Quaternary International 473 (2018) 144e160

Contents lists available at ScienceDirect

Quaternary International
journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/quaint

Peopling Central Brazilian Plateau at the onset of the Holocene:

Building territorial histories
Lucas Bueno a, *, Andrei Isnardis b
a ~o David Ferreira Lima, s/n - Trindade, Floriano
Department of History, Federal University of Santa Catarina, Campus Reitor Joa polis, Santa Catarina, 88040-
900, Brazil
b
Department of Anthropology, Federal University of Minas Gerais, Belo Horizonte, Minas Gerais, Brazil

a r t i c l e i n f o a b s t r a c t

Article history: In this paper we discuss the occupation process of Central Brazilian Plateau during the end of the
Received 30 April 2017 Pleistocene and the early Holocene calling attention on two main issues: technology and mobility. We
Received in revised form work in two spatial scales, local and regional, in order to indicate some long-term processes during the
24 November 2017
period between 13,000e7000 BP. Based on site distribution, archaeological remains and chronology we
Accepted 6 January 2018
Available online 3 February 2018
propose four distinct periods that should correspond to different phases of the peopling process of this
region. Finally, we discuss hypotheses that might explain these changes and we emphasize the impor-
tance of integrating practical and symbolic aspects in order to interpret the archaeological record and
Keywords:
Pleistocene
construct territorial histories.
Holocene © 2018 Elsevier Ltd and INQUA. All rights reserved.
Brazil
Peopling
Territory
Technology

1. Introduction
The Brazilian Central Plateau (for now on named BCP) corre-
sponds to a major area of the inner Brazilian territory, which ex-
tends over 1.500 km from South to North and about 2.000 km from
West to East, and that is predominantly occupied by two Bioma:
Cerrado (Tropical Savana) and Caatinga (Dry Deciduous Forest). The
central part of this region always had a main role in the discussion
of South American human occupations due to the numerous
ancient sites and the antiquity of its archaeological inquiring that
goes back to the middle XIXth century (Da-Glo  ria et al., 2017).
Here we take some scattered data and also some previous
synthesis efforts (Bueno et al., 2013; Dias and Bueno, 2013) to
propose a schema of four phases for Central Brazil peopling process
for the period 13,000e7000 BP. This proposal is based on the
available information on site distribution, published radiocarbon
dates and archaeological remains, especially of lithic assemblages,
but also in others features from ancient sites, such as rock art and
zooarchaeological remains. Since the archaeological record of the
BCP gathers most of the available data for all Brazil for this period,
* Corresponding author.
E-mail address: lucas.bueno@ufsc.br (L. Bueno).
the four phases discussed here are similar to those presented by
Bueno and collaborators (Bueno et al., 2013; Dias and Bueno, 2013).
In this paper we explore in detail the internal dynamics of each
phase, articulating the available categories of remains for each
phase in order to focus the discussion on two main topics: tech-
nology and territory. From this perspective, we intend to ensemble
elements that allow us to discuss the causes of changes and con-
tinuities identified between each phase, approaching topics that
have not been addressed in previous works. In this sense, for each
phase we present data on site's amount, localization and spatial
distribution, lithic technology, subsistence, rock art and bio-
archaeology, whenever they are available for analysis.
In order to introduce some basic concepts for our discussion,
territory, as we understand it here, is an area of living experience,
full of resources possibilities that are not naturally given, but
culturally understood. A territory is a system of known and
meaningful places, experienced by people who live inside of it and
to which they are significantly bounded to (Zeden ~ o, 1997). We
understand mobility as ways of living in and move through a ter-
ritory that involves resources management, but also the living
experience and attribution of meanings to places. Thus it involves
cultural choices that are guided by perceptions of the environment,
by the way people perceive and conceive their relation with the
environment and not by the environment features themselves

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.quaint.2018.01.006
1040-6182/© 2018 Elsevier Ltd and INQUA. All rights reserved.
 L. Bueno, A. Isnardis / Quaternary International 473 (2018) 144e160
(Knapp and Ashmore, 1999; Ingold, 2000; Zeden ~ o, 2001). Finally,
we conceive technology as a process that comprises a group of
culturally meaningful choices ranging from ways of using and
occupying space in relation with resources distribution, to work
division, gender relationship and ethnic and individual identity
aspects. In this sense, we understand that every single phase of this
process is filled with social and symbolic meanings (Dobres, 1996,
2000). Based on these concepts, our analysis is focused on the re-
lations between people and the material world in terms of re-
sources, their management and meanings, trying to incorporate in
our discussion the symbolic dimensions and to avoid the preva-
lence of environmental conditions over cultural choices.
These three concepts eTerritory, Mobility and Technologye are
essentials for a discussion on Peopling conceived as a process. In the
case of the BCP, we apply a perspective of a slow process of entry
and dispersion of human groups since the end of the Pleistocene,
which could have involved different rhythms and dynamics and
included different population flows. By rhythms and dynamics, we
mean that there may have been pulses of population growth and
spatial dispersion and that the ways of space occupation and
movement could have involved areas of varied sizes and configu-
ration. Our hypothesis is that these variations on rhythm and dy-
namics can leave characteristic marks on the archaeological record,
enabling the identification of the different moments or phases of
this process, as it has been discussed for other regions of the
American and Australian continent (Beaton, 1991; Borrero, 1999;
Anderson and Gillan, 2001; Hazelwood and Steele, 2003; Kelly,
2003; Zeden ~ o and Anderson, 2010).
Bringing together the proposals of Borrero (1999), Zeden ~o
(1997) and Zeden ~ o and Anderson (2010), we propose a four
phase process for the peopling of the BCP during 13,000e7000 BP.
These phases are: 1) the initial peopling (corresponding to the stage
called “exploration”, in Borrero, 1999 and Zeden ~ o, 1997, and
“exploration and staging”, in Zeden ~ o and Anderson, 2010); 2) the
consolidation of articulated territories on a wide regional network
(“consolidation and settlement”, in Zeden ~ o, 1997; similar to
”colonization”, in Borrero, 1999; Zeden ~ o and Anderson, 2010); 3)
the fragmentation of the regional arrangement (“fission”, in
Zeden ~ o, 1997); 4) the formation of new arrangements characterized
by a local diversification (“use, change, abandonment”, in Zeden ~ o,
1997).
We still do not know for real when this process begun, as the
first archaeological signal certainly do not correspond with the first
moment of occupation (Dillehay, 2013; Borrero, 2016). Our dis-
cussion does not start with the oldest remains of human occupation
that current published data indicates as distant and isolated from
one another (Boeda et al., 2013; Vialou et al., 2017). However, we do
discuss the scenario around which there is a certain consensus in
terms of accepted radiocarbon dates and, specially, that comprise a
group of sites with recurrent attributes that allow us to design an
occupation scenario (Bueno et al., 2013).
2. Geographical setting and paleoenvironmental data
The Brazilian Central Plateau can be generally defined as a
Tropical Savannah. It is characterized by three different climatic
regimes: (a) sub-tropical without seasonality; (b) semi-arid, with
strong seasonality and long dry phases; and (c) tropical with a dry
and a moist season (Ledru, 1993; Salgado-Laboriau et al., 1997).
Regarding the vegetation cover, we have two main formations. In
the northern area of the BCP region predominates the caatinga (a
xeric shrubland and thorn forest), whereas in the central and
southern part prevails the Cerrado - a tropical savannah with gal-
lery forest (Oliveira-Filho and Ratter (2003). In addition to these
145
larger regional variations, the Central Plateau also diversifies, in
terms of vegetation cover, according to altitude, topography, soil
and climate at smaller scales. The later creates niches of high
biodiversity that attract both humans and other animals.
The main river that connects these principal vegetation forma-
tions is the S~ao Francisco River, a perennial and rich source of
aquatic resources, with a high diversity of fish species. This river is
2700 km long, and has more than 168 tributaries. The most
important of them are all in Minas Gerais and southern Bahia states.
Besides the Rio Grande (Bahia state), the tributaries located at the
Poligono das Secas are intermittent, becoming dry in periods of
lower rainfall and producing large and intense water flows during
the rainy season.
The available paleoenvironmental data for the BCP mainly
comes from pollen cores and lake sediments' analyses from several
locations in Maranh~ s and Minas Gerais states (Ledru,
ao, Bahia, Goia
1993; Salgado-Laboriau et al., 1997; Ledru et al., 1998; De Oliveira
et al., 1999; Auler and Smart, 2001; Barberi, 2001; Pessenda et al.,
2004; Ledru et al., 2006). One of the features identified by almost all
these studies is the movement of the Inter-Tropical Convergence
Zone (ITCZ) as being a main contributor to variations in the dura-
tion and intensity of episodes of drier climate in Central and North-
eastern Brazil (Behling, 1998, 2002; Ledru et al., 1998; De Oliveira
et al., 1999; Markgraf et al., 2000). According to Ledru et al.
(1998), the contemporary location and seasonal movements of
the ITCZ, combined with the seasonal migration of polar air masses
towards the Equator, produces north-south gradients in average
winter temperatures and the duration of the dry season.
During the late Pleistocene, besides these dynamics, two major
continent-wide factors also influenced climatic conditions in the
region: the ice sheet expansion in the Northern Hemisphere and
the Andean Highlands, and a lowered sea-level (Suguio, 1999).
These global factors are major causes of contrast between Pleisto-
cene glacial and Holocene interglacial paleoenvironmental dy-
namics. From the early Holocene onwards, there is no longer any
global or continental paleoenvironmental event identified on the
studied records (Behling and Hooghiemstra, 2001; Ledru and
Mourguiart, 2001). Changes are regionalised and diverse, and fac-
tors such as latitude, altitude, geology, geomorphology, soil type,
vegetation cover and, more recently, human action, are funda-
mental drivers of paleoenvironmental processes in each area
(Barberi, 2001).
In the Northeast region the paleoenvironmental data provide
evidence of cyclic variation between wet and dry climatic condi-
tions during the late Pleistocene and early Holocene, causing
expansion and contraction of savannah and forest formations.
These variations present different patterns in the northern and
eastern areas of this region. While there is a general trend toward
wetter conditions between 15,000 and 10,000e9000 BP for the
northern sector (Pessenda et al., 2004; Ledru et al., 2006), there is
evidence for semi-arid climatic conditions throughout the Last
Glacial period to the early Holocene (42,000e8500 BP) in the
eastern area of the region (Behling et al., 2002). During this period,
however, there are records of a series of short intervals pointing to a
climatic reversal that appears inland as a dry event (recorded at
Lake Caço between 12,800 and 11,000 cal BP), and in the coast as a
wet event (the broader interval was recorded at Ceara  in
15,500e11,800 BP). Accordingly to Ledru (Ledru et al., 2006), this
phenomenon is related to an influence of the Younger Dryas in the
Southern Hemisphere.
For the Central region there is evidence of greater local vari-
ability and climatic oscillations at the beginning of the Holocene.
We summarise data published for six different locations: Lagoa

