A1 - Preferred Gender Role in Policing - Dubai

doi:10.
1093/bjc/azu010 BRIT. J. CRIMINOL. (2014) 54, 449–468

Advance Access publication 14 March 2014
SELF-EFFICACY BELIEFS AND PREFERRED GENDER

ROLE IN POLICING
An Examination of Policewomen’s Perceptions in Dubai, the

United Arab Emirates
Doris C. Chu* and Mohammed Murad Abdulla
In Dubai, one of the fastest-growing cities in the world, women are encouraged to pursue higher
education and careers in different spheres. Since the first group of 17 women joined the Dubai
police force in 1977, the number of women choosing the police profession has risen. Today, more
than 1,400 female officers work in Dubai. Using data from surveys conducted with 278 female
police officers in Dubai, this study assesses female officers’ attitudes towards women in policing and
their preferred gender role at police work. In general, female officers believed that they are effective
as patrol officers on the street, and a majority of the sampled policewomen believed that women
can be as good as male officers in doing police work. The findings reveal that professional role con-
fidence is significantly associated with positive self-appraisal. In addition, policewomen who are
confident about their work and those with longer tenure in the police force are more likely to favour
the same assignment as policemen. Female officers with higher education attainment are less likely
to endorse gender-restrictive assignments. Suggestions for future research are addressed.
Keywords: self-efficacy beliefs, gender integration in policing, policewomen, women
police, female officers, Dubai, gender orientation, the United Arab Emirates, preferred
gender role
Introduction
The first assigning of women to patrol duty in the United States, in the 1970s, became
a milestone for women’s integration into policing. Following trends similar to those in
the United States, England and Australia started integrating women into police work
in the 1980s (Martin and Jurik 2006). In Western countries, such as the United States,
Canada, England and Australia, there has been an extensive history for women’s inte-
gration into the policing field. As in other parts of the globe, such as in Africa and Asia,
women have been slowly integrated into policing (Martin and Jurik 2006).
In the past three decades, increased scholarly attention has been directed to gen-
der issues in policing. In recent years, researchers have expanded their work covering
women’s integration in policing to countries beyond the United States and European
countries—countries such as Australia and New Zealand (Prenzler et al. 2010; Chan
et al. 2010), Bahrain (Strobl 2008; Strobl and Sung 2009), Bermuda (King 2005), India
(Natarajan 1994; 2001; 2002; 2008) and Taiwan (Chu 2013). However, with the exception
*Doris C. Chu, Ph.D., Department of Criminology, Sociology, and Geography at Arkansas State University, PO Box 2410, State
University, AR 72467, USA; dchu@astate.edu; Mohammed Murad Abdulla, Ph.D., Dubai Police General Headquarters, Dubai;
dxbpolrs@yahoo.com.
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Chu AND Abdulla
of Strobl’s (2008) and Strobl and Sung’s (2009) work examining policewomen’s atti-
tudes towards gender integration in Bahrain, almost no empirical research on women
police in the Middle East has been conducted. Many aspects of women in policing in
the Middle East, such as historical development, current practices and deployment,
and gender integration, remain unknown. Moreover, existing theories about gender
integration in policing have been primarily constructed to provide explanations in
Western cultural settings. Strobl and Sung (2009), therefore, identify a need to for-
mulate theories that can fit different social cultures. They maintain that looking at
the non-Western world through the lens of Western assumptions may not capture the
actual phenomena of gender integration.
This study contributes to the literature in two ways. First, it expands previous work
by empirically assessing female officers’ perceptions of police work in another Gulf
Cooperation country, the United Arab Emirates (UAE). Up to now, these perceptions
have not been explored. Second, it provides a theoretical justification for gender inte-
gration in policing in a cultural setting quite different from the cultures of Western
countries.
Women in the United Arab Emirates

The UAE has been witnessing a dramatic development in women’s rights. Under the
UAE constitution, women have the equal access to education, employment, health and
family welfare facilities (Permanent Mission of the United Arab Emirates to the United
Nations 2013). According to the Global Gender Gap Index, UAE has been in the lead-
ing position among Arab countries on its gender equality performance (Kapur 2011).
Dubai, the second largest of the seven emirates comprising the UAE, is situated in the
Arabian Peninsula (Gallant 2006). Dubai is one of the fastest-growing cosmopolitan cit-
ies, with an influx of tourists from all parts of world. Although still heavily influenced
by the traditional Islamic religion and culture that encourage time-honoured gender
attitudes and roles, Emirati women are inspired to pursue higher education and careers
in different spheres. Since the first group of 17 women joined the Dubai police force in
1977, the number of women choosing the police profession has risen and, today, more
than 1400 female officers work in Dubai. Although still in minority, nowadays women
have been served in the special security forces as well as military pilots in the UAE. As
more women now join police forces in a number of the countries in the Middle East,
such as the UAE, Bahrain, Kuwait and Jordan, it is important to expand our under-
standing of women police’s perceptions about their roles in police work in this under-
studied region, so culturally and socially different from the West. Understanding how
policewomen perceive their role and what assignments they prefer to have in policing is
important, since these preferences may impact their job satisfaction, commitment and
retention (Seklecki and Paynich 2007).
An Overview of Policing in Dubai

