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    Carmichael - Interpreting Nasca Iconography - 1992

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    ANCIENT IMAGES ANCIENT THOUGHT. The Archaeology of Ideology Proceedings of the Twenty-Third Annual Conference of the Archaeological Association of the University of Calgary Edited by A. Sean Goldsmith, Sandra Garvie, David Selin, and Jeannette Smith The University of Calgary Archaeological Association, 1992 ISBN 0-88953-168-4 @d Allrights reserved. No part ofthis publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or manual, including photocopying, recording or any information storage and retrieval system, without written permission by the publisher, First printing: August, 1992 For additional copies, apply to: Archacological Association Department of Archaeology University of Calgary Calgary, Alberta Canada TIN IN4 ii INTERPRETING NASCA ICONOGRAPHY Patrick Carmichael University of Calgary Theta of tte Peruvian south coasts world renowned for its exceptional polychrome pottery which bears an elaborate and complex iconography. Interpretive studies ofthis Early Intermediate Period society (hereafterEIP: ca ALD, 1-700) have tended to use the art style as a sraphic text to bolstes arguments concemed with ‘economic and sociopolitical processes. This trend can be traced to classifications of the iconography which differentiate between referential motifs, or naturalistic representations of subjects in the real ‘world (fish, birds, plants, animals, and people), and conceptual motifs; those for which no worldly teferent can be identified (supernatural creatures), ‘While such divisions area useful means for organiz~ ing large samples some studies have implicitly as- sumed that referential themes are “mundane” or images of daily life, thus creating a sacred/secular dichotomy inthe art (.2.,Roark 1965; Blagg 1975; Blasco and Ramos 1980; Townsend 1985; Proulx 1989). Inan effort toextract social inferences from the iconography researchers have tended to over- Took this fundamental assumption and interprets- tions have fallen subject to classification, As part of this trend studies have also suggested that the fre- quency of a given theme in the referential category is an indication of the subject's importance in the daily lives ofthe Nasca people (c.g, Roark 1965:56). Tnthis paper the sacred/secular dichotomy and motif frequency arguments are reevaluated. [argue that most Nasca iconography is a symbolic, interrelated system from which specific themes cannot be iso- lated and treated as reflections of ordinary reality. ‘The method employed in this study may be referred to as a contextual synthesis or contextual approach, It draws upon all possible sources of information (local environment, archaeology, art history, ethnology, ethnography, and ethnohistory) to develop an indigenous context within which to 187 view the subject matter. This method has been ap- plied to varying degrees in south coast studies (e.g. Allen 1981; Proulx 1983,1989a; Townsend 1985; Reinhard 1988; Clarkson 1990; Silverman 1990; Urton 1990), and has proved useful because it places the research question within a native framework, as ‘opposed to a Eurocentric framework of analysis. It should not be confused with the direct historical approach which traces customs and traits in a direct, lineal fashion from the historic period back to their carliest antecedents, thereby implying a direct con- tinuity between form and meaning. While some ‘Andean traditions are known to have remarkable time depth (Donnan 1978), the Nasca are so far removed from historic times that direct continuity should not be assumed (see Zuidema 1972 and criti- ‘ques by Lyon 1983 and Proulx 1989a), The contex- tual approach seeks only to create a broad framework within which interpretations may be seen tobe consistent or inconsistent with indigenous ‘traditions, This discussion begins with an examination of ‘marine motifs as an example of one of the more “mundane” themes in the referential category. The question of motif frequencies will be addressed frst, followed by are-consideration ofthe “secular” con- tentin these images. Fish, sea creatures, and fishermen are represented in the Nasca iconographic repertoire, and