18th Annual Conference of the European Association for the Study of Religions

IAHR Regional Conference

Pisa (Italy) 30 August – 3 September 2021

Gianni F. Trapletti
traplg@teologialugano.ch

Religiously ritualizing anti-religion:

the ceremonies of The Satanic Temple

I take this opportunity to greet those who are connected to this session,

and especially Professor Renata Salvarani.

My paper focuses on The Satanic Temple, a movement spread in the

USA. It has been recently founded, but it has already awakened the attention

of the public and the interest of the scholars.

The Satanic Temple (from now on: TST) is not based on metaphysical beliefs

and its ceremonies are essentially performances, often aimed to create scan-

dal, to show a specific political position in public and to protest against the

space other religious groups have in the public sphere.

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My contribution illustrates how the ritual actions of TST are also intended as

actual rites that re-elaborate in form of ceremonies the anti-religious beliefs of

the movement.

TST has been created by Malcom Jarry and Doug Mesner (aka Lucien

Graeves), both former students at Harvard University, with the clear intention

to react to an initiative of the Florida Governor, Rick Scott. In 2012 he authori-

sed the diffusion of inspiring messages, even with a religious content, in public

schools. In the two founders’ opinion, this did not respect the constitutional

principle of the separation between State and Church. Therefore, they decided

to create a fictive satanic group, namely The Satanic Temple, (which was for-

mally established in 2013), in order to offer their satanic messages to the stu-

dents in Florida: they claimed that satanism, as a religious minority denomina-

tion, is entitled to have its own space in the public schools as well as the other

Churches have. By the way, in 2019 the group asked and obtained that a ses-

sion of the Kenai Peninsula Borough Assembly (in Alaska) was opened by a

satanic prayer. Moreover, when a monument dedicated to the Ten Com-

mandments was installed in front of the Oklahoma State Capitol, TST asked

the permit to place a 2 and half meters high bronze figure of Baphomet vener-

ated by two children. The same happened in Little Rock, Arkansas. The bronze

idol was not allowed, but Graeves, the spokesperson of the group, admitted

that the real goal was not to obtain the addition of the statue of a winged goat

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idol, but the removal of that of the Ten Commandments, as it represent the

privilege granted to a specific religious tradition, in evident violation of the Esta-

blished Clause of the First Amendment.

Scholars broadly concur and acknowledge TST as a humanistic non-thei-

stic group that operates in the society in order both to affirm its own principles

of individual dignity and to reclaim impartiality from the State. Indeed, TST

teaches that:

“One should strive to act with compassion and empathy toward all creatures” (in
the First fundamental Tenet, but also that)
“One’s body is inviolable, subject to one’s own will alone” (in the Third Tenet, and
finally that)
“The freedom of others should be respected, including the freedom to offend” (in
the Fourth Tenet).

The choice to employ symbols and stylistic elements of the Satanism is

rooted in the Romantic tradition that considers Satan the anti-hero who oppo-

ses God’s will and rebels against tyranny. Satan epitomises the insubordina-

tion, the fight for freedom, the self-affirmation. These symbols are intentionally

provocative towards the Christian Churches, that are blamed to have reli-

giously monopolised the social life of the nation. From this point of view, TST

in the trend of the rationalistic, atheistic and activist satanism, which does not

recognise the existence of supernatural beings. In fact, by some observers TST

is considered the 2.0 version of the Church of Satan of Anton LaVey (1930-

1997). However, between the two groups some disagreements arose and wi-

thin TST some schisms have occurred.

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 TST has more than twenty local groups, named “chapters” in the USA

and also delegations in Canada, Great Britain and Australia. Official headquar-

ters are now in Salem, Massachusetts (the city famous for the witch trials). The

building is also a gallery of contemporary art.

The number of the members is unknown, because there are different

ways to participate and the degrees of both involvement and of activism are

not specified.

In 2019 the Internal Revenue Service (IRS) declared the tax-exempt sta-

tus to TST as a church.