Dubai Police was established on 1 June 1956 in Naif, with the first police station being
known as ‘Naif Fort’, which still operates as a police station now. In 1973, the Dubai
Police Headquarters moved to its present location, in Al Towar area—Al Etihad Street.
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SELF-EFFICACY BELIEFS AND PREFERRED GENDER ROLE IN POLICING
Dubai Police is considered the most forward-thinking and progressive police force in
the Arab world today. It comprises around 15,000 qualified personnel. Dubai police
force comes under the direction of H.H Sheikh Mohammed Bin Rashid Al Maktoum,
Vice President and Prime Minister of the UAE and Ruler of Dubai. The Dubai police
force operates under a General Commander and his Deputy, who manage 19 separate
departments1 and 10 police stations.
Dubai Police has been known for utilizing the latest scientific and technological
developments in law enforcement to deal with emergency crises and critical security
situations. For instance, Dubai Police is the first Arab police force to apply DNA test-
ing and touse electronic finger printing. It is also the first Arab police force to recog-
nize and implement the ‘paperless office’ concept. And it is among the very first police
forces in the world to utilize the Automatic Vehicle Location Systems and use Loran C
signals in the Gulf in the mid-eighties. At present, they are among the first to use satel-
lite and GPS for Automatic Vehicle Locator.
Although Dubai has experienced an unprecedented influx of tourists from all parts
of the world in recent years, it is considered one of the safest metropolitan cities in
the world. After examining the numbers of the most important crime indicators—the
number of murder/kidnapping/raping/forced robbery crimes for each 100,000 of the
population—and comparing them to those of other countries in the world, and with
the international average, analysis shows that Dubai is considered to be one of the best
cities in this field. The results of these indicators for Dubai are one-quarter less than
international averages (UNODC 2013). In addition, the UAE and Dubai, in particular,
scored high in a number of international indicators, which reflects the efficiency of
police performance. One such indicator is The Travel & Tourism Competitiveness Report,
published by the World Economic Forum in 2013, which includes three sub-indicators:
‘The Reliability of Police Services’, where the UAE scored 11 out of 140 countries. In
the second sub-indicator, ‘Business Costs of Crime and Violence’, the UAE scored 2
out of 140. In the third sub-indicator, ‘Business Costs of Terrorism’, the UAE scored 14
out of 140 (Blanke and Chiesa 2013). Moreover, Dubai was ranked one of the safest 50
cities in the world according to the Quality of Living Survey, Safety and Security Indicator,
published by Mercer Human Resources Consulting (Abdulla and SaadEldin 2011). The
main challenges facing policemen in Dubai today are traffic jams and the fear of juve-
niles being affected by the negative impact of technological innovations.
Maintaining security with the fast-increasing rates of population growth (approach-
ing 6 per cent annually) and economic growth (expected to be no less than 5 per cent
on average annually) could be a challenging task. It is especially true considering the
horizontal expansion in the area, the presence of 200 different nationalities, and the
existence of about 100 foreign communities, each of which has its own language, cul-
ture traditions, and its right to live in peace and security (Khalfan 2007). In addition,
1
The 19 separate departments include Headquarters’ Regulatory Office, Decision Making Support Center, General
Department of Operations, General Department of E-Services, General Department of Criminal Investigation, General
Department of Administrative Affairs, General Department of Traffic, General Department of Organization, Protective Security
and Emergency, General Department of Finance, General Department of Human Resources, General Department of Services
and Supplies, General Department of Airports Security, General Department of Punitive and Correctional Establishments,
General Department of Forensic Science and Criminology, General Department of Police Academy, General Department of
Community Services, General Department of Total Quality, General Department of Anti-Narcotics, General Department of
Human Rights.
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the number of inhabitants of Dubai is nearly 4.1 million in 2012 (MOI 2012), and there
are also around ten million tourists in 2012 (DTCM 2012), whose number is increasing
at an annual rate that exceeds 9 per cent.
Historical Development and Current Status of Policewomen in Dubai, UAE

Several years have passed since the commissioning of the first batch of female police
cadets in Dubai. Women have participated in various sectors of the police force, such as
security personnel in airport customs as early as 1960s. They have also contributed to
the police force as civil officers that support the police departments in the fields of engi-
neering, translation and social work, and have served as specific case attorneys. Dubai
Police is the first police force in the Gulf to accept women in specialized fields within the
police force. Women in the Dubai police force were the first to become VIP bodyguards,
human trafficking investigators, dog handlers and forensic experts. Women officers
have also gone through a Special Weapons and Tactics (SWAT) training to qualify to be
in the new Female VIP unit of the Dubai police. Dubai Police has succeeded in enhanc-
ing the skills of the female policewomen around the country. An increasing number of
Emirati policewomen are heads of departments in the police, in the DNA and Forensics
Departments, and in Crime Scene Investigation Departments. The number of women
working in Dubai police force has reached more than 1,400 women, 93 of whom are in
leadership positions. Females joining the Dubai police force are offered all the opportu-
nities and logistical support to refine their performance (Al-Dafaa 2011). The top-down
police efforts for the inclusion of women in the police sector were recently recognized
when Dubai Police received the United Nations Award for Public Services for 2012 in the
fields of quality and public service. Police women have reached the highest ranks, includ-
ing lieutenant colonel, while some of them have high qualifications including doctoral,
master’s and bachelor’s degrees, and higher diploma and secondary school certificates.
All of them are specialized in scientific and criminal sciences (Al Jandaly 2013).
Literature Review
Policing is a profession often characterized as dangerous, unpredictable, alienating
and machismo (Reiner 1992; Chan 1996). These distinctive features in police culture
seem a bit cynical, to valourize machismo attitudes and feelings of solidarity with other
officers (Reiner 1992; Chan 1996). Skolnick (1966) conceptualizes police culture as
the working personality of an officer, equivalent to a response to the danger of police
work (Chan 1996). Crank (2004) explores how the masculinity embedded in police
culture leads to alienation and marginalization of women in the law enforcement field
(Dodge et al. 2011). To some extent, of course, women’s entry into policing challenges
rooted cultural norms, group solidarity and the stereotype that policing is men’s work
(Martin 1980; Martin and Jurik 2006). Despite changes in the nature of policing and
improved recognition of women’s status, studies conducted in the United States have
found male officers often resist women’s full integration into many aspects of police
work (Martin and Jurik 2006; Novak et al. 2011). They tend to view female officers as
physically incompetent and emotionally unsuitable to the essential work of law enforce-
ment (Hunt 1990; Martin 1999; Martin and Jurik 2006).
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Appraisal of Women in Policing