given the proximity of the ocean, it has seemed reasonable to infer that marine resources played abasic role inthe ‘Nasca economy (Blasco and Ramos 1980:128; Allen 1981:43; Proulx 1983:100; Guia 1983:99, Townsend 1985:125; Silverman 1986:11; Car- michael 1988:34). Illustrated references and large collections can give the impression that marine themes are extremely common. However, most col- lections lack secure provenience data and the ques- tion of collector bias persists as an unknown vari- ‘South American Tdeology able. In order to objectively assess marine motif, frequency alarge sample of excavated Nasca pottery from the Nazca Basin was assembled and compared with Proulx’s (1968) data for the Ica Valley and ‘Nazca Basin (Figures 1 and 2). Figure 1 shows that ‘during epochs 3 and 4 of the EIP marine themes account for 8.9% of Proulx’s Nazca sample and 4.9% of his Ica sample. The independent assessment for the Nazca region in Figure 2 shows a marine ‘motif frequency of 10.6% during the early period (EIP 2-4) and only 0.7% during the late period (EIP 5-8), Ifit is assumed that naturalistic motifs such as fish and fishermen depict secular concems, and that the relative frequency of such motifs is a gage of their importance atagiven time, itmay be concluded from these figures that during the early period fishing was more important in ‘Nazca than in Tea, and that during the late period fishing was virtually abandoned. ‘This conclusion is contradicted by other lines of evidence. A survey of the Ica- Grande littoral did not locate any EIP2-8 settlements along the ocean front (Car- michael 1991), and preliminary results from a stable carbon, nitrogen and sul- phur isotope analysis of human remains ‘remains from the Nazca Valley indicate that the contribution from marine resour- ces was less than 10% throughout the EIP (Kennedy and Carmichael 1991). These studies show that fluctuation of motif frequencies through time isnotconsistent with economic (or secular) reality. While the isotope data suggest that marine input was within the range of the early motif frequencies for the Nazca Basin, the ways clude us; however, we can come to a better understanding by framing the question within the general context of the Andean world and belief systems, In traditional Andean thought the ocean was believed to be the ultimate source of all water, The female sea deity, Mamacocha, was also “mother of, lakes,” and s were worshipped as her daughters (Cobo 1964:161,204), On a conceptual level no distinction was drawn between fresh water and salt water; rather, all water originated from the sea. Symbols of the sea are still used in rain ceremonies near Nazca today. In times of drought a ‘man is sent to the coast at night fo collect foamy sea walter in a jug from a place where the waves crash NAZCA 29 =8.9% 51= 15.6% 48 = 14.1% 13 =4.0% 11=3.4% 16=4.9% 16=6.1% 19=7.2% 43 = 163% 1.6% 692 21.2% 84= 25.8% S=15% 326 same data indicate that approximately 50% of bone carbon was ultimately derived from maize. In Proulx’s sample Figure 1) maize depictions represent only 4% of plant motifs, while they are ‘entirely absent inthe second sample (Fig- ture 2), These findings demonstrate that motif frequencies bear no relation to the secular of daily concems of the Nasca People, ‘What information is being transmitted in the marine iconography? A direct answer to this question will probably al- Tea sample drawn from 45 gravelots with 193 vessels plus 48 ‘unassociated vessels and 134 sherds = 375 specimens (Proulx 1968:5) Nazca sample drawn from 35 gravelots with 176 vessels plus 246 ‘unassociated vessels = 422 specimens (Proulx 1968:5-6) Referential, Conceptual, and Abstract categories areas defined by ‘Roark (1965:57). Many of Proulx’s original divisions were col- lapsed forthe purposes of this table (e.g Boxes and Crescents are included under Abstract; Beans Peppers, and Com under Plants; Flat Fish and Curled Fish under Marine, et.) Figure 1: Motif frequencies EIP 3 - 4 (from Proulx 1968: ‘appendix 4) 188 Patrick Carmichael EARLY (IP 24) 20= 10.6% 32= 169% 34= 18.0% 221.0% 6=3.2% 522.6% 123.1% 0=0.0% 32= 17.0% 51=27.0% LATE (EIP 5-8) 16=62% 4 111=43.0% 79 =31.0% 258 Sample consists of 61 Early gravelots with 189 vessels and 77 Late _gravelots with 258 vessels from the Nazca Basin = 138 gravelots with 447 vessels, Figure 2: Carmichael Nazca Basin Sample - Motif Frequencies for the EIP against the rocks, The water is later sprinkled on the summit of a hill above Nazca in the belief that this ‘offering will cause rain in the mountains within two weeks (Urton 1982:11). In another account Antunez de Mayolo observed sea water being poured over seaweed neat Nazca in order to bring rain (Reinhard 1988:51). In addition to sea water and seaweed, seashells were also used as offerings to ensure con- tinued water supplies (Cobo 1964:204), and any objects or images associated with the sea may have ‘been perceived in a similar manner. In this context ‘Nasca marine motifs need not be read as specific references to sea life, but rather, as general refer- ences to waterffertlity concepts. ‘The Nazca Basin, heartland of the Nasca culture, isa tenuous environment for farmers. The Grande, Ingenio, Palpa-Vizca and Nazca are considered 10 139 ‘be the only real rivers in the basin, for the others have such variable water supplies and are subject to such long periods of drought that permanent agriculture is severely hindered (ONERN 1971:181). The larger rivers also experience frequent and severe droughts, and the largest ofthese, the Rio Grande, is still considered to be ‘one of the driest and most irregular rivers on the entire Pacific coast (ONERN 1971:197). Given this ex- tremely arid environment where tradi tional agriculture is dependent on un- Predictable water supplies and droughts are common, it is under- standable that the agrarian Nasca would have been preoccupied with water/fertility symbolism. These two basic concepts are expressed together ‘on Nasca supematurals which exhibit plants associated with water creatures (eg. Bisleb 1977:fig.210; Gayton and Kroeber 1927:plate 20a-b). ‘The concept of a Master or Mistress of Fishes is widespread in South America and has also been recorded along the Peruvian coast where it is ‘Sometimes referred toas the Governor Of the Fishes. This supernatural was {ord of all water creatures and the most fearful and dangerous inhabitant of the ocean (Yacovleff 1932a:124; Lyon 1978:126 [57)). Pat Lyon, John Rowe, and Donald Lathrap believe that the Killer Whale motif (Figures 3-8) is the Nasca equivalent of the Master of Fishes, al- though Lyon rejects the identification of the Killer ‘Whale or Orca on morphological grounds and views these motifs as representations of a purely super- natural concept (Lyon 1978:126 (571). Whether or ‘ot the creature is based on the Orca, it does appear as the quintessential symbol of the ocean, embody- ing the spirit, movement, and awesome power ofthe sea (Yacovleff 1932a:130). The supernatural char- acter ofthese creatures is clearly illustrated in depie- tions which show anthropomorphized arms and hhands holding trophy heads and knives (Figures 5-6), and by their inclusion among the figural 5% ‘South American Ideology Figure 3: after Yacovieff 1932a: fig. 2c. of feline attributes on fish (Figure 13 and note feline ear on Figure 5) and shellfish (Figure 14) becomes intelligable. The marine creature/water, and {eline/plant associations can now be seen to form a continuum expressing agricultural fertility con- cepts. Treating either group independently creates an arfficial sea/land dichotomy which may nothave been present in the mind of the Nasca artist. ‘Returning to the Killer Whale/Trophy Head as- sociation, I do not regard head taking in the Nasca context as an activity divorced from water or agricultural concems; rather, it appears as an ele- ment in the fertility process. Trophy heads may ‘imply some form of conflict but geoglyphs on their associations go beyond com- the Pampa bat. Nasca female supematurals Colorado are associated with birds, plants, (Reiche water (or water creatures) and 1968:46; trophy heads (Lyon 1978:119). Reinhard Morgan's analysis of Nasca 1988:49-50). figurines (1988:338) found close One view links between trophy heads and suggests that marine related symbolism (fish the Killer and net motifs in addition to the Whale is sym- Figure 4: after Yacovleff 1932a: fig. 2a. Killer Whale). Iconographic bolic of war depictions of fare and head taking (e.g. Proulx