1.

Imperial Geopolitics

The modern era of empire encompasses the majority of the 18th and 20th centuries when
a small number of western European powers sought to gain control over large swaths of the globe
for their benefit (Slater, 2007). The British Empire was the most powerful in terms of vast and
long-lasting possessions. The British Empire, like other empires, had ardent supporters who
believed that its policies benefited both Britain and its colonies. Empire was justified based on
trade and wealth, as well as national and racial superiority (Slater, 2007).

At the outset, Joseph Chamberlain gave a speech entitled "The True Conception of
Empire" to the Annual Royal Colonial Institute Dinner in March 1897 (UDEL, 2011). He spends
much time in this text talking about the British colonies and how the British should treat them to
be a solid and powerful empire. In his speech, Joseph Chamberlain outlined three periods of
colonial history. According to him, the first was when the colonies were established as a direct
source of profit. He progressed to the second stage to demonstrate anti-imperialism due to the
success of free trade after independence. The sense of obligation to the empire was the subject
of the third stage.

To elucidate, Chamberlain's opinion on the colonies is that the British Empire was called
the "empire the sun never sets," as the span of the empire around the globe ensured that the sun
shone in at least one of its numbers. During Victoria's reign, the United Kingdom was more than
just a powerful island nation. It was the epicenter of the global empire. The context states, "we
began to be, and we eventually became an imperial power in the eighteenth century," which
encouraged British contact with a wide range of other cultures (Boyd, n.d.). In connection to
imperialism and the geopolitical school of thought and as the first stage aforementioned,
Chamberlain was bitten by imperialism's question, and he yearned to put his belief in the empire's
expansion and development into practice. Chamberlain starts his address by saying, "Colonies
can be held for our profit alone," to mention American colonies' losses following the American
Revolutionary War (Boyd, n.d.). Great Britain lost thirteen American colonies as a result of a
British-American conflict. More so, the Westminster Parliament did not recognize the settlers. In
his speech, Chamberlain discussed Africa's events, such as slavery, which was abolished in
1833, and barbarism methods to discuss civilization and establish the United Kingdom as an
imperial power (UDEL, 2011). He stated, "You cannot have slavery, barbarism, and superstition,
which have desolated Africa's inferior for centuries, without the use of coercion" (Boyd, n.d.).
Chamberlain also wanted to portray him as a pacifist who was opposed to racial differences in
society.
 On the other hand, during the Victorian Era, the United Kingdom, France, Germany,
Belgium, Portugal, Holland, Italy, and Russia snatched up colonies and economic concessions in
Africa and Asia. Imperialist sentiment swept the Western world, including the United States. The
desire to establish military bases, nationalism, and the Industrial Revolution have made
imperialism extremely popular with virtually all societies.

Accordingly, J.A. Hobson walked into this scene, a nervous, stuttering little man who took
a critical look at capitalism and, in particular, imperialism. Imperialism, a Study (1902) was a
devastating attack on both capitalism and imperialism (Mac, 2010). Non-Marxist Hobson went
even further than Karl Marx (Mac, 2010). Unlike Marx, who predicted that capitalism would destroy
itself, Hobson predicted that imperialism would become a road to war, leading to the world's
destruction (Mac, 2010). In his opinion, capitalism has an unsolvable problem: the wealthy
become wealthier while the poor become poorer. Due to vast disparities in wealth distribution,
neither the rich nor the poor can consume enough goods. Because the wealthy are few, they can
only consume so much. While the poor are numerous, they lack the financial means to purchase
additional goods. Ergo, the wealthy, both individuals and corporations, must put the majority of
their earnings into savings, useless unless used to expand goods' production. Otherwise, one's
purchasing power will dwindle. However, since there is no market for more goods, production
leads to a market glut.