As stated above, given the present state of organizational culture, women have to over-
come hurdles and challenges to enter the policing field successfully. Studies conducted
in the United States consistently find that policemen negatively assess women in polic-
ing (Martin and Jurik 2006). Worden (1993) indicates that, although women may face
difficulties and challenges in adapting to a male-dominated working environment,
research does not consistently find women experience a higher level of work-related
stress or demonstrate a lower level of commitment to work (Davis 1984). What are the
factors that affect women’s perception of their own capability to perform duties in
policing? It seems that, besides external factors, other contributors, such as self-beliefs
or perceptions, can also affect females’ adaptation and performance in police work.
Researchers have utilized theories in social psychology, such as social efficacy theory,
to explain the persistence of women who work in traditionally male-dominated profes-
sions, such as science, technology, engineering or mathematics. Nevertheless, with the
exception of Love and Singer’s (1988) work, self-efficacy theory has rarely been utilized
to explain women’s adaptation and performance in policing.
Bandura (1986; 1997) defines self-efficacy as individuals’ judgments of their capa-
bility to accomplish a certain task. Klassen and Chiu (2010) refer to self-efficacy as
‘individuals’ beliefs about their capability to carry out a particular course of action
successfully’ (p. 741). According to Zeldin and Pajares (2000), people are more likely
to engage in tasks that they believe they can accomplish and less likely to involve them-
selves in tasks where they feel less competent. Self-efficacy theory has been widely used
in the field of education to examine females’ perceived efficacy and their choice of aca-
demic major and career paths in disciplines male-dominated, such as science, technol-
ogy, engineering and mathematics (e.g. Zeldin and Pajares 2000). One of the very few
studies that examined policewomen’s self-efficacy and their job performance was con-
ducted with New Zealand police officers; Love and Singer (1988) found that, compared
to their male counterparts, female officers demonstrated lower self-efficacy in handling
violent acts and riot situations. Nevertheless, whether policewomen’s perceived confi-
dence affects their self-appraisal and gender role orientations (limited gender role or
full integration) remains unexplored.
Empirical research has revealed that self-efficacy beliefs correlate with adaptability
to new technology (Hill et al. 1987), coping with profession-related events or challenges
(Stumpf et al. 1987) and newcomer adaptation to institutional setting (Saks 1995;
Stajkovic and Luthans 1998). The research implies that a self-efficacy perspective may
be applicable to provide theoretical justification for women’s adaptation to their career
path in policing.
Along with the belief in self-efficacy, education experience can also affect percep-
tions of gender role in policing. Studies have found that education impacts, through
socialization and empowerment, an individual’s gender values. Such changes in attitude
can emerge through interactions with peers and also through engagement in academic
courses (Bryant 2003; Shu and Zhu 2012). People who have attained higher education
are less likely to be restrained by traditional beliefs (Shu 2004). Education also empow-
ers individuals, especially women, by opening up new opportunities of employment
and by broadening their career prospects. In addition, education enlarges individuals’
spectrum of reference, which can alter how they view themselves in a broader social
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context. Such empowerment, when it comes to women, is likely to push a woman’s gen-
der attitudes in a more egalitarian direction (Shu 2004; Shu and Zhu 2012). Various
studies support the idea that better-educated individuals more likely hold egalitarian
gender attitudes (Thornton et al. 1983; Shu 2004). Likewise, education experience is
seen to have a ‘liberalizing effect’ on an individual’s receptiveness to gender equality in
the field of policing (Haba et al. 2009). Some previous studies have found that better-
educated people tend to have more favourable attitudes towards women in policing
(Austin and Hummer 1999; Haba et al. 2009).
Preferred Roles in Policing