trophy heads ). with plants its aspects I would argue that it sprouting from isalso related to agr-culturalfer- their mouths are tility. This is indicated by the ot ‘uncommon plant appendages which appear igure 17 and on some examples (¢.g. Figures or see Yacovleff 7-8), and its association with Har- ‘OF 1932acfigure If vester motifs (Yacovleff Prealz 1932a:129,figure 7; Blasco and 1970%plate 140- Ramos 1986:31), Piscine forms Figure 5: after Yacovletf 1932s: fig 3. b; Sawyer are also found associated with the Spotted Cat motif (Figures 9-12). ‘Whether this creature is drived from a fox (Blasco and Ramos 1980:190), a pampas cat (Wolfe 1981:2), a river otter (Valcarcel 1932:16-23), or represents an ocelot and otter combination (Sawyer 1966:124), is not an issue here. The important point is thatitis consistently associated with plant fertility (Sawyer 1961:288; Blasco and Ramos 1980:191; Wolfe 1981:45-48; Proulx 1989a: 150). If fish rep- resent water symbols then their association with the ‘Spotted Cat is immediately understood (Figure 10 ‘and see Wolfe 1981:48,figure 53), and the presence 190 Figure 6: after Yacovleff 1932a: fig, 21, Patrick Carmichael > & nibalism. Hostility and grudges overcasualties are not continued outside of these ritual events, No territory is conquered but wives may be gained. Agricultural and pastoral fertility are important motivating concepts behind these ‘engagements (Zuidema 1964:211-212; Platt 1986:239-240; and see Allen 1981:53), Urton (2990:203) and Silverman (1990:233) have ‘Suggested that the Nasca may have had similar customs. Ifs0, the ferocity of the Killer Whale, its watery domain, and the human trophy head can be resolved as rejuvenating elements in the Figure 7: after Yacovleff 1932a: fig. 94. 1966:figure 209; Townsend 1985:fig.21; Blasco and Ramos 1980: 225,figure 2b, 1986:414). Figure 12 shows a sprouting tro- fertility process. Teonographic depictions of fishermen could be taken as examples of secular activities, al- though as previously noted, marine resources played avery minor role in the general economy. However, closer ex- phy head attached to the body of a Spot-ted Cat (Blasco and Ramos 1986:123 illustrate another Spotted Cat/Trophy Head as- sociation). Of special amination revealsahostof associations which are not easily recon. ciled with man- dane reality, interest are depictions Facial mark- which show sprouting ings are com- heads surrounded by mon on Nasca water creatures (Figure Fishermen 18 [Blasco and Ramos (theseare likely 1986:413 also illustrate painted, for in a trophy head/water Figure 8: after Yacovleff 1932a: fig. 9h. spite of the ex- creature affitiation)), ceptional ‘Trophy heads can also occur with Fishermen motifs (Gayton and Kroeber 1927:plate 21f). These disar- ticulated heads are clearly linked with fertility and in this context it is not surprising to find them associated with the Killer Whale ‘and other marine/water symbols. ‘The Killer Whale/warfare concept can also be accommodated within this inter- retive framework. While it has been ar- gued that Nasca warfare was oriented towards territorial conquest (Proulx 1989b:82), it should be noted that annual ritual battles between villages and ities have been documented in the lands to the east and south of Nazca. ‘These. battles result in muck bloodshed, preservation conditions, tattooing has not been documented on the south coast during the EP). While these markings are varied all find parallels death, and even dismemberment andcan- Figure 9: after Seler 1923:177, fig, 8. ‘South American Ideology and Kroeber 1927:plate 210) and with super- natural creatures (Yacovieff 1932a:128,figure ¢; Seler 1923:313). Given this multiplicity of associations the Nasca Fishermen appear to be engaging in ritual activities in a manner some-~ ‘what analogous to the Moche deer hunting scenes (Donnan 1978:179). Naturalistic fish sometimes appear as inde- pendent motifs in Nasca iconography (Figures 15-16). Considering the preceding discussions, and given the predilection towards metonymy and metaphor in Nasca art (Allen 1981:48), we Figure 10: after Yacovleft 1932a: fig. 12. with the facial markings on trophy heads and war- ‘iors (in fact most human figures) and supematurals may legitimately question whether