TST conductes opinion champaigns against the limitations to the right of

abortions, against the pseudo-scientific practises in mental health care, in fa-

vour of the abolition of the corporal punishment in public schools, for the reco-

gnition of the rights for the members of the LGBTQ communities, and also to

sustain the principle of the separation between State and Church.

The activities are often elaborate performances, whose contents are in-

tentionally excessive and offensive (according to someone’s sensitivity). These

events obtain great attention by the media and provoke outrage responses

from the representatives of other religious groups. TST sometimes sells tickets

to attend to the events that are named “rituals”, as well as it happens with

shows, which often the rituals are. In these years, the group has witnessed the

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development of ceremonial rites among its own members, even if it was not

probably planned in origin. Lucien Graeves claims:

“(This) organic development of ritual’s place in TST’s culture, and its widespread
practice within its membership – despite a lack of any organizational attempts to
make any such ritual pratices compulsory – attests to an intrinsic need addressed
by ritual, a need not born of supertition, subjugation, and fear.”

Some people - analysts or religious competitors - argue that TST’s ceremonies

are not authentic rituals, but rather public acts of propaganda, shows in a ma-

cabre style, questionable artistic expressions or undertakings aimed to offend

the beliefs of the established churches.

The Pink Mass, officiated by Lucien Graeves in 2013, is the example of

an action accused to be a provocation and not a genuine rite.

Rev. Fred Phelps (1929-2014) founded in 1955 and he becomed a pastor of

the Westboro Baptist Church in Kansas. He boldly preached against homose-

xuality (“God hates fags” was one of his slogans) and he used to bother with

his followers the committals of gay people. TST intentionally decided to use

Phelps mother’s grave to celebrate a peculiar rite, the Pink Mass: two couples

of the same sex expressed “respectfully” their love by kissing each other over

the sepulchre, Greaves performed a magic spell and rubbed his genitals on the

tombstone. The rite was told to have the goal to transform in afterlife the de-

ceased woman into a lesbian for the eternity. Lucien Greaves was charged by

police of desecration of a grave. He responded that the “law allows the same

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freedoms that are abused by the Westboro Baptists to be exercised by TST”.

There are no reports of further celebrations of the Pink Mass.

Nevertheless, the most traditionally known rite of the Satanism is the

Black Mass. This is intended as a parody of the Catholic Mass and it is cele-

brated using a naked woman as an altar and during it real communion wafers

are desecrated. TST celebrates Black Mass, too. In some cases these cele-

brations were publicised and they admitted the participation of spectators.

These events provoked scandals.

In 2014, TST tried to organise a Black Mass on the campus at Harvard Univer-

sity. In the organisers’ intentions this should have been a moderate mise on

scène of the rite as it is described in the French novel Là-bas by Joris-Karl

Huysmans published in 1891. Public protests and the opposition of the Boston

Archdiocese compelled the organisers to perform the event outside the cam-

pus, so they moved it in the banquet hall of a Chinese restaurant. About fifty

people took part to the rite but consecrated hosts were not used.

In 2017 TST organized a new public Black Mass which involved a large au-

dience, this time in a nightclub in Los Angeles. This event consisted of three

parts: a bloodletting ritual, an invocation ritual and a destruction ritual. In the

course of the Black Mass there were live heavy metal music, painting perfor-

mances, a lecture on the demonic cat and a tattoo service. During the night

people were invited to fundraise for the campaigns of the group. TST declared

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that the central purpose of the rite was “to inspire personal and social libera-

tion”. Greaves explained:

“The Black Mass, as it is enacted today, has no need for supernaturalism, and it
is not performed with the infantile expectation that it should conjure Satan or de-
monic spirits. In fact, it is our assertion that Black Mass can be enacted with no
ill-will toward the world at large, but as an expression of personal independence
against the stifling strictures of supernatural religion that were instilled in some of
us frightened and unwilling children. The Black Mass, at its best, should have a
cathartic and liberating effect for its participants and observers.”