In 1968, the Indianapolis Police Department first assigned two women to street patrol.
In 1972, the Metropolitan Police Department of Washington, DC, pioneered to assign
a substantial number of women to patrol duties. Since then, more women have been
recruited into police departments and assigned to various dimensions of police tasks,
including patrol and other police activities (Martin 1990; Martin and Jurik 2006: 54).
Women have come a long way in the United States since they accomplished gender inte-
gration into police work in early 1970 (Schulz 1995; Garcia 2003). In line with trends
in the United States, the integration of women into different aspects of police work in
England and Australia started about a decade later. Women’s integration into polic-
ing has been slower in other parts of the world, such as in Asia and Africa (Martin
and Jurik 2006). Brown’s (1997) model of gender integration in policing delineates six
stages in its progression: ‘entry, restricted development, integration, take-off, reform,
and tip-over’ (p. 14). The first stage, ‘entry’, signifies women’s entry into policing. It is
followed by the second stage, ‘restricted development’, in which women are assigned
to restricted gender-specific roles, such as administrative or support duties. The third
stage, ‘integration’, advocates, through legislation, the extension of women’s roles to
the full array and diverse functions, which ensures equal assignments between male
and female officers. The following stage, ‘take-off’, denotes policewomen’s searching
for solitary integration via litigation. The next stage, ‘reform’, features collecting the
facts through research and inquiries that document the experiences of policewomen as
they encounter backlash problems on the police force (Brown 1997; 2000; Strobl and
Sung 2009; Chu 2013). The last stage in Brown’s (1997) model, entitled ‘tip-over’, is
categorized by reflection on issues of gender balancing in police work.
Brown’s model of gender integration in policing delineates how policewomen in the
United States and United Kingdom have been progressively integrated into a different
array of police work over time. In contrast to the extensive history of gender integra-
tion in the United States and the United Kingdom, only in recent years have women
police in Eastern countries been gradually integrated into different dimensions of
police work. Brown’s linear model, providing explanations of gender integration in
policing in the Western cultural settings, may not plausibly explain the development
of women in policing in non-Western societies (Strobl 2008). Thus, there is a need for
developing a theory more culturally suitable to non-Western countries (Strobl and
Sung 2009). Some researchers, heeding this call, extended their scholarship of gender
integration in policing to other parts of the world, such as India (e.g. Natarajan 1994;
2001; 2002; 2008), Bahrain (Strobl 2008; 2010; Strobl and Sung 2009) and Taiwan
(Chu 2013).
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Natarajan (1994; 1996; 2001; 2002; 2003; 2005; 2006; 2008) has conducted a longi-
tudinal study to examine female officers’ perceptions of gender integration and their
preferred roles at police work in India. She found that, compared to her 1994 study, a
higher percentage of female officers in the 2000 study supported gender integration
that assigns women to the same duties as policemen. However, female officers did not
unanimously favour the integrated role; some female officers still preferred the gender-
limited role in policing, in which they primarily serve women and only have to handle
female offenders and female victims (Natarajan 2008).
Recently, Strobl (2008) conducted an ethnographic study to examine Bahraini female
officers’ perceptions of gender integration. She found that Brown’s linear model of
gender integration does not reflect female officers’ gender role orientation in Bahrain.
The findings in her study revealed that some Bahraini policewomen preferred a gender-
restricted role while others favour a gender integration model. She then suggests that a
hybrid model, in which she finds a co-existence of gender integration and segregation,
suits better the situation in Bahrain. In a later study, Strobl and Sung (2009) examined
the correlates of Bahraini female officers’ receptiveness to gender integration. They
hypothesized female officers’ age would somehow affect their receptiveness of gender
integration. Contradicting the hypothesis Strobl and Sung (2009) formulated, female
officers’ age was not found to correlate with their attitude towards gender integration.
In a recent study, Chu (2013) examined female and male officers’ perceptions of
gender integration into police work in Taipei, a metropolitan city of Taiwan. She found
that male officers, although they hold reservations about females’ capability to handle
certain aspects of police work, support gender integration in policing—that is, they
think that women need to be assigned to the same duties as policemen upon their entry
into police work. In contrast, female officers, although they felt women are as capable as
men to perform a different array of police work, are not in favour of gender integration
in policing. In other words, female officers do not fully support the idea that women
should be assigned to equal duties as policemen (Chu 2013). One of the communal
findings from studies by Natarajan (2008), Strobl (2008) and Chu (2013) suggests that
female officers in India, Bahrain and Taiwan do not uniformly embrace gender inte-
gration in police work. Although some female officers are receptive to gender integra-
tion, some still prefer gender-specific roles.
Theoretical framework
In the Middle East, policing is still a male-dominated occupation. Brown’s (1997)
model of gender integration, denoting the linear progression of gender integration,
may fit better in the Western societies. As indicated in the above literature review, some
female officers in the Asian countries, such as in Bahrain, India and Taiwan, are recep-
tive to gender integration; however, others are still reluctant to support full integra-
tion and prefer gender-restricted roles. Thus, the co-existing of gender-integrative and
gender-restrictive models may better represent female officers’ perspectives in Asia.
Consequently, it is predicted that, while some female officers in Dubai prefer full gen-
der integration, others would favour gender-restricted roles.
When Emirati women first join a traditionally male-dominated profession, such as
policing, they may be more reserved about their capacity to perform the different array
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of police tasks. Thus, policewomen with less experience may feel more comfortable
in performing the ‘softer’ side of police work, such as gender-segregated duties (e.g.
handling female offenders, female victims and missing children). However, as their
tenure progresses, they not only adapt to the work environment, but also get situated
into the work cultures and embrace a different array of assignments. Work experience
may broaden the horizons of female police officers, and they see their potential for a
broader role orientation. Thus, it is predicted that the longer a female officer stays in
the police force, the more likely it is that she will have a positive appraisal of women
in policing. It is also assumed that, as female officers become more experienced, they
would be more receptive to gender integration that requires women to be assigned to
the same duties as policemen.
As delineated in the literature review, education has a positive effect on egalitarian
gender attitudes. Education empowers women by broadening their career prospects
and expanding their horizon, which changes how they see themselves in relation to the
external world (Shu 2004). Previous studies have found people with higher educational
attainment are more likely to be supportive of feminism and have a favourable assess-
ment of women in policing (e.g. Austin and Hummer 1999; Haba et al. 2009). We thus
hypothesize that the higher a female officer’s education level, the more likely it is that
she will have a positive assessment of women in policing and embrace gender integra-
tion in police work.
Previous empirical studies have shown self-efficacy is related to women’s adjustment
to work environment and challenges in male-dominated professions. Consequently, it is
hypothesized that policewomen who feel confident about their work are more likely to
have positive appraisal of women in policing and are more receptive to gender integra-
tion in policing.
Methods
Data collection and samples
A survey instrument was designed for this project based on the work of Austin
and Hummer (1999), Haba et al. (2009) and Natarajan (2008). The questionnaire
includes questions that aim to elicit information about male and female officers’
appraisal of women in policing, preferred roles of women in policing, receptiveness
to having women as partners or supervisors, perceived confidence in and satisfac-
tion with police work, as well as officers’ attitudes towards police work and residents.
The questionnaire was first constructed with an English version, then translated
into Arabic by an Arabic native speaker fluent in both English and Arabic. After
completing the translations, the translator asked another native Arabic, also bilin-
gual in English and Arabic, to translate the Arabic back to English to ensure the
consistency of both language versions. To improve the clarity of the survey ques-
tions, both versions of the questionnaires were sent to Dubai Police Department for
feedback in September 2011. Some questions were revised, based upon suggestions
and comments from the Dubai police, and the formal survey itself was conducted in
November 2011. With the help of the Decision Support Center and Department of
Human Resources of the Dubai Police Headquarters, representative samples from
various units (e.g. police stations, crime investigation, airport security and facility
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security, etc.) of the Dubai Police Headquarters were selected to participate in the
survey on a voluntary basis. A cover page, attached to each questionnaire, informs
participants of their rights and gives assurance of confidentiality. Three hundred
questionnaires were distributed to female officers at different units of the Dubai
Police Headquarters; 278 were completed and returned, resulting in an approxi-
mately 93 per cent response rate.
Measures
Dependent variables
The dimension of ‘assessment of women in policing’ includes ‘appropriateness’, ‘effi-
cacy’ and ‘physical capability’. ‘Appropriateness’ is an additive measure by summing
up the following three items: ‘Police work is an appropriate occupation for women’; ‘I
feel women are as capable as men to handle the duties of patrol work because being a
man or a woman does not determine the skills for patrol work’; ‘A female can be just as
a good police officer as a male’ ((1) strongly agree; (2) somewhat agree; (3) somewhat
disagree; (4) strongly disagree). All items were reversed coded; a higher score in the
scale represents a higher degree of agreement on women’s appropriateness for police
work. The three items had a Cronbach’s α of 0.69, suggesting an acceptable reliability.
The second dependent variable in the dimension of ‘assessment of women in polic-
ing’ is ‘efficacy’. Two items were summed up to measure ‘efficacy’: ‘I feel women are as
capable as men to handle the duties of patrol work because being a man or a woman
does not determine the skills of patrol work’; ‘Female police officers are effective on the
street as patrol officers’ ((1) strongly agree; (2) somewhat agree; (3) somewhat disagree;
(4) strongly disagree).
Similarly, all items were reverse coded such that a higher score reflects a strong agree-
ment of equal effectiveness of women and men. The two items had a Cronbach’s α of
0.73, indicating a suitable reliability.
The third dependent variable in the dimension of ‘assessment of women in policing’
is ‘physical capability’, which is measured by a single item. ‘Females have the physical
skills to do patrol work’ ((1) strongly agree; (2) somewhat agree; (3) somewhat disagree;
(4) strongly disagree). Again, the item was reverse coded. A higher score indicates a
more positive appraisal of women’s physical capacity for patrol work.
Two dependent variables were constructed to measure the dimension of ‘preferred
role of women in policing’. The first dependent variable, ‘equal assignment’, is an addi-
tive measure. Two items were summed up to construct the index of ‘equal assignment’:
‘Policewomen should perform exactly the same duties as policemen’; ‘Female officers
should be allowed to perform the same job as males even when it is dangerous’ ((1)
strongly agree; (2) somewhat agree; (3) somewhat disagree; (4) strongly disagree). To
ease interpretations, all items were reverse coded so that a higher score indicates a
preference to equal assignment between male and female officers. The two items had a
Cronbach’s α of 0.63, indicating an acceptable reliability. The second dependent vari-
able in the dimension of preferred role of women in policing, ‘specialized assignment’,
is based on a single item: ‘Police women should not do the same work as policemen;
they should perform specialized duties, such as handling female offenders and victims,
juveniles, and missing children’ ((1) strongly agree; (2) somewhat agree; (3) somewhat
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disagree; (4) strongly disagree). Likewise, the scales in this item were reverse coded and
a higher score reflects a stronger preference to specialized assignment.
Independent and control variables