such iso- lated depictions simply reveal “...the curiosity with which they [dhe Nascal viewed the natural world and the delight they took in depicting it” Blagg 1975:12). (e.g.Wolfe 1981:62). Of A more reflective particular interest re fal- view sees a deeper con eye markings (e.g. symbolism linked Seler 1923:fig.349; Eis- with the fun- Jeb 1977:36-37; Wolfe damental basis of 1981:figs.238 and 243) ‘Nasca life andem- which may be associated bued with reli- with shamanistic flight and vision (Yacovleft 1932b), Another feature which some Fishermen share with other humans and supernaturals are gious ideology. The isolated fish motifs are not merely decorative secular art; rather, as creatures of the hand-held batons (e.g.Lapiner 1976:fig.512; and see Wolfe 1981:tig.242; Roark 1965:fig.64; and FFigs.18-19 this article). When held by supematurals these objects are referred o.s clubs associated with warfare (Roark 1965:20; Proulx Figure 11: after Yacovleff 1932a: fig. 12c, sea they may sym- bolize the source of all water, and marine fecundity may serve as a metaphor for all forms of fertility (Figure 16). 1971:18,1983:96; Townsend 1985:132). ‘When held by figures identified as farmers or harvesters they are called digging sticks or farming tools (Roark 1965:20; Blasco and Ramos 1980:112; Proulx 1983:104; Townsend 1985:125). As with facial mark- ings, the ubiquity and varied associations of this element suggest a common symbolism which transcends immediate associations, Fishermen are also known to appear with musical instruments (Blasco and Ramos 1980:plancha 1 and see description on page 133), with trophy heads and plants (Gayton Figure 12: after Yacovieff 1932a: fig. 12c, Patrick Carmichael Figure 13: Interior painted bowl, private collection. ‘The absence of supemnatural indicators does not necessarily imply that the subject is not super- natural, or was not perceived in a supernatural Context by its viewers. As Lyon (1978:97) points out “in Christian art saints are often represented with halos, but when they are shown without a halo they are nonetheless the same saints.” Here we may question whether the “naturalistic” fish (Figure 15) is necessarily different from the super- natural fish with feline attributes (Figure 13). Some religious motifs may always appear as recognizable objects or creatures. Their sacred status is recognized only by their occasional as- sociation with supematurals, and by the initiated viewer. Analogies in Christian art would be the dove, symbol of the Holy Spirit, and the fish, associated with St. Peter and used as a sign of recognition among members ofthe early Christian ‘Church. In both examples meaning lies beyond the immediate referent, In Nasca iconography rather ordinary looking fish are frequently as- sociated with supernaturals (Figure 19 and see Seler 1923:198,fig.46c; Gayton and Kroeber 1927:plate 15a-b; Yacovleff 1932a:129.fig.8; Blasco and Ramos 1986:61,75,182.216,219,319). ‘When the fish appears alone has it lost its super- natural affiliation, or have the Nasca simply ab- breviated a more complex concept by selecting a [part to represent the whole? (Donnan (1978:171] Presents a similar argument for the small dog which is central in the Moche Presentation Theme.) ‘The reference of a symbol may change with context, and inherent meaning may operate on several consecutive levels, Inthe current instance it is possible that individual motifs may carry concurrent messages, yet the multiplicity of as- ‘sociations and interchangeable nature of creature Parts also indicates that these messages are com- plimentary and interrelated. Through metaphor and metonymy the themes of water, fertility, death, and new life are repeated over and over. Interpretations should begin at this most general level before attempting to trace the specifics of individual motifs. The diversity of associations ‘evident in the iconography indicates that strict ‘or mutually exclusive spheres of mean- ing are not inherent. By treating sea creatures as walerffertiity related symbols we are operating within the widest parameters and at the highest level of abstraction. This is both the shortcoming and strength of the contextual approach which es- Figure 14: Detail of vessel on display in the Museo de la Nacion, Lima (1990), from the collections of the Museo de Arqueologia y Antropologia, Lima, Another view of the complete vessel is shown in the ‘book Nazca (1986:176, bottom). 