Bonita, MG (Barberi, 2001), Vereda das Aguas Emendadas (Salgado-
146 L. Bueno, A. Isnardis / Quaternary International 473 (2018) 144e160
Laboriau, 1997), Cromínia (Salgado-Laboriau, 1997), Serra do Salitre,
MG (Ledru, 1993); Lagoa dos Olhos (Salgado-Laboriau, 1997;
Barberi, 2001), Lago do Pires (Behling, 1998). In all six cases there
is evidence for colder and dryer conditions prevailing just after the
 3. Peopling of Central Brazilian Plateau in the Pleistocene/
LGM, ca. 19,000e13,000 BP. At four sites (Vereda das Aguas
Emendadas, Cromínia, Lagoa dos Olhos and Lago do Pires) there is
evidence of a continuation of this dry and cold climate, in some

cases indicating the existence of extreme aridity conditions (Aguas
Emendadas). In these sites the drier conditions remain dominant
throughout the early Holocene, until 8,000, 7000 or 6000 BP, ac-
cording to each individual record. At the two other sites (Lagoa
Bonita and Salitre) there is evidence of a climatic shift in the Ter-
minal Pleistocene to wetter conditions, favouring the expansion of
Cerrado at Lagoa Bonita and forest at Salitre. Nevertheless, this
trend toward more humidity is interrupted by short and abrupt
changes of drier conditions, possibly represented by extended dry
phases, as it is the case for Salitre between 11,000e10,000 BP and
for Lagoa Bonita during the early Holocene.
Comparing the records of the Northeast and Central regions of
Brazil, there is evidence that a wetter climate prevailed in the
Northeast during the Late Pleistocene (at least in its northern part),
while in Central Brazil there was a general trend to very arid con-
ditions. During the early Holocene there was a general trend to-
wards wetter conditions in different parts of Central Brazil.
Meanwhile, the North-eastern region enters an arid phase,
although gallery forest remains in the main river valleys. Even
though by the beginning of the Holocene there were different
changes taking place in each region, in both cases it promoted the
spread of savannah-like environments. After 10,000 BP there is a
tendency to warmer and wetter conditions in Central Brazil, and to
warmer and drier conditions in the Northeast. Finally, in the mid-
Holocene there are records of a dry event that shows some chro-
nological variation or inconsistency on its estimated time of onset
and duration for both regions. Although this variation may be
related to methodological issues in the analysis of data from pollen
records and the interpretation of radiocarbon dates (Araujo et al.,
2003), there may also be effects of local climatic variation related,
Fig. 1. Distribution of occupational events based on C14 dates per site, organized by 500yr interval. The upper curve shows the data for archaeological sites from all areas of Brazil
and the lower curve shows the data for archaeological sites located at BCP. This graph and three other maps presented in this paper were based on data presented by Bueno et al.
(2013).
for example, to land plant cover, soil type and topography at the
micro-regional level.
Holocene transition (13,000e11,000 BP)
According to the available data there is evidence for some
archaeological sites dated by the Terminal Pleistocene in different
regions of Brazil, reaching dates that goes back to 23,000 BP
(23,120 þ-260 BP, GIFA 99177, Vialou et al., 2017:873). Although the
quantity and quality of these data has been increased significantly
in the past ten years (Vialou, 2003, 2005, 2011; Boeda et al., 2013,
2014, 2016), this chronology is still a matter of debate (Boeda
et al., 2014; Borrero, 2015, 2016). For our discussion, we decided
to work with well-established dates younger than 13,000 BP. We
agree with some authors that we have already enough data to
propose that the earlier occupation of South America should be
older than 13,000 BP (Dillehay, 2013; Politis et al., 2016), but it is
still not enough data to discuss mobility and territoriality (or even
technological organization), which are the main focus of this paper.
We still have a restricted sample for the period between
13,000e11,000 BP, both in terms of number and spatial distribution
of known archaeological sites (Figs. 1 and 2). For this chronological
interval there are sites with solid evidence in three different loca-
tions at the BCP. Archaeological sites include one rockshelter in the
region of Serra da Capivara, Southern PiauíeSítio do Meio (Guidon,
1986; Guidon and Delibrias, 1986), another one from Peruaçu val-
ley, northern Minas GeraiseLapa do Boquete (Prous, 1991a,b; Prous
and Fogaça, 1999), and one from Montalv^ ania region, northern
Minas GeraiseLapa do Draga ~o (Prous et al., 1996/1997). For the
moment, these three areas define the region with clearest and most
reliable signs of human occupation in the Pleistocene - Holocene
transition in Brazil (Bueno et al., 2013). Even though data is scarce,
there are some aspects that suggest a similar composition of the
archaeological record for these three sites.
Regarding sites' establishment, these three rockshelters are
located at salient or physically distinctive places, drawing attention
 L. Bueno, A. Isnardis / Quaternary International 473 (2018) 144e160
Fig. 2. Sites between 13,000 and 11,000 BP.
to places that could be easily found or viewed in the landscape from
a long distance and, at the same time, that concentrate a good di-
versity of resources in the surrounding area.
The monumental karstic relief of Peruaçu River' valley assem-
bles close to a hundred sites, including Lapa do Boquete site with an
~o Francisco
occupation dated at 12,000 BP. This valley runs into to Sa
valley and among its natural features are a special concentration of
floristic variety along few kilometres and hundreds of large rock-
shelters (which throughout the Holocene would be covered by
many thousands rock art figures) (Prous and Rodet, 2009a,b).
The Serra da Capivara is another monumental relief ensemble,
with exuberant arenitic forms and large rockshelters. More than
five hundreds archaeological sites were found so far, mostly at
rockshelters. The human occupations occur without significant
interruptions from this first phase to the XXth century (Pessis et al.,
2014).
As pointed by Kelly (2003, pp.49), “People entering a new
continent may have avoided areas where the local topography
could not be connected to some larger topographic scheme. In this
regard, linear mountain chains (or their foothills), major rivers, and
147
coastlines might provide the easiest topography to navigate and to
relate to other known places.”
Sítio do Meio rockshelter was excavated at the end of the 1970's,
where eight archaeological levels were identified. In level V char-
coal samples, from different hearth structures, were dated at
12,200 ± 600 BP (GIF-4628), 12,440 ± 230 BP (GIF 5403) and
13,900 ± 300 BP (GIF 4927). They were found in association with a
lithic assemblage that includes limaces, retouched and simple
flakes, cores, cobbles, two hammers and a chopper, made mainly on
flint, quartzite, sandstone and quartz (Guidon, 1986, pp.168e169).
Lapa do Boquete rockshelter, excavated during the 1980's and
the 1990's, has a consistent chronological sequence, which en-
compasses the late Pleistocene and all the Holocene, and excellent
conditions for preservation of a rich assemblage of organic remains
(Prous and Schlobach, 1997). For the period between 13,000 and
11,000 BP there are six dated charcoal samples collected from
different hearth structures. They were recovered from levels 7 and
8, with a great amount of lithic and faunal remains and large fire
hearths (Kipnis, 2003; Rodet, 2006).
The lithic industry from levels 7 and 8 includes limaces, side
148 L. Bueno, A. Isnardis / Quaternary International 473 (2018) 144e160
scrapers, end scrapers, retouched flakes and cores. Debitage is