The main independent variables are experience in the police force, educational level
and confidence in police work. Experience in the police force is a continuous variable,
which is measured by years. Educational level is measured by ordinal scales (1 = less
than high school diploma; 2 = high school diploma; 3 = associate degree; 4 = bachelor’s
degree; 5 = above bachelor’s degree). Confidence in police work is an ordinal measure-
ment and based upon a single item: ‘I am confident that I can handle police work’ ((1)
strongly agree; (2) somewhat agree; (3) somewhat disagree; (4) strongly disagree). The
scales in this item were reverse coded to ease the interpretation; a higher score reflects
a higher level of confidence in police work.
The control variables include marital status, work assignment, work unit, rank,
law enforcement as a long-term career and work stress. Marital status was coded as
dummy variable, 1 indicating married and 0 denoting single, divorced or widowed.
Work assignment was coded as dummy variable (patrol or crime investigation = 1; desk
work = 0). Work unit was coded as five dummy variables (police station, crime investiga-
tion, airport security, facility security and other units); other units were served as the
reference group.
‘Law enforcement as a long-term career’ measured whether the officer considered
law enforcement as a long-term career (1 = yes; 0 = no). The last control variable ‘work
stress’ is based on two items: ‘Work-related stress has had a negative effect on my family
life’; ‘I feel that there is a considerable amount of work-related stress’. Two items were
summed together to form the index of ‘work stress’. The questions are constructed
with a four-point Likert scale: (1) strongly agree; (2) somewhat agree; (3) somewhat
disagree; (4) strongly disagree. The scales were reverse coded such that a higher score
indicates a higher level of agreement of each of the statements. The Cronbach’s α value
for the items was 0.73. Multicollinearity among all independent and control variables
was examined by variance inflation factor (VIF) measure (results not shown). All of the
VIF values were below 2.2 and there was no indication of multicollinearity.
Analysis plan
First, descriptive statistics were computed. Then, multivariate regression analysis was
conducted. In addition to presenting descriptive statistics for variables, the frequency
distribution of the responses on various attitudinal dimensions of women in policing
was also reported. In the multivariate analysis, Ordinary Least Squares (OLS) regres-
sion and Ordered Logit regression analysis were employed to estimate the effect of
antecedents of assessments of women in policing and preferred role orientations. First,
OLS was performed to examine the effects of all explanatory variables on the variables
with additive measures— ‘appropriateness’, ‘efficacy’ and ‘equal assignment’. Ordered
Logit estimate was utilized to estimate the effect of independent and control variables
on ordinal scale, ‘physical capacity’ and ‘specialized assignment’.
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Findings
Descriptive statistics
The descriptive statistics for the variables are displayed in Table 1. As therein shown,
the average age for the sampled female officers is 29.98 (sd = 6.28) years old. On aver-
age, female officers have 7.97 years of experience in police work (sd = 6.39); 19.9 per
cent of the sampled female officers had education less than a high school diploma; 61.6
per cent held high school diplomas; 5.8 per cent of the sampled officers had earned
an associate degree; 12.6 per cent held a bachelor degree or above; 58.5 per cent of
the sample female officers are married; 55.3 per cent of the sampled officers are line
officers, whereas 39 per cent of them are sergeants (or equivalent); 5.7 per cent of the
sampled officers hold the rank of lieutenant or above (results not shown).
Table 2 presents the frequency distribution of responses to survey questions regard-
ing self-appraisal and preferred gender role. Approximately 95 per cent of the sampled
women police reported that they are confident about police work. More than 90 per
cent of the sampled officers think police work is an appropriate occupation for women.
Table 1 Descriptive statistics for variables (N = 278)