193 ‘South American Ideology Figure 15: Interior painted bowl, Field Museum of Natural History, specimen no. 171231. Figure 16: Interior painted bowl, private collection, Patrick Carmichael | Figure 19: after Blasco and Ramos 1980-211, fig. 1a, 195 (South American Ideology chews narrow interpretations. While answers are general and lie only within parameters, they are ‘Andean parameters. Ultimately, we are developing perspectives rather than answering specific ques- tions. ‘This review has used marine motifs as an example of the systemic unity and sacred nature of Nasca art. ‘When the corpus of Nasca iconography is con- sidered as a whole within an Andean context, rather than piecemeal from a Eurocentric perspective, motifs are seen to be extensively interrelated and laden with transcendent meaning. ‘REFERENCES CITED Allen, Catherine J. 1981. The Nasca Creatures: Some Problems of Iconog- raphy. Anthropology. Vol. 5, pp. 43-70. Dept. of Anthropology, State University of New York, Stony Brook. Blagg, Mary M. 1975 The Bizarre Innovation in Nasca Pottery. M.A. thesis, Dept of Ar, University of Texas at Austin. Blasco, Concepcion and Luis Ramos 1980" Ceramica Nazca, Seminario Americansta de Ia Universidad de Valladolid, Valladolid. 1986 Catalogo de la Ceramica Nazca, 1. Ministerio de Caltura, Madrid, Carmichael, Patrick H. 1988 Nasca Mortuary Customs: Death and Ancient Society on the South Coast of Peru. Ph.D. dissertation, University Microfilms Intemational, No. 8918465. ‘Ann Arbor. 1991 Prehistoric Setlement ofthe Ica-Grande Littoral, Southern Pera, Research Repot to the Social Science ‘and Hurmanities Research Council of Canada: on file with author. Clarkson, Persis B. 1990 The Archaeology of the Nazca Pampa: Environ- ‘mental and Cultural Parameters. InThe Lines of Nazca, ‘edited by Anthony Aveni, pp. 117-172. The American Philosphical Society, Philadelphia. Cobo, Bernabe 1964 Historia del Nuevo Mundo, Vol. (92). Madi, ‘Donnan, Christopher B. 1978 Moche Art of Peru. Museum of Cultural History, University of California, Los Angeles. Eisleb, Dieter 1977 Aliperuanische Kulturen Nazca, 2. Museum Fur Volkeriunde, Berlin. 196 Gayton, Anna H. and AL. Kroeber 1927 The Uhle Pottery Collections from Nazca. Univer- sity of California Publications in American Ethnology and Arctiseology. Vol. 24, No.1, pp. 1-46. Berkeley. Guia 1983 Guia Para Museos De Arqueologia Peruana. Editorial Milla Bares, Lima. (2nd edition) Kennedy, Brenda V, and Patrick Carmichael 1991 The Role of Marine Resources in the Nasca ‘Beonomy. Paper presented a the 31st Annual Meeting of the Institute of Andean Studies, Jan. 4th, Berkeley. ‘Lepiner, Alan 1976 Pre-Columbian Art of South America. Harry N. ‘Abrams, Inc, New York. Lyon, Patricia J. 197% Female Supematurals in Peru. Nawpa Pacha 1695-140, Berkeley. 1983. Hacia una del Ante An- tiguo Peruano, Historia y Cultural6:161-173. Lima. Alexandra 1988 The Master or Mother of Fishes: An Intepretaion ‘of Nasca Pottery Figurines and Their Symbolism. In Recent Studies in Pre-Columbian Archaeology. BAR International Series 421(i), pp. 327-362. Oxford, Nazca 1986 Nazca: Arte ¥TesorosDel Peru. Banco de Credito del Peru, Lima. , Evaluacion y Uso Racional de los Recursos Naturales de la Costa: Cuenca del Rio Grande, Vol. 1 & 2. Oficina Nacional de Evaluacion de Recursos Naturales. Presidencia de In Republica, Republica del Peru, Lima. Platt, Tristan 1986 Mirrors and Maize: The Concept of Yanantin ‘Among the Macha of Bolivia. In Anthropological His- ‘ory of Andean Polites, edited by J. V. Mura, N. Wachtel and J. Revel, p. 228-259, Cambridge Univer- sity Press, New York. Pottery. University of California Publications in Anthropology Vol, 5, University of California Press, 1970 Nasca Gravelots in the Uhle Collection from the Tea Valley, Peru, Research Reports No.5, Department ‘of Anthropology, University of Massachusetts 1971 Headhunting in Ancient Peru. Archaeology 24 @a6ai. 1983 ‘The Nasca Style. InArt ofthe Andes: Pre-Colum- bian Sculptured and Painted Ceramics from the Arthur ‘M

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