represented by some bifacial flaking and a fragment of a projectile
point. The chaine operato ire associated to the production of formal
and informal tools from these levels is clearly defined, pointing out
complementarities between both sequences and showing elements
of continuity among the assemblages (Fogaça, 2001).
Technological characteristics of the lithic industry remains the
same for the whole period, as it is also the case for the subsistence
pattern. This pattern involves a broad-spectrum diet, with different
species of small and medium-size mammals (Kipnis, 2003).
The Lapa do Draga~o rockshelter is located in Montalv^ ania, in the
north of Minas Gerais and 90 km from Lapa do Boquete. This site is
composed by two neighbouring rockshelters in the southern part of
a doline, on the west margin of the Cocha  River, and 4 km away
from the main river. In 1977 three different areas were excavated at
one of the shelters, identifying ten archaeological levels and
obtaining ten radiocarbon dates for the site. A charcoal sample
collected from a hearth on Level VIII was dated at 11,000 ± 300 BP
(CDTN 1007). This is the earliest level with archaeological remains
at the site and was associated with a large lithic assemblage. This
assemblage shows similar technological characteristics to those
described for Lapa do Boquete. There were different scrapers,
limaces and evidence of bifacial flaking, but a clearly dominance of
unifacial flaking. According to Prous et al. (1996/97), the high
typological diversity, the proportion of retouched flakes and a more
controlled flaking process are the main distinctive aspects for this
Pleistocene/Holocene lithic industry in comparison to the Mid-
Holocene assemblage.
It is worth noted that for this period there are no bio-
archaeological or rock art data from the sites mentioned before.
3.1. Hypothesis
Based on this context we propose that the period 13,000 to
11,000 BP corresponds to a mapping phase of a poorly occupied
landscape, where the Serra da Capivara and Peruaçu valley, as well
as the Sa ~o Francisco river basin, functioned as important land
markers in a landscape that need to be known (Kelly, 2003). Given
the marked climatic change and variability that characterizes this
period, with an alternation between extremely dry conditions and
periods with seasonally heavy rainfall, these places could have been
regarded as hot-spots in terms of diverse resource availability,
playing an important role as focal points to organize logistical
mobility. Thus, both factorselandmark and ecological hot-
spotsecould have contributed to their selection as focal points to be
continuously occupied by hunther-gatherer groups during this
phase.
The characteristics of the archaeological record of all three sites
suggest an occupation phase of groups with already some knowl-
edge of the region. The continuous shelters' reoccupation (partic-
ularly at Lapa do Boquete and Sítio do Meio), the procurement of
varied plant and animal resources, and the use of diversified lithic
raw materials show the existence of a previous knowledge on re-
sources' distribution and reflects a moment between the explora-
tion and the effective occupation of the region. This means that
these contexts do not represent the first moments of settlement nor
the begging of the occupation, but they can be consider as related to
an exploration time of the area.
In this sense, the main question related to lithic industries and
spatial occupation in Central Brazil during this period involves the
discussion regarding the meaning of these similarities and their
relation to mobility patterns and cultural affiliation, questions also
involved in the definition and characterization of the Itaparica
Tradition (Schmitz, 1980; Guidon, 1986; Etchevarne, 1999; Oliveira
and Viana, 1999; Prous and Fogaça, 1999; Bueno, 2007a,b; Rodet
et al., 2011). For the last 10e15 years this concept has received
more attention and have been the focus of detailed lithic techno-
logical analysis (Fogaça, 2001; Bueno, 2007a,b; Rodet, 2006;
Isnardis, 2009; Lourdeau, 2015). Based on these studies we could
say that there is a strong homogeneity in the production schemes
and knapping objectives to obtain the main unifacially shaped ar-
tifacts commonly found in these assemblages (Lourdeau, 2015).
These artifacts have always many different edges (in terms of line,
angle and size) combined in a single piece, suggesting they were
multifunctional artifacts. They are also characterized by their
curation: they almost always have signs of successive resharpen-
nings and were produced in anticipation of use. These attributes
along with their multifunctional nature supports our interpretation
of them as portable artifacts, traveling with their producers
throughout the landscape (Bueno, 2007b).
4. Intensification and dispersion in the peopling of BCP
during the early Holocene (11,000e9000 BP)
Just after 11,000 BP we have a huge increase in the number of
sites and their spatial distribution, occupying all the BCP (Fig. 3).
Nevertheless, it is good to remember that this occupation was not
homogeneous and it did not covered all spaces that encompasses
the BCP. Here as well there are selected places that show similar-
ities -or at least places that have been occupied more frequently to
generate an archaeological signature (Bueno, 2011; Dias and Bueno,
2013)- and other places in which we have a distinct archaeological
record, especially regarding lithic technology, as we observe at
Lagoa Santa (Bueno and Isnardis, 2017).
In this phase the occupation expands to other major river valleys
of the region, as the Tocantins River and the Upper Parana (Para-
naíba valley), and included too several tributaries of these main
rivers (Schmitz et al., 2004; Bueno, 2007a). Also, special attention is
given to those well-defined valleys that offer a good diversity of
game and fruit, and maintain water availability throughout the
year. This seems to be the case for other regions which we can
connect with this second phase: Santa Elina, Serrano polis, Dia-
mantina and Montalva ^nia (Prous et al., 1996/1997; Schmitz et al.,
2004; Isnardis, 2009; Bueno, 2011; Lourdeau, 2015). The remark-
able similarities in the lithic technology and technological organi-
zation among all these areas are what allows us to propose a
regional phenomenon, whose origins are certainly related to the
exploration dynamic that characterizes the previous period.
The subsistence seems to remain basically the same in this
second phase, based on generalized exploration of small and me-
dium mammals, fruits and birds (Kipnis, 2003; Schmitz et al.,
2004). As pointed out by Kipnis (2003) and Schmitz et al. (2004),
for several sites dated on this period, there are a remarkable
presence of botanical remains, suggesting the importance of plant
collecting in the subsistence pattern of these groups. As it has been
stressed in several papers, there is no evidence of megamammals in
the archaeological record of the BCP, even when there are evidences
pointing to the coexistence of this kind of fauna and human
occupation in the same area and period (Hubbe et al., 2014). The
only exception comes from Santa Elina site, where there were
found perforated osteoderms (Vialou, 2011).
Zooarchaeological studies carried out by Kipnis (2003) and
Schmitz et al. (2004) in sites located at the Peruaçu valley and
Serrano polis region, respectively, have suggested a subsistence
where collecting plant resources should have had a very important
role during the early Holocene.
To illustrate the main characteristics of this phase in order to
discuss settlement strategies and the mobility system, we will
 L. Bueno, A. Isnardis / Quaternary International 473 (2018) 144e160 149