However, the public rites with their content of blasphemy and their shocking

visual impact constitute only a part of the ritual actions of the movement. In

fact, the private rituals are the most explicit evidence that the members attribute

a religious function to TST.

The organisation has not arranged a text-book for the rites and compelling

forms of celebrations do not exist. Therefore, it is clear that rites may assume

the forms that better express the practicing person’s experience, who is thus

called to convey his/her own personality, creative potentialities and personal

needs. Greaves writes:

“Satanic rituals (…) are acts of creative expression. Consistent with philosophical
principles of self-determination and anti-authoritarianism espoused by TST, our
rituals are not dependent upon descriptive dogmatic fidelity to rite ceremonies.
Rather our rituals are often constructed for a particular moment in time, for
enactment at particular events, and subject to the artistic preferences, additions,
and revisions, of those who will participate in them, within the limits of theirs col-
lective consent. Traditional “sacred” rituals, muttered verbatim, not understood by
their executors or observers, and intolerant of modification, are form of authorita-
rian conditioning. Satanic rituals, like Satanism itself, are meant to be liberating
and enriching.”

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Accordingly, the rite may correspond to significative life experiences: the

unbaptism reveals that the Christian heritage has been abandoned; the cou-

ples (of any sexual orientation) can celebrate their union with a satanic wed-

ding; a satanic funeral and a satanic abortion ritual may be organised. Howe-

ver, TST also celebrates rites on the occasion of political events or to support

its own social campaigns.

The presence of elements of blasphemy (for example: to sprinkle the partici-

pants with ashes coming from burnt Bibles, to mark them with substances that

simulate blood; to smudge an inverted cross) are not intended as possible in-

sults to other people’s beliefs, but rather as an assertion of one’s own indepen-

dence from those. The spokesperson writes:

“Reliable, strict definitions of ‘religion’ have proven elusive, but there should be
little doubt that the experience reported to us by a vast membership of TST indi-
cate authentic religious experiences that are in no way diminished by our refusal
to embrace superstition.”

Since 2020 TST has been distributing the book by Shiva Honey. It is not an

official publication of the movement but the book is completed by a foreword

and illustrations by Lucien Graeves. The author, who presents the book as if it

was a recipe book, explains:

“Satanic ritual has served as an important tool for my personal healing and empo-
werment. I hope this book provide a light to guide you on your journey to deeper
self-knowledge and personal power.”

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Maybe this constitutes the early moment of a process that will lead TST to form

and elaborate more standardised liturgical instruments, notwithstanding the

possibility for local or individual adaptations.

I’d like to finish by emphasizing the main points:

→ The rituals constitute for TST tools for political activism and social

awareness.

→ They offer followers the symbols for a communty reaction against

an environment considered too Christianized and totalitarian.

→ Through the rituals the practitioners access experiences of self-

affirmation and empowerment.

Thanks for your attention.

Bibliography
M. Hedenborh White – F. Gregorius, “The Satanic Temple: Secularist Activism
and Occulture in the American Political Landscape”, International Journal for
the Study of New Religion, vol. 10/1 (2019), pp. 89-110.
S. Honey, The Devil’s Tome: A Book of Modern Satanic Ritual, Foreword by
Lucien Greaves, Illustrations by Alexander Corey and Lucien Greaves, s.i.l.,
Serpentinae, 2020.
M. Introvigne, Satanism: A Social History, Leiden, Brill, 2016.
J.P. Laycock, Speak of the Devil. How The Satanic Temple Is Changing the
Way We Talk About Religion, New York, Oxford University Press, 2020.
The Satanic Temple, The Satanic Children’s Big Book of Activities, 2014 (avai-
lable online: https://thesatanictemple.com).
The Satanic Temple, The Satanic Temple’s Guide to Freedom of Religion in
Public Schools, 2014 (available online: https://thesatanictemple.com).