Jean-Jacques Cleyet-Merle,
Jean Cattaliotti, and Christophe Griggo for author-
izing us to use their unpublished information and
results; and Stéphane Madelaine for sharing his
data concerning the collections of Solutrean sites
Part III: Thinking through Landscapes
conserved at the National Museum of Prehistory in
Les Eyzies. Finally, we thank Magen O’Farrell for
the English translation and Bruno David for his
stimulating suggestions in contribution to the final
version of this chapter.
Note
1. We use the term non-economic for objects whose
primary reason for existence concerned their
symbolic and/or aesthetic values, rather than
alimentary or technological values. This is not
to deny that such symbolic and aesthetic values
may also be components of broader economic
strategies or networks.
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