Fig. 3. Sites between 11,000 and 9000 BP.

discuss more closely the case of middle Tocantins river valley, in the
Lajeado region.
According to the data obtained over the last 15 years of research
in the middle Tocantins river valley, we have a well dated sequence
that starts by 10,500 BP and continues until today, if we include in
this sequence the actual Xerente's occupation of this area (Morales,
2006; Bueno, 2007a,b; Bueno et al., in press).
For this region the available data comes from rockshelter and
open-air sites. There are six open-air sites with a well dated
sequence between the early and middle Holocene and two rock-
shelters with dates for the same interval - 12,000e5000 BP (Bueno
et al., in press).
The assemblages recovered at the open-air sites consist of lithic
remains that are related mostly to the production of unifacial ar-
tifacts and only a few bifacial ones, mainly associated with the
Itaparica Tradition. According to a set of analysis that include these
dated sites and other open-air sites with same archaeological ma-
terial, it was possible to propose some characteristics of the lithic
technological organization associated to these contexts.
In the Tocantins valley we see the typical raw material selection
that can be observed in other areas for the same period. Different
strategies of raw material acquisition regarding its quality take
place: that finest rock varieties are chosen for the production of
unifacially shaped artifacts, while the rock varieties of inferior
quality are used to make simpler tools and unmodified flakes.
When we look at the technical choices, we can clearly see an
articulation between formal and informal tools production and
discard. The formal unifacial artifacts are made by a well-defined
chaîne operatoire, which implies specific technical choices from
the raw material selection to the successive resharpening process
150 L. Bueno, A. Isnardis / Quaternary International 473 (2018) 144e160
until the abandonment of the tools. These choices involve the se-
lection of the finest and most homogeneous raw material, only
available in the bigger quarries of the region. On these quarry sites,
a previous flaking of the cores was made, producing some blanks
that were transported and flaked in another areas. These blanks
must present two parallel and elongated sides, and must be thick
enough to allow a continuous resharpenning process during its life
cycle. Thus, the production of these artifacts involves a continuous
process of definition, delineation and resharpening of small edges.
They were basically used on the production and maintenance ac-
tivities of other artefact assemblages made on wood and bone. The
process of defining edges to be use in different activities, and the
constant redefinition of the artifacts' passive part in order to permit
its hafting and/or handling, involves a constant reformulation of
the blank's original form and volume (Bueno, 2007b). So, we see in
Lajeado the same general process described by Fogaça (2001) for
the North of Minas Gerais (Peruaçu Valley) and by Lourdeau (2015)
for the Serranopolis region.
The distribution of the unifacially shaped artifacts within the
sites, the variability of their edge compositions and dimensions, the
use of resharpening as part of the production process, and the
number of artifacts, led us to propose that they probably were part
of the toolkits that were transported by the individuals of these
groups in different kinds of movements, and that they were used
for a variety of activities involving mainly the acquisition of
different resources. In this context, they were produced in antici-
pation of useein terms of places of use and the activities that would
be performed (Bueno, 2007b).
Another aspect of Tocantins river valley is that it was possible to
see differences between sites in terms of environmental location
and assemblage composition, probably due to some sort of logis-
tical mobility. Nevertheless, it was possible to identify a recurrent
use of the same places during more than a millennium, showing
certain stability in the territorial dynamics. The quantity of
archaeological sites that we found along the Tocantins River re-
inforces the role that this major water courses should have had
during this period. Furthermore, the archaeological record suggests
a totally established occupation of the area, the maintenance of
territoriality patterns and a strategy of lithic technological organi-
zation that involves mobility and an operational sequence that
were implemented to cope with unpredictability in resource en-
counters in time and space (Bueno, 2007a).
If we look to other parts of the BCP, it is possible to identify
within the operational sequences some aspects of the lithic tech-
nological organization shared between areas that were more than
2.000 km far from each other (Fig. 4) (Fogaça, 2001; Rodet, 2006;
Lourdeau and Pagli, 2014; Lourdeau, 2015).
According to Lourdeau:
“The techno-functional analysis of the early Holocene lithic as-
semblages at GO-JA_01 [Serrano polis region], Toca do Boqueira
~o da
Pedra Furada and Toca do Pica-pau [Serra da Capivara region] thus
reveals the technological proximity of the unifacially shaped arti-
facts produced at these three sites, despite the great distance
separating them. Similarities between the flake tools in these three
assemblages are also pointed out. The technological relationship
between these collections is thus not limited to the common
presence of remains known as unifacially shaped artifacts. The
three data sets demonstrate the existence of identical knapping
objectives and similarity in the production schemes used to meet
them. These lithic assemblages result from the same technological
system. These observations, which support the strong conceptual
homogeneity of these assemblages, are reinforced by data pub-
lished for several other sites in the region. For example, at Lapa do
Boquete or at sites in the Lajeado region, unifacially shaped artifacts
are produced by the same modalities as at the three sites previously
studied, and they show the same volumetric range in profiles and
transverse sections. Based on published drawings, we also noted
the existence of an UTFt [Transformative Techno-functional Units]
on the ends of these artifacts with rounded, pointed or transverse
rectilinear delineation. Finally, the debitage schemes used to obtain
blanks for the associated flake tools are always described as simple,
without core preparation, and by series of mainly unidirectional
removals. These data tend to strongly confirm the existence of
Itaparica technocomplex as a vast technocultural group distributed
in central and northeast Brazil during the Pleistocene-Holocene
transition and the early Holocene” (Lourdeau, 2015, pp. 65/66).
Based on the available information we propose that more than a
conceptual framework for unifacial production, these regions were
occupied by groups sharing specific ways of territoriality, involving
high mobility patterns and logistical mobility. At the same time,
this sharing behaviour could have enabled the transit between
distinct group territories, probably involving flexible frontiers, and
the visitation by individuals from groups from distant locations.
But, as we mentioned before, there are places, such as Lagoa
Santa, with an archaeological record that does not show these same
characteristics. According the extensive data presented by Walter
Neves and colleagues (Neves et al., 2003), the chronology obtained
in this area shows a very clear scenario. In spite of some early ev-
idence of humans crossing the region (the strongest support of this
comes from a burial context where a female skeleton, known as
“Luzia”, was recovered and was dated between 11 and 12,000 BP),
the bulk of human occupation at Lagoa Santa started, rather
abruptly, around 10,500 BP. Soon after 10,500 BP, new sites begun
to be occupied. There are plenty of evidences in rockshelter and
open air sites, especially in the surroundings of one of the largest
karstic lakes of the region, where the amount of lithic remains in-
creases. There are also evidences of the use of plants and, finally, the
presence of some well elaborated human burials.
The lithic assemblage associated to this context is composed
mainly by quartz crystal flakes, with a low frequency of flint,
concentrated in the deeper layers. Most of the remains are quite
small, less than 4 cm long, and most of the tools are informal, with
one or two well defined small edges. Although scarce, some arti-
facts show resharpening and reuse. There is also some evidence of
hafting, even in these small tools, that were mainly unifacially
flaked. In spite of the fact that most of the lithic raw materials were
probably obtained from local sources, there are data showing the
exploitation of raw materials located at least 60 km far from Lagoa
Santa (Hurt, 1960; Pugliese, 2007; Bueno, 2010; Bueno and Isnardis,
2017).
These characteristics of the lithic technology tend to remain
constant along the following two millennia. However, there is an
important technological innovation: all shelters more intensively
excavated so far (systematically or not) indicate the production of a
type of ground stone artifactsehand axes. They are made of he-
matite or igneous rocks, raw materials not commonly found in the
vicinity, and they represent the earliest record of ground stone
artifacts for this area, as well as for Brazil, with dates that go back to
9500 BP (Pugliese, 2007; Bueno, 2010).
But perhaps the most striking aspect of the occupation of this
area are the hundreds of human burials registered in several of
these shelters, especially after 9000 BP. These burials are occupying
large rockshelter's and they indicate an important change in the
process of handling and preparing buried bodies (Strauss et al.,
2016). This use of the rockshelters as funerary spaces marks a
strong differentiation on meaning of the natural shelters compared
to the other areas previously discussed (Peruaçu, Serra da Capivara,
Serrano polis, Lajeado). Therefore, we could stand that in Lagoa
 L. Bueno, A. Isnardis / Quaternary International 473 (2018) 144e160 151