The only apparent solution to the problem is the use of savings in overseas investment,
where Hobson inserts his comment on imperialism, which also leads to a connection to the
geopolitical school of thought. Foreign investments remove excess capital, and foreign markets
use excess goods. Thus, excess is the driving force behind modern imperialism, which is a direct
result of the capitalist system. Howbeit, he warns, there will be dire consequences. Capitalistic
nations, each suffering from a glut, compete with one another to divide the world. With each nation
vying for the most significant piece of the pie, bitter rivalry and competition encourage the
possibility of war. Hobson's critique of capitalism had little impact on the official economic thinking
of the time. He avoided favoritism based on social class and avoided turning his thesis into dogma.
He was perplexed by times in history when capitalism was uninterested in imperialism.
Furthermore, while his thesis suggests that war is likely, he does not argue that imperialism
always leads to war.

To sum up, all of these factors contributed to the rise of new imperialism. Chamberlain
mentioned a national mission that could only be justified if it benefited the countries involved. He
claimed that Britain did just that, bringing peace and prosperity to the colonies they had never
known before. Chamberlain did not claim that British rule was perfect but claimed that it aided
civilizations in reaching new heights. He spoke of the great British race, which ensured all its
citizens' prosperity while also protecting them from danger. While J.A. Hobson shows his
prophetic capabilities in his work, "Imperialism, A Study," noting that “imperialism is a more or
less conscious policy of the several European States and threaten to break up the political
isolation of the United States just as the Victorian era ended and the First World War was
brewing.” Even though the context focuses primarily on British imperialism, Hobson inevitably
delves into the general principles and hidden motives of imperial policy. He covers imperialism's
commercial value, imperialism as a population outlet, imperialism's economic parasites,
imperialist finance, moral and sentimental factors, and much more. For various reasons,
imperialism entails claiming and exploiting territories outside of one's national borders.

Liberal and Fascist Geopolitics

Several political ideologies attempted to undermine liberalism as a foundation for ensuring

state stability, reducing internal disorder, gaining economic gains, and maintaining peace. These
tended to rely heavily on nationalistic and militaristic ideals, with fascism in Italy and Germany
being the most obvious examples (Mac, 2010). Meanwhile, the Soviets continued to pursue state
socialism as a means of achieving security and growth (Mac, 2010).

To begin with, President Woodrow Wilson addressed a joint session of Congress with a
fourteen-point program. Eight of the fourteen points dealt with territorial disputes between the
combatants. Five of the remaining six dealt with general principles for a peaceful world: open
covenants (i.e. treaties or agreements reached in an open and transparent manner); freedom of
the seas; free trade; reduction of armaments; and adjustment of colonial claims based on self-
determination principles. The fourteenth point proposed the League of Nations to ensure the
“political independence and territorial integrity of both great and small states.”

To elucidate, the Fourteen Points are significant for a variety of reasons. First, they applied
many of the principles of American domestic reform, known as Progressivism, to international
affairs. Free trade, open agreements, democracy, and self-determination were just different
names for domestic reform programs that reformers had been advocating for two decades.
Second, the Fourteen Points were the only declaration of war goals made by any of the
belligerents. Ergo, they became the sole criterion for judging the peace treaty and the basis for
German surrender. Most importantly, where many countries believed that only self-interest should
guide foreign policy, Wilson argued in the Fourteen Points that morality and ethics must be the
foundation for a democratic society's foreign policy. While subsequent American governments
have not always shared that belief, many presidents have endorsed the "Wilsonian" belief in
morality as a critical component of foreign and domestic policy.

"The Doctrine of Fascism," on the other hand, is an essay attributed to Benito Mussolini.
explaining fascism's practical rather than philosophical origins, as well as the movement's political
positions He explains fascism's practical, rather than philosophical, origins, as well as the
movement's political positions. He goes into some detail about fascism's true political origins. He
does so in a way that demonstrates how Fascism evolved from socialist opposition to liberalism
to confront socialism over class struggle theory and its theoretical ties to a democratic order.

Fascism is portrayed as a necessary next step in humanity's political history. It presents it

not as a political theory per se, but as a means of reviving the suffocating political order. Fascism
is presented as an antithesis to idealism, which is ironic. Fascism is portrayed as a state of affairs
in which the state and society coexist organically, reflecting the corporate state. It does not claim
to be aiming for a final stage in humanity's development, as fascists did not believe in such a
stage. To expound, one of Mussolini's main points in his essay was that fascism was a rejection
of previous models: "Given that the 19th century was the century of socialism, liberalism, and
democracy, the 20th century does not have to be the century of socialism, liberalism, and
democracy. Political doctrines come and go, but nations endure. We are free to believe that this
is the century of authority, the century of the "right," the century of Fascism. We are free to believe
that this is the "collective" century, and thus the century of the State, if the nineteenth century was
the century of the individual (liberalism implies individualism)."

Overall, Wilson used the Fourteen Points as a starting point for negotiating the Treaty of
Versailles, which brought the war to an end. The Fourteen Points remain the most powerful
expression of the idealist strain in US diplomacy, despite the fact that the Treaty did not fully
realize Wilson's unselfish vision. While The Doctrine of Fascism does provide some insight into
the fascist movement and the social history of Italy at the time, it is not without flaws. It is, after
all, intended to appeal to the Italian mentality. It is unquestionably a valuable document for
comprehending the Fascist worldview. It is certainly useful for understanding the fascist's peculiar
worldview at a time when fascism was thriving and it seemed almost certain that it would replace
Europe's old liberalism.
2. Imperialism as an Approach to Expand Territories

Attributed to the fact that the Industrial Revolution and nationalism shaped European
society in the nineteenth century, imperialism—the dominance of one country or people over
another—dramatically altered the world in the second half of the century (Kearns, 2009).

Imperialism did not start in the nineteenth century at all. Europe's nations were searching
for Far East trade routes, exploring the new world, and settlements in North, South or Southeast
Asia, from the 16th towards the first 19th centuries, an era dominated by the Old Imperialism
(Kearns, 2009). They established trading posts and established footholds on the African and
Chinese coasts, collaborating closely with local rulers to ensure the protection of European
economic interests (Kearns, 2009). Howbeit, their influence was limited. European states
established vast empires in Africa, Asia, and the Middle East during the Age of New Imperialism,
which began in the 1870s (Kearns, 2009). The Russian, American, German, Italian, Danish, and
Japanese empires were later added to the major empires of Spain, Portugal, the Netherlands, the
United Kingdom, and France (Mac, 2010). The British Empire was the most powerful in terms of
vast and long-lasting possessions. The British Empire, like other empires, had ardent supporters
who believed that its policies benefited both Britain and its colonies (Mac, 2010). Empire was
justified based on trade and wealth, as well as national and racial superiority (Mac, 2010).

As such, imperialism was embraced, even though it was accompanied by acts and policies
of violence and inequality against the conquered "lesser" territories. Mackinder argued for this by
portraying imperialism as an international constraint on domestic policies (Tuathail et al., 1998).
He perceives nations into foreign entanglements, believing that such people were, on the whole,
the forerunners of the national economy. He is drawn to the crusade for Tariff Reform and the
interests of British businesspeople. Imperialism, according to Mackinder, has economic roots and
is unavoidable. The motive for nineteenth-century European imperialism appears to have been to
benefit the colonial powers' economies. A global economy emerged during the Age of Imperialism.
Investment capital was directed to the colonies from the mass-produced goods of the
industrialized European nations (Parvanova, 2017). People in Asia and Africa provided natural
resources and cheap labor in exchange (Parvanova, 2017). Africa provided rubber, copper, and
gold, while southwest Asia provided cotton and tin (Parvanova, 2017). The expansion of
European industries and financial markets was aided by these raw materials (Parvanova, 2017).
The colonies also provided new markets for the Industrial Revolution's finished goods
(Parvanova, 2017). Tools, weapons, and clothing flowed out of the factories and back to the
colonies, where they were made possible by the raw materials (Parvanova, 2017). Improved steel
production, in particular, revolutionized shipbuilding and transportation (Parvanova, 2017). The
railroad, internal combustion engines, and electrical power generation all contributed to Europe's
growing industrial economies and their need to find new ways to expand (Parvanova, 2017).
Political considerations that linked empire building to national greatness, as well as social and
religious considerations that promoted Western society's superiority over "backward" societies,
drove the expansion policy.

All in all, unlike the sixteenth and seventeenth-century methods of establishing

settlements, the new imperialists established native-area administration for the colonial power's
benefit. The countries of Europe adopted an aggressive expansion policy driven by the Industrial
Revolution's economic needs. Between 1870 and 1914, Europe experienced a “Second Industrial
Revolution,” which accelerated the pace of change by boosting economic growth through science,
technology, and industry (Parvanova, 2017). European countries dominated Africa and Asia
through the use of direct military force, economic spheres of influence, and annexation. By 1914,
Great Britain had the most colonies, and the phrase "the sun never sets on the British Empire"
summed up the extent of its holdings (Parvanova, 2017).

3. Fascist and Liberal Geopolitical Thoughts

Initially, world war I was perceived by fascists as a revolution that alters war, society, state,
and technology. Liberal democracy, according to fascists, is obsolete (McLean, 2011). They
believe that in order to prepare a nation for armed conflict, society must be fully mobilized under
a totalitarian one-party state (McLean, 2011). Benito Mussolini wanted to strengthen the state and
expand its power, so he appealed to people's emotions. Mussolini may have been an opportunist
in the sense that, in order to gain power, he appealed to the irrational passions of the dissatisfied.

Mussolini could not lay stagnation because he knew it would lead to his demise; as a
result, he used activity, including violence, to bring about change (UDEL, 2011). Fascism was not
a political doctrine like Socialism, but rather an authoritarian political system that promoted the
state's supremacy (UDEL, 2011). Individual worth was determined by the individual's contribution
to the State's activity or productivity, not by individualism (UDEL, 2011). Individualism was
discouraged by the state, which encouraged collective activity and productivity. Individuals were
subordinate to the State, not the other way around. Fascism, on the other hand, is diametrically
opposed to liberalism's doctrines in both the political and economic spheres. Fascists accused
liberal "fellow travelers" of aiding communism, whether knowingly or unknowingly. La Rocque
exhorted the French people to oppose the revolution and its "horrible ally," moderation (UDEL,
2011).

Liberalism, on the other hand, became the preeminent reform movement in Europe during
the nineteenth century, both as an ideology and in practice. Its fortunes, on the other hand, varied
depending on the historical circumstances in each country—the crown's strength, the
aristocracy's elan, the rate of industrialization, and the circumstances of national unification
(McAlister, 2020). Religion may even influence the national character of a liberal movement. In
Roman Catholic countries like France, Italy, and Spain, for example, liberalism took on anti-
clerical overtones, and liberals in those countries favored legislation restricting the Catholic
clergy's civil authority and political power (McAlister, 2020).

In continental Europe, liberalism lacked the fortunate combination of widespread popular

support and a powerful liberal party that it enjoyed in the United Kingdom. The abolition of feudal
privileges and the modernization of the past regime's decrepit institutions were liberal goals
pursued by the Revolutionary and Napoleonic governments in France (McAlister, 2020). After the
Bourbon restores in 1815, however, French Liberals faced the decades-old challenge of
restoration of constitutional freedoms and of increasing popular participation in government under
a restored monarchy, objectives which did not materially succeed until the Third Republic was
established in 1871. (McAlister, 2020).

4. Isolationism

Isolationists advocated for a lack of involvement in European and Asian conflicts, as well
as a lack of involvement in international politics. The Great Depression, combined with the
memory of tragic losses in World War I, pushed American public opinion and policy toward
isolationism during the 1930s. Many Americans became adamant that they would not be duped
again by banks and industries into making such huge sacrifices. The reality of a global economic
depression, as well as the need for increased attention to domestic issues, only bolstered the
idea that the United States should isolate itself from Europe's troubling events (Office of the
Historian, 2009).

Moreover, isolationist leaders used history to support their case, claiming that the number
of American casualties in World War I did not justify the level of United Nations involvement (Office
of the Historian, 2009). According to historian Julian Zelizerc, the League of Nations proved
ineffective in the face of growing militarism, partly due to the United States' decision not to
participate in the war (Office of the Historian, 2009). President George Washington advocated for
non-intervention in European wars and politics in his Farewell Address (Office of the Historian,
2009). The Atlantic and Pacific Oceans' vastness allowed the United States to enjoy a kind of
"free security" for much of the nineteenth century.

Isolationists included progressives and conservatives, business owners and, peace

activists, but their ideology triumphed time and time again because they faced no consistent,
organized opposition from internationalists. More specifically, Franklin Delano Roosevelt believed
that the United States needed to be more involved in international affairs (Office of the Historian,
2009). Isolationist sentiment in Congress limited his ability to apply his personal outlook to foreign
policy. Roosevelt proposed legislation that would have allowed him to consult with other countries.
Public opinion shifted from complete neutrality to limited assistance to the Allies in the absence
of actual intervention. The surprise Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor in 1941 persuaded the vast
majority of Americans that the US should join the Allies in the war.

5. Fascist Ideology in Geopolitics

Ab initio, due to the influence of both domestic faculty and a broader European system, a
loose conglomeration of fascist reflection about Europe emerged during the interwar period. They
presented ideas that enabled the regime to portray fascism as a politic authority that would have
an impact in the rest of Europe. Until the early 1930s, the Fascist vision of Europe was shaped
by its rejection of a number of other models and was heavily reliant on traditional representations
(Malgrand, 2020).

As such, Mussolini posed a challenge to the modern concept of Europe as a harmonious

union of sovereign states. Mussolini wrote in Il Popolo d'Italia on January 1, 1921, about the need
for European unity to defend civilization's values (Malgrand, 2020). Asvero Gravelli published the
first issue of Antieuropa in 1929, with the goal of establishing a Pan-European Fascist movement
(Malgrand, 2020). Howbeit, before Aristide Briand's speech on September 5, 1929, fascist
thinking on Europe had not been formalized (Malgrand, 2020). According to Giorgio Agnese,
"Anti-Europeanism" should be understood as a rejection of political models advocated by other
nation-states rather than Europe itself (Tuathail et al., 1998).

She claims that national sovereignty and an almost incantatory invocation of Europe were
not mutually exclusive. She writes that it was a call for unity in the defense of civilization and its
values (Tuathail et al., 1998). More so, she goes on to say that the Fascist vision of Europe was
shaped by its rejection of a number of other models and was rather reliant on traditional
representations (Tuathail et al., 1998). The development of a European Fascist doctrine was
grafted onto pre-existing, albeit fringe, ideas. Intellectuals, hierarchs, and diplomats expressed a
desire to rebuild a community of political values in Europe in their writings.

Europe would be saved by Catholic Rome, according to the clerical-fascist school of

thought. Fascist diplomacy worked hard in the early 1930s to make Italy the center of a Danubian
economic grouping (Malgrand, 2020). Italy became the "guide nation" in imperialist ideas
developed between 1936 and 1943, responsible for directing and coordinating production within
its empire and sphere of influence (Malgrand, 2020). The Volta Congress (14-20 November 1932)
advocated for a fascist peace based on the Roman Empire's model (Malgrand, 2020). It argued
that Italy should impose a rule system on Europe that is compatible with both its national interests
and Fascist values. Arnaldo Mussolini, Duce's brother, rejected "the United States of Europe
founded on steel and potash cartels" in July 1929. (Malgrand, 2020). Furthermore, the Volta
Congress, held from November 14 to 20, 1932, continued the process of European unity reflection
by linking it to the conservative European intelligentsia. These ideas influenced European
economic policies as well (Malgrand, 2020).

The National Socialists' ascension to power accelerated the radicalization of this model.
The concept of an Italian civilizing mission arose, which would lead Europe in the formation of a
major geopolitical entity. Fascist Italy proposed a totalitarian model in which the European project
was barely distinguishable from the desire to dominate in response to the concrete political
problem of how to overcome the nation-state crisis. In conclusion, the Fascist debate on Europe
arose as a reaction to external factors rather than as a result of an internal dynamic. Fascist
doctrine, which was constantly changing, was imposed on the European concept.