Variable Description Min. Max. Mean SD
Dependent variables
Appropriateness 3 items, α = 0.69 3.00 12.00 9.33 2.01
Efficacy 2 items, α = 0.73 2.00 8.00 6.09 1.51
Physical capacity 1 item 1.00 4.00 2.76 0.90
Equal assignment 2 items, α = 0.63 2.00 8.00 4.91 1.71
Specialized assignment 1 item 1.00 4.00 3.16 0.94
Independent and control variables
Marital status 0 = unmarried, 1 = married 0.00 1.00 0.58 0.49
Education 1 = less than high school 1.00 5.00 2.13 0.91
diploma, 2 = high school
diploma, 3 = associate
degree, 4 = bachelor’s degree,
5 = above bachelor’s
Patrol (criminal investigation) 0 = desk work, 1 = patrol or 0.00 1.00 0.61 0.49
criminal investigation
Work unit Police station (n = 33; 12.2%)
CIU* (n = 20; 7.4%)
Airport security (n = 153;
56.7%)
Facility security (n = 14; 5.2%)
Others (n = 50; 18.5%)
Experience Continuous 1.00 35.00 7.97 6.39
Rank 1 = officer, 2 = sergeant,
3 = lieutenant or above
Confidence in police work 1 item 1.00 4.00 3.68 0.61
Police as long-term career 0 = disagree, 1 = agree 0.00 1.00 0.79 0.41
Stress 2 items; α = 0.73 2.00 8.00 5.54 1.84
* CID = Criminal Investigation Unit.
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Chu AND Abdulla
Table 2 Self-appraisal and preferred role

Variable N (%)
Police work is an appropriate occupation for women

1 = strongly agree 130 (47.1)
2 = somewhat agree 121 (43.8)
3 = somewhat disagree 19 (6.9)
4 = strongly disagree 6 (2.2)
Total N (%) 276 (100.0)
Women are as capable as men to handle the duties of patrol work
Total N (%) 276 (100.0)
A female can be just as good a police officer as a male
Total N (%) 277 (100.0)
Female officers are as effective on the street as patrol officers as males
Total N (%) 275 (100.0)
Females have sufficient physical skills to do patrol work
Total N (%) 274 (100.0)
Policewomen should perform exactly the same duties as policemen
Total N (%) 277 (100.0)
Female officers should be allowed to perform the same job as males
Total N (%) 276 (100.0)
Policewomen should not do the same work as policemen; they should perform specialized duties
Total N (%) 272 (100.0)
I am confident that I can handle police work
Total N (%) 275 (100.0)
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on 16 January 2018
More than three-quarters (76 per cent) of the sampled officers consider that a female
can work just as good as a police officer as a male; 72 per cent of them believe that
women are as capable as men in handling the duties of patrol work.
Although more than half (60 per cent) of the sampled officers strongly agree or agree
that policewomen should perform exactly the same duties as policemen, 81 per cent of
them are still in favour of specialized duties, in which women police are assigned to
handle women victims or women offenders and children.
Multivariate analysis
Assessment of women in policing
Table 3 demonstrates the results from the OLS and Ordered Logit regression analy-
ses. With regard to the three measures on ‘assessment of women in policing’—that is,
appropriateness, efficacy and physical capability—officers assigned to patrol or crime
investigation posts were more likely to give positive appraisal of women’s efficacy and
physical strength as patrol officers. As predicted, female officers who reported that
they were confident in police work were more likely to have a positive assessment of
women in policing. The variable of confidence is significantly associated with assess-
ment of women in policing across all three dimensions (appropriateness, efficacy and
physical capability). Consistently with our hypothesis, work experience was found to
be positively correlated with a positive assessment of women in policing (only in the
dimension of physical capability). On the other hand, educational attainment has no
significant effect on appraisal of women in policing, which is different from what we
expected.
Female officers assigned to airport security posts were less inclined to think that
women have the physical skills to perform police work. On the other hand, female offic-
ers with a higher level of stress were less likely to perceive that women are equally capa-
ble and efficient as male officers to perform patrol work. The independent and control
variables account for 19 per cent, 23 per cent and 27 per cent of the variances for the
variables of appropriateness, efficacy and physical capability, respectively.
Preferred role in policing

In the dimension of preferred roles of women in policing, consistently with our hypoth-
esis, female officers with longer tenure in the police force were more receptive to the
idea that women should have assignments equal to those of male officers. As predicted,
female officers who were confident in police work were more supportive of gender inte-
gration, which requires that women be assigned to the same duties as male officers.
Education level was also found to be significantly correlated with women’s preferred
role in policing. Female officers who had attained higher educational levels were less
likely to advocate gender-segregated assignments, in which women were mainly respon-
sible for specialized duties. Female officers who reported a higher level of stress were
more likely to prefer specialized (gender-segregated) assignment. On the other hand,
female officers assigned to crime investigation units were more likely to prefer women
having the same assignments as male officers. The independent and control variables
account for 16 per cent and 15 per cent of the variances for the variables of equal assign-
ment and specialized assignment, respectively.
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Table 3 Multiple regression summarya
Assessment of women in policing Preferred role
Variable Appropriatenessb Efficacyb Physical capacityc Equal assignmentb Specialized assignmentc
Married 0.067 (0.265) 0.004 (0.214) –0.329 (0.296) –0.009 (0.243) 0.286 (0.296)
Education –0.124 (0.183) –0.080 (0.149) –0.334 (0.205) –0.028 (0.169) –0.406* (0.204)
Patrol (crime investigation) 0.381 (0.295) 0.616* (0.239) 1.366*** (0.340) 0.013 (0.269) –0.334 (0.331)
Police station 0.873+ (0.487) 0.610 (0.392) 0.052 (0.547) 0.427 (0.448) 0.013 (0.541)
Crime Investigation Unit 0.479 (0.517) 0.668 (0.417) –0.196 (0.579) 1.109* (0.475) –0.223 (0.568)
Airport security 0.213 (0.409) 0.110 (0.331) –0.939* (0.460) 0.339 (0.375) 0.105 (0.453)
462

Facility security 0.824 (0.618) 0.755 (0.498) –0.054 (0.688) 0.446 (0.568) –0.733 (0.668)
Experience (in years) 0.026 (0.021) 0.026 (0.017) 0.064** (0.024) 0.061** (0.019) –0.020 (0.023)
Rank –0.431+ (0.254) –0.352+ (0.205) –0.470+ (0.285) –0.200 (0.233) 0.058 (0.286)
Chu AND Abdulla
Confidence in police work 1.075*** (0.222) 0.640*** (0.178) 1.168*** (0.262) 0.598** (0.203) 0.351 (0.245)
Police as career 0.087 (0.310) 0.459+ (0.249) 0.136 (0.344) 0.014 (0.282) –0.322 (0.351)
Stress –0.100 (0.069) –0.126* (0.055) –0.008 (0.076) –0.095 (0.063) 0.300*** (0.079)
Constant 6.089*** (1.168) 3.903*** (0.940) – 2.548** (1.074) –
R2 0.191 0.225 0.268 0.161 0.147
a
Entries are unstandardized regression coefficients, with standard errors in parentheses; b Ordinary Least Square Estimates; c Ordered Logit.
+
p < 0.10; * p < 0.05; ** p < 0.01; *** p < 0.001.
Discussion
Although previous studies have examined different aspects of gender and policing,
most of them have focused in North America, Europe or Australia. Studies of women in
policing in the Middle East are still in infancy. This study contributes to the literature
by empirically examining policewomen’s self-assessment and their preferred role in a
fast-growing city, Dubai. More than 90 per cent of the sampled policewomen reported
a very high level of confidence about doing their work. This high level of professional
confidence came as a surprise. Previous studies indicate that females are less likely to
develop such confidence in male-dominated professions (e.g. engineering and science)
because such development requires women to overcome cultural stereotypes—namely
that males can fit in better in masculine-type professions (Charles and Bradley 2009;
Ridgeway 2009; Cech et al. 2011). In addition, in male-dominated professions, cultiva-
tion of confidence may need nurturing from peer socialization (McIlwee and Robinson
1992; Dryburgh 1999), which may be lacking in the male-dominated professions. The
following are some possible explanations for high levels of confidence that are seen in
female officers in Dubai. It may be that women who choose policing as a career path
are determined and have strong wills, which help them overcome work hurdles. Women
who enter the field are often deeply passionate about police work. The high motivation
and self-selection enable women to retain confidence despite the challenges they face.
Another explanation for their high confidence may be attributed to the efforts that
the UAE Government has tried to empower women to pursue higher education and
participate in employment in different social sectors (Shallal 2011). With such encour-
agement, such increased opportunities, Emirati women are more encouraged about
pursuing careers. Future studies that include in-depth interviews can disentangle the
underlying factors leading to high confidence levels.
Although more than half (60 per cent) of the sampled officers agree (or strongly
agree) that policewomen should perform exactly the same duties as policemen, a major-
ity (81 per cent) of them still favour specialized duties, in which women police would
primarily handle women victims or women offenders and children. The results concur
with Strobl (2008)’s findings—that Brown’s (1997) linear model of gender integration
may not plausibly explain policewomen’s gender role orientation in a non-Western cul-
tural setting, such as Dubai. These findings are also in accordance with Chu’s (2013)
study, in which she found that women police in Taiwan did not uniformly support
gender integration that requires male and female officers to be assigned to the same
duties. Strobl (2008) suggests that the development of gender integration need not be
a zero-sum choice. A hybrid model, featuring co-existence of gender integration and
gender segregation, may more plausibly explain policewomen’s gender role orientation
in a cultural setting like Dubai’s. Attitudinal difference in gender integration among
women police in Dubai and Western countries (e.g. the United States and England)
may stem from cultural differences and varying degrees of gender integration in polic-
ing. Compared with Western countries, the roots of Dubai’s culture are more patri-
archal, and the history of women being recruited into police work is less extensive
than in the United States and England. Besides the above factors, other issues, such as
organizational culture, may also influence women police’s perceptions. Future study
can concurrently examine male and female officers’ attitudes towards women in polic-
ing, which can further our understanding of whether and how the masculine ethos of
463

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Chu AND Abdulla
organizational culture affects women police’s perceptions about gender integration in

a non-Western cultural context.
The current study also found that female officers assigned to patrol (or criminal
investigation) posts are more likely to have positive appraisals of women in policing
than women assigned to desk work; they consider that they are as efficient as policemen
and physically capable to perform different arrays of duties. The findings further indi-
cate that women who are assigned to crime investigation units are more likely to favour
the same assignments as a policeman. A possible explanation would be that more expe-
rience in gender-integrated assignment, such as patrol or crime investigation, helps
women gradually get adapt to different aspects of police work-aspects other than those
in which they traditionally see their potential and strength in being competent officers.
By witnessing their own capability at work, these women are more likely to embrace full
gender integration and to accept the same assignment duties as men.
It was found that confidence in police work correlates significantly with a positive
appraisal of women in policing and with receptiveness to gender integration (equal
assignment between male and female officers). In addition, female officers with longer
tenure in the policing field are more likely to have a positive assessment of women in
policing and to prefer having the same assignments as policemen. These findings sug-
gest that self-efficacy, strong belief in the values of their work, enables women to be
open to facing different challenges in police work.
Although education was not found to be correlated with assessment of women in
policing, it had a significant effect on officers’ gender role orientation in such work.
Female officers who had reached a higher education level were less likely to advocate
gender-segregated assignments. Cook (1989) indicates that women with higher educa-
tion levels are more ideologically inclined about feminist issues. These women may
hold more liberal attitudes towards gender roles in the work force. In this study, we
also found that women with more education experience expressed more reluctance to
accept gender-restricted assignments, which may be a reflection of their own sensitivity
to gender and feminist issues. The current survey does not include questions measuring
feminism, so it is not clear whether support for feminism mediates the effect of edu-
cation on attitudes towards women in policing. Future studies that include questions
addressing different dimensions of feminism can further examine whether support for
feminism has a mediating effect on gender role orientation in policing.
Additionally, the findings reveal an important link between professional role confi-
dence and positive self-appraisal. Women police with higher levels of confidence about
their work are more likely to have positive assessment of women in policing in terms of
overall suitability, efficacy and physical capacity. The findings also indicate that female
officers with a higher level of perceived confidence about their work demonstrate a more
favourable attitude towards gender integration that requires women being assigned to
the same duties as policemen. This suggests that self-efficacy belief significantly pre-
dicts a favourable attitude towards gender integration.
While this study provides important implications for gender integration into police
work in the Middle East, some caveats require cautious interpretation of the findings.
First, the sample was taken from the police units in Dubai, a fast-growing metropolitan
city in the world. People in Dubai are well connected to all parts of the world and are
likely to be fully exposed to influences from Western cultures. It is not clear whether
modernization and globalization make women in Dubai more confident about their
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on 16 January 2018
work. Consequently, the findings of the current study may not be appropriate to be
generalized to female police officers in rural areas of the UAE or other parts of the
Middle East. In addition, this study focuses only on female officers’ perceptions of their
own roles in policing. A possible extension of this line of research is to include samples
of male officers and examine whether male and female officers view the roles of women
in policing similarly or differently.
Also, the cross-sectional design of the current study makes causal conclusions
unsubstantiated. It is unclear whether self-efficacy belief is an antecedent of recep-
tiveness to gender integration, or whether receptiveness to gender integration
enhances self-efficacy belief. Future research efforts can include longitudinal data
to draw the temporal orders between variables. In addition, although the findings
indicate that female officers who work at the criminal investigation units are more
likely to embrace gender integration, it is unclear what factors contributed to their
endorsement. Future research efforts should include in-depth interviews to disen-
tangle the underlying factors affecting such attitudes. In-depth interviews can also
explore whether women police have had any potential negative experiences at work.
In what circumstances, at what times have they felt excluded? Such information can
assist police administration in creating a woman-friendly environment for work,
which would likely to encourage more women to enter the field of law enforcement.
It should be noted that the present study focuses only on the professional roles of
women as police officers in Dubai. It is not clear whether the increased emancipa-
tion of women in policing parallels a general improvement in the rights of women in
that Arab society (e.g. the rights of women as victims). Future studies can continue to
explore this added dimension of concern.
Women who work in male-dominated professions need to persevere and can ulti-
mately succeed (Zeldin and Pajares 2000). The current study suggests that self-effi-
cacy beliefs enable women to not only have a positive self-appraisal, but also envision a
broader gender role orientation. What contributors that facilitate women’s self-efficacy
beliefs in police work warrant further examination.
Funding
Middle East Studies Grant from Arkansas State University.
Acknowledgements
We would like to thank the anonymous reviewers who provided helpful feedback on
the manuscript. We also thank the police officers at the Dubai Police Headquarters for
participating in our survey, Mohammed Almuhawwis and Maha Nahshal for help with
translations, and Lori Hall and Marquita Ford for assistance in survey data entry.
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1093/bjc/azu010 BRIT. J. CRIMINOL. (2014) 54, 449–468

SELF-EFFICACY BELIEFS AND PREFERRED GENDER

An Examination of Policewomen’s Perceptions in Dubai, the

Doris C. Chu* and Mohammed Murad Abdulla

Women in the United Arab Emirates

An Overview of Policing in Dubai

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Historical Development and Current Status of Policewomen in Dubai, UAE

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Appraisal of Women in Policing

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Preferred Roles in Policing

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Independent and control variables

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Table 1 Descriptive statistics for variables (N = 278)

* CID = Criminal Investigation Unit.

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Table 2 Self-appraisal and preferred role

Police work is an appropriate occupation for women

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Preferred role in policing

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Variable Appropriatenessb Efficacyb Physical capacityc Equal assignmentb Specialized assignmentc

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organizational culture affects women police’s perceptions about gender integration in

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——(2008), Women Police in a Changing Society: Back Door to Equality. Ashgate.

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