polis region (Lourdeau, 2015); (B) Peruaçu valley (Rodet, 2006); (C) Peruaçu valley (Rodet, 2006); (D) Middle Tocantins
Fig. 4. Unifacial (plane-convex) artifacts. (A) Serrano
(Lajeado) (Bueno, 2015).

Santa there was another structuration of the territory, other uses
and meanings of the shelters and, by extension, of the other places
connected with them.
Neves and collaborators have recently published a paper pre-
senting what may be the oldest record of rock art for this region
(Neves et al., 2012). They found engravings in the base of the shelter
in Lagoa Santa, buried under a thick sediment column with samples
dated by different techniques at 9500 BP. The engraved figures are
stylistically similar to those registered in other shelters of this re-
gion. This case from Lagoa Santa points that, at least in that region,
the rock art is already part of the building of place meanings during
this second phase of peopling of the BCP.
152 L. Bueno, A. Isnardis / Quaternary International 473 (2018) 144e160
4.1. Hypothesis: changing patterns
In the late centuries of this second phase, we identify some
changes in lithic technology. The main aspect of this change is that
the traditional unifacially shaped artifacts are no longer produced.
Of course this does not happened at the same time in all places
in the BCP. This was a changing process that occurred between
9000e8000 BP, at least in Serrano polis (Schmitz et al., 2004),
Lajeado (Bueno, 2007a,b), Peruaçu (Fogaça, 2001; Rodet, 2006) and
Serra da Capivara (Lourdeau and Pagli, 2014).
These changes regarding lithic technology and rock art took
place between 10,000e9000 BP and consolidated in the following
millennia, leading to a process of regionalization. To understand
such process, perhaps it would be helpful to take another look to
the number of dates and sites for Brazil and, specifically, for the BCP
during this period, as shown in Fig. 1. One of the aspects that we can
note is that for the interval between 10,500 and 10,000 BP, slightly
before these changes took place, we have the highest point on the
graph, indicating the highest number of occupational events. If this
could be seen as a proxy of demography, these changes might have
happened right after an increase in the demographic patterns that
we have observed for the BCP peopling process.
Another important aspect is that, based on site distribution, we
could identify a spread of occupations toward the western of the
BCP, where are located the headwaters of several major river basins
of Brazilian inland, which could connected this area with other
main Biomes of Brazil that are experiencing an intensification in
human peopling too (Paraguay River with Chaco region and Plata
basin, Xingu and Tocantins with Amazon basin, Paranaíba with
Paran a basin) (Bueno et al., 2013).
As we mentioned before, in the beginning of the Holocene there
is a general trend to warmer and wetter conditions in this area,
which is almost entirely covered by a kind of savannah vegetation
(Cerrado). Based on this data we are proposing here that the com-
bination of demographic increase, intensification of cultural con-
tacts and flux of people and information, improvement of resource
availability could have contributed for the changes observed on the
lithic technology and rock art, but they certainly also involved
changes in mobility patterns, social organization, and territoriality.
We could also add to all these aspects the proposal of Neves and
Pucciarelli (1991) that, by the 9000 BP could have taken place a
migration of a population from a distinct biological stock into South
America.
5. Regionalization and transition (9000e7000 BP)
As noted before, what we see during 9000e7000 BP is an
intensification of the regional variability and that, instead of tech-
nological homogeneity and large shared territories, the scenario is
dominated by a regionalization (Fig. 5).
The lithic assemblages are essentially generalized, produced on
local raw material and it seems that these regional assemblages are
related to an expedient technological organization.
Unfortunately, there are only a few projects with regional ap-
proaches, but what they are showing is a low variability between
sites and a strong correlation with primary refuse at the sites,
which could indicate the preference for a forager strategy. Never-
theless, it is important to mention that subsistence patterns remain
the same, in terms of faunistic and floristic remains, even consid-
ering the taphonomic bias.
If we look closer to some of these regions, the distinctive attri-
butes between the previous phases and this third one can become
clearer. In Serra da Capivara, the lithic assemblage is more
restricted. Some types of artifacts, that were present since the
Pleistocene levels, are no longer registered at the sites (rockshelters
nor open-air sites) (Lourdeau and Pagli, 2014). There is less vari-
ability. However, the unifacial artifacts are still being produced. If
we pay a close attention to the chronology, we will see that this
change was happening around 9000 BP. Among the exuberant
sandstone formations of Capivara, the bigger number of occupied
sites can be found between 9000 BP and 6000 BP. It is not clear,
however, if this increasing number corresponds to more similar or
more distinguished sites.
In Peruaçu Valley, both Fogaça (2001) and Rodet (2006) un-
derline that a remarkable change took place around 9000 BP. In the
rockshelters (where all the known sites from this period are
located), the unifacial formal and sophisticated artifacts became
rare or disappear from the archaeological record. The industries
became simpler, made of less selected raw materials (Rodet, 2006),
compatible with local sources, and suggest expedient solutions
(Fogaça, 2001) such as less blank varieties, and simpler and non-
patterned chaînes op eratoires.
In the middle Tocantins river valley, the open-air sites which
were intensively occupied during the previous period, were now
abandoned. Between 9000 and 7000 BP we only have clear evi-
dences of human occupation in rockshelters, places that were not
occupied in the previous period. Thus, this area represents an
interesting case of settlement patterns' change and, at the same
time, indicates the permanence in the region coupled with aban-
donment of some places and incorporations of new ones (Bueno
et al., in press). The formal unifacial shaped artifacts that were
produced earlier are no longer found at these sites.
From these data, we can observe reducing signs of logistical
strategies that seems to be replaced by a generalized system for
gathering raw materials for lithic industries. But this replacement
was not general in the BCP. Yet, different objectives regarding lithic
materials and different ways to deal with rocks and artifacts replace
it. In some areas we no longer see the production of artifacts in
anticipation of use, which were replaced by artifacts that seems to
be made for occasional needs. Whereas, in another areas, the pre-
vious planned and multifunctional unifacial artifacts remain and
are still important. It's not just a change, it's a change into diversity.
It is very interesting to note that Lagoa Santa context that pre-
sent a distinct lithic technology, a large quantity of human burial,
rock art and polished stone tools, shows an intensification process
of occupation during the same period, between 9500 and 8000 BP
(Bueno and Isnardis, 2017). As we have mentioned above, besides
the ancient dates for rockshelters, the occupational dynamics of
this region indicates an intensification after 10,000 BP, and a change
on the activities performed at these places, especially the record of
human burials in each site.
During this period we see the emergence of the rock art in
distant places located within the BCP. The main areas to which we
have more consistent data regarding rock art chronology are
Peruaçu and Serra da Capivara. At least in these two areas we could
say that the rockshelter's walls are inaugurated during this phase,
between 9000 and 7000 BP (Ribeiro, 2006; Pessis et al., 2014).
Besides the scarcity of data, it seems that between 9000e8000 BP
we found the first rock art manifestations also in Lajeado rock-
shelters (Bueno et al., in press).
At Toca dos Oitenta, a sandstone rockshelter in Serra da Cap-
ivara, a sediment level dated between 7840e7600 BP covers rock
paintings (Pessis, 2002). At Lapa do Boquete, in Peruaçu valley, a
fallen block was filled with incisions and, after them, with geo-
metric engravings, stylistic similar to one of the oldest styles in
northern Minas Gerais. The level under the fallen block has a
radiocarbon date of 9350 BP and the level covering the block was
dated at 7810 ± 80 BP (Ribeiro, 2006). In both cases, the
 L. Bueno, A. Isnardis / Quaternary International 473 (2018) 144e160 153

Fig. 5. Sites between 9000 and 7000 y BP.

stratigraphic conditions are clear, well stablished, and the dates
seems reliable.
But the presence of rock art in this phase is still subtle. It does
not dominate the shelters and does not change the landscape, as it
would do in the later periods. The pictures, especially in Peruaçu
Valley, occupy the rock walls in small numbers and their themes
and style are quite simple and non-specific (Fig. 6).
Even with few secure dating (see discussion in Ribeiro, 2006),
we could say that the differences in rock art ensemble in Central
Brazil start to become clear still in this phase. Ribeiro (op. cit.) sets
in the two millennia of this third phase the first styles of Northern
Minas Gerais and South-western Bahia states. The first styles on
Peruaçu valley rock walls are composed by monochromatic
anthropomorphic figures and by “geometric” figures, more
frequently monochromatic, as simple parallel lines, “grids”, groups
of spherical or squared biomorphic little figures (Ribeiro and
Isnardis, 1996/97; Isnardis, 2004).
With no reliable dating, composed by simple lines, zoomorphic
figures (most of them suggestive of lizards) and schematic
anthropomorphic pictures, the earlier rock art from Goia s (at Ser-
ranopolis and Caiapo^ nia regions) is not very different from that first
styles of Peruaçu (Schmitz et al., 1989, 1996, 2004; Isnardis, 2004).
But their local development will take very different directions in
the following centuries.
At Unaí, in Northwestern Minas Gerais, P. Seda (Prous, 1991a,b)
obtained an 8160 BP date at a level that covered a fallen fragment
from the painted wall, thus establishing a minimal dating. Unfor-
tunately, we do not have specific representations of those graph-
isms in the literature, but the date marks the beginning of this
practice on rockshelters within the 9000e7000 BP phase.
In Serra da Capivara, the dates presented by Pessis (2002)
around 7700 BP are related to the already very typical figures at
154 L. Bueno, A. Isnardis / Quaternary International 473 (2018) 144e160

Fig. 6. Most ancient rock art discussed in this paper. (A) Engraving in Lapa do Santo, Lagoa Santa region (Neves et al., 2012); (B) Fallen block from Lapa do Boquete, Peruaçu valley
(Ribeiro, 2006 - modified); (C) Most ancient style of rock art at Serra da Capivara (Pessis, 2003); (D) Early styles from Peruaçu valley (Isnardis, 2004).

Southern Piauí called “North-East Tradition” (Pessis, 2003; Pessis
et al., 2014). By this period, the regional walls are dominated by
anthropomorphic paintings combined in very suggestive sets that
seem to compose scenes. For some researchers these themes will
remain throughout the next millennia. If we compare the themes
and stylistic characteristics of the sets of graphisms in these areas,
we can already observe a diversity, even though it is not intense and
evident enough as it will be later in the following periods of the
rockshelters' occupation.
In Tocantis (Goia s region) and in the rest of the Minas Gerais
state there are no known burials dated on this period. The
rockshelters are not being used as funerary areas. The only area that
has burial assemblages is the Lagoa Santa region. Nevertheless, W.
Neves and his research team have suggested that the horizon that
comprises the third phase we proposed could corresponds with the
arrival into the Planalto Central of new human populations, based
on data regarding diversity in cranial morphology (Neves and
Hubbe, 2005; Neves et al., 2003; Hubbe et al., 2014). The pres-
ence of a new morphology could be taken as an aspect to think on
the wide range of processes that was developing during this third
phase, where the most ancient similarities are being dismantled
within a framework of an emerging regionalization.
 L. Bueno, A. Isnardis / Quaternary International 473 (2018) 144e160
5.1. Hypothesis
It's clear that, besides possible sampling bias, another territori-
ality is being built. Moreover: another territorialities are being build.
The use (and meaning) of sites have changed. When one compares
between the regions during this period, the differences become
very significant. In some regions, as Lagoa Santa Karstic Plateau, the
caves and rockshelters became funeral places. The known rock-
shelters at Diamantina region are empty of archaeological remains.
In Serra da Capivara, this is the major period of rockshelter occu-
pations. In Peruaçu valley there are many remains in rockshelters,
but the unifacial artifacts are gone. In Serrano polis region, the
number of occupied sites increases and they became more similar
one to another. This configuration seems to reinforce the changes
that begun at the end of the previous phase, consolidating the
regionalizing process that resulted on the development of new
artefactual assemblages and new dynamics on the use of space.
These changes on technology, mobility and territoriality will mark a
new phase in the peopling process. Between 9000 and 7000 BP
seems to be the end of the slow and gradual occupational process of
the BCP that begun at the end of the Pleistocene, and that
comprised the building of wide and shared territories. As we
observed by the end of the last period, these changes could have
been related to a demographic growth, an intensification of the
information flow and environmental changes, and possibly also to
the arrival of new human populations to the BCP.
6. Fission, abandonment(?), rock art and the formation of
archaeological record: further into Holocene and diversity
To finish our long history, by 7000 BP we have another scenario
taking place at the BCP. What we see is a strong decrease of the
archaeological signal for the BCP. The number of sites and dates
decay abruptly in several regions (Araujo et al., 2003; Araujo, 2014).
Araujo and colleagues in a paper published 12 years ago, have
defined this pattern of low archaeological signal as the Archaic Gap.
In that paper the authors presented a revision of paleoclimatic data
for Central Brazil and a revision of known dated samples from
archaeological sites. By comparing these two sets of data they
presented a hypothesis to explain the almost absence of dated sites
during the middle Holocene in Central Brazil. In their opinion, this
phenomenon could be explained by a process of regional aban-
donment due to a paleoclimatic context marked by an
Fig. 7. Distribution of C14 dates per 500 yr for archaeological sites located in five different areas in center and northern Minas Gerais.
155
intensification of aridity that should have led to a scenario of low
water availability (Araujo et al., 2003).
To exemplify one possible alternative explanation to that pro-
posed by Araujo et al. (2003), we can explore, in a regional scale, the
archaeological context for the Central-northern of Minas Gerais.
This region encompasses 6 archaeological areas that have been the
research focus from different archaeological teams or the same
team in different periods, from South to North: Lagoa Santa, Dia-
mantina, Montes Claros, Unaí, Peruaçu and Montalva ^nia. Almost
600 km separates Lagoa Santa, in the South, from Montalva ^nia, in
the North; from Unaí, at the North-West and Diamantina, at the
Eastern border of this region, the distance is about 400 km. Such
distances define an area of almost 300.000 km2.
Using an interval of 500 years (to maintain the method utilized
by Araujo and colleagues) to distribute the dated samples, what
emerges from the graphic is an “alternation pattern”. The occupa-
tion periods of each area is intercalated within each other: when
one area does not have dates, the neighbour area has (Fig. 7). This
seems to be a pattern at least between 8000 and 4000 BP. It sug-
gests that we have an integration among these areas, with some
kind of circulation of their “gravity center”.
Along this exact period, the lithic industries of all these regions
share some features: they rarely made formal artifacts; they
selected local raw materials; most of the artifacts are small, with a
few retouched edges and low frequency of resharpening behaviour;
their nucleus does not show too specific characteristics, indicating
an absence or a minimum of planning prior the flaking process;
they are not looking for a specific type of support, but they are
producing specific kinds of edges in different supports. Besides
regional variations probably regarded to the access of particular
raw materials, it is possible to say that during this period there is
some similarity between their lithic assemblages, especially
regarding the central and northern areas of Minas Gerais state.
When we look closely to those areas, we can see, beyond the
similarities in lithic industries, different modes of territoriality.
For Lagoa Santa region, besides the aspects showed above, the
lithic artefact production remains focused in quartz crystals, which
are very ubiquitous throughout the landscape. However, the burial
practice in caves and rockshelters is abandoned, meanwhile the
previous day-to-day activities continues in those sites.
In Diamantina region, among the approximately 20 excavated
sites only in one of them it was obtained radiocarbon dates be-
tween 6000 and 3000 BP (the excavation was conducted by Prof.
156 L. Bueno, A. Isnardis / Quaternary International 473 (2018) 144e160

Marcelo Fagundes and his UFJVM team Fagundes, 2016). This single
case indicates the human presence in the region for the middle
Holocene, but the strong absence of archaeological levels for this
period at the rest of the sites shows a remarkable change in tech-
nological organization and mobility strategies. Before explaining
this absence by regional or local abandonment, we wish to un-
derline that all the dated samples come from rockshelters. Thus, we
are looking at an absence in these particular locals in the landscape.
What we can really say is that rockshelters lost the important role
that they had previously played; they no longer occupy a relevant
function in mobility strategy and technological organization.
At Peruaçu valley and Montalva ^nia region, in the extreme North
of Minas Gerais state, after 7000 BP there are no more signs of plan-
convex artifacts or any other kind of formal (or complex and
patterned) lithic artefact. The density of lithics and other materials
in archaeological levels decays. However, the shelters continue to
be used until the upper Holocene. The rock art became more
frequent, intense and more distinguished between the areas, but
secure dating is still difficult to obtain (Fig. 8).
In Lagoa Santa region (we include the neighbouring Serra do
Cipo , in the southern point of Espinhaço mountain chain) the re-
searchers presented solid radiocarbon dates that indicates the rock
art composing from 5120 ± 130 BP, at Lapa Vermelha (Laming-
Emperaire, 1979), until at least 2000 BP, at Santana do Riacho
(Prous and Baeta, 1992/93). Known as “Planalto tradition”, the
oldest pictures in this region are dominated by zoomorphic figures

Fig. 8. The great diversity in rock art. (A) Lapa do Caboclo, Peruaçu valley (photo: A. Isnardis); (B) Toca do Pinga do Boi, Serra da Capivara (photo: A. Isnardis); (C) Ancient paintings
from Diamantina region (photo: A. Isnardis); (D) Paintings from Serrano polis (Schmitz, 1987).
 L. Bueno, A. Isnardis / Quaternary International 473 (2018) 144e160
(especially “deers”).
Significant similarities were observed between Serra do Cipo  pattern and different ways of conceiving, using and maintaining a
and Diamantina rock art (Isnardis, 2009; Linke, 2014). Not only in
terms of themes election, but also the stylistic change (the older
figures in Serra do Cipo  are very similar to the older figures in
Diamantina); the same occurs with the younger pictures. If we
assume the same range of dates for both regions, we would have
the rock wall occupation in Diamantina beginning at the same
period for which we have no archaeological levels.
For Peruaçu valley and Montalva ^nia region we don't have rock
art dating between 7800 and 2800 BP (Ribeiro, 2006). But this last
date corresponds to the last style of “S~ ao Francisco tradition”, and
the first date seems to correspond to its first style (Ribeiro, 2006).
So, its development could be placed in the middle Holocene, based
on the available data. Characterized by polychromic figures, abun-
dance and major interest in high and wide panels, the so called “Sa ~o
Francisco tradition” dominates the rock walls in Peruaçu valley. In
both thematic and stylistic aspects the early Sa ~o Francisco tradition
is deeply different from the figures that dominate the rockshelters
in Diamantina, Lagoa Santa e Serra do Cipo .
Another important aspect related to rock art in central and
northern Minas Gerais is the fact that in both regions it seems that
the interactions with previous occupation of the shelters are key
elements in the panel composition (Ribeiro and Isnardis, 1996/97;
Isnardis, 2004, 2009; Linke and Isnardis, 2012). Continuity
throughout the middle Holocene is a significant component of rock
art for both areas. This phenomenon suggests strong ties with the
painted places, a strong sense of relation between those people and
their territory. However, in each region those interactions involved
different behaviours, reinforcing the strong cultural diversity in
middle Holocene (for further discussions see Isnardis, 2004; Linke,
2008; Linke and Isnardis, 2012).
Some similarities can be found in the intermediate areas, be-
tween Serra do Cipo /Diamantina and Peruaçu/Montalva ^nia regions,
as well as in Jequitaí (Tobias, 2010), Monjolos (Guimara ~es et al.,
2011) and Montes Claros (Bueno, 2013). The rock art assamblages
from those areas present some similarities with the first regions,
but also local specificities. They show particular ways of selecting
and combining the themes shared with other regions, integrating
original themes and also composing specific spatial organizations
on the rockshelters.
The funerary practices are still unknown for most contexts of
central Brazil, far away from the littoral area, until the range of 3000
BP. Most of the data that we have for the first millenniums of this
fourth period comes from rockshelters, which seem to have func-
tioned as funerary spaces on a punctual way (Prous and Rodet,
2009b). Nevertheless, Neves points out that the morphology of
most of the known individuals are similarly with the contemporary
Amerindian populations and, therefore, distinctly different from
the morphology of the individuals from the beginning of the Ho-
 but still in a shy way.
locene. The site Caixa D’Agua de Buritizeiro, north of Minas Gerais
state, is an important exception to the scarcity of burials in the
Brazil inland during the first millenniums of this fourth phase. It is
~o Francisco River that
an open-air context on an old terrace of the Sa
was used as a funerary space for a long period, between 7000 and
6000 BP (Prous and Rodet, 2009b). But we still lack of detailed
studies on the morphologies of the dozens of individuals buried
there.
6.1. Hypothesis
Based on these data we propose that during the mid-Holocene
what we have, at least for this region of central-north Minas Ger-
ais, it is not a “regional abandonment”. Maybe we could work with
157
the idea of changes in territoriality, with a different mobility
territory. Instead of thinking about abandonment, we could
conceive such process as permanence, with some kind of disper-
sion of small social units for wider regions that, in certain moments,
came together at specific places of this large region. The similarity
identified in the lithic technology, this integration between areas
with distinct rock art, the importance of re-occupation and inter-
action with previous occupations, the pattern of dated samples
pointing to an intercalation of occupation intensity between these
areas. All these aspects allow us to propose this hypothesis: during
the mid-Holocene, at least for the area of central-north Minas
Gerais, we have a process of territoriality changes, one that involves
not a regional abandonment but the incorporation of wider areas in
a movement of permanence that involves integration, articulating
different areas across the space and time.
7. Final remarks and future research
In this paper we have proposed four distinct periods related to
different process of peopling the Central Brazilian Plateau. These
periods involve changes in technology, territoriality, mobility, and
rock art. As we mention, there are series of factors that could have
contributed to these changes: demography, cultural contact, envi-
ronmental changes. From a theoretical point of view, we are pro-
posing that all such aspects must be considered for building an
interpretation about the reasons and meanings related to these
changes.
Based on what was presented above we can synthesize these
four main periods as follows:
Phase 1efrom 13,000 to 11,000 BP. At the local level we have
evidences of a logistical mobility being practiced associated in the
regional level with large territories without well-defined bound-
aries, facilitating an intense flux of people, information and goods;
related to an exploration and colonization phase (sensu Zeden ~ o,
1997); Phase 2efrom 11,000 to 9000 BP. We still have a logistical
mobility at the local level, more influenced by Cerrado seasonal
variability, demographic increase in the beginning of this phase
and, towards the end, we can propose that a regionalization process
is taking place at the BCP, with a decrease in territorial extensions
and probably well-defined boundaries; this phase could be corre-
lated to a Settlement phase (Zeden ~ o, 1997).
Phase 3 e from 9000 to 7000 BP. The wide sharing of techno-
logical organization in the Central Brazilian Plateau fades away.
Instead, more peculiar strategies and technological choices rise in
each region. Diversity takes place and we can see different kinds of
mobility, other territorialities, which change the meaning and use
of the places in the landscape (which in turn it occurs in different
ways in each region). The rock art became part of the landscapes,
Phase 4 e after 7000 BP. The diversity increases. The rock art
multiplies and becomes a strong component of regional landscapes.
Some elements of technological organization are being shared
among the areas, especially in Minas Gerais, but lithic industries,
site function and mobility are diverse throughout the Central Bra-
zilian Plateau. Some areas show weak archaeological records or
only specific kinds of remains (as rock art). Some places are aban-
doned, but human presence is still clear and culturally diverse
throughout Central Brazilian Plateau.
How can we explain these changes? Why did they occur?
First of all, it is important to stress that, although it is possible to
propose these changes based on the characteristics of archaeolog-
ical record, as we have just presented, we still need more and better
data to truly understand the reasons that have guided the choices
158 L. Bueno, A. Isnardis / Quaternary International 473 (2018) 144e160
made by the people that were experiencing those places in the BCP.
The changes identified in a macro-regional scale by 9000 BP
happen a short time after a huge increase in the quantity and
geographical distribution of the sites. As we have argued, it could
have involved changes in territorial extent and boundaries, cultural
interaction and flux of information between human groups living in
different places.
One remarkable aspect in the occupation process of the BCP is
that, besides all these changes, there are some places that are
occupied during all periods. Certainly, the choices made by the
people who inhabited, built and lived in these places were not the
same.
Studying the rock art of some sites of Peruaçu river valley and
Diamantina region Isnardis and Linke have identified interaction
processes between the figures painted in the wall. In both regions,
the younger paintings are placed in the walls establishing an
intense dialogue with the older figures. In Peruaçu valley, new
paintings are placed very close to the older ones with the same
themes; older paintings are re-painted or receive a new contour
(with a new colour); the graphic spaces (the panel limits), defined
at the first moment of painting, are maintained (Isnardis, 2004). At
Diamantina, the interactions are even more radical (clearly
composing a different system of interactions): the new paintings
are many times placed touching the limits of the older ones;
sometimes they are placed inside their limits or they completely
encompass older figures; in many cases the new paintings do not
compose complete figures, they are partially composed by traces
that belong to older figures or they put another elements into older
paintings, transforming them (Linke, 2008, 2014; Isnardis, 2009;
Linke and Isnardis, 2012).
Putting all these aspects together we could present a hypothesis
that some places, once selected as important landmarks to help
navigate the uninhabited or poorly known landscapes, as in phase
1, becomes more and more “Places of People” (Machado, 2012). By
the material remains on the floor and, especially the painted walls,
they become recognizable as places that were once occupied, pla-
ces that were already used by people with whom they could or
could not have engaged directly or even recognized. In the
perspective of regional ranking, we can say that these are places of
interrelated temporalities, places that connect people through
different times, places where people from different times engage
together to continue building them, performing different kinds of
interactions through the figures painted at the walls: denying,
complementing, reinforcing are all aspects that, curiously or not,
correspond to the same actions that we perform in the process of
constructing histories and memories (Santos-Granero, 2007).
So what we are trying to build is an understanding for this long
process of exploration, colonization, settlement and abandonment
of the BCP that does not focus in just one aspect, neither present
just one and major cause to explain such process. We are proposing
that we need to put all aspects together and look for an explanation
where environment, demography, technology and subsistence
were combined to explain in contextual perspective the dynamics
of territorial histories involved in the peopling of BCP.
Acknowledgments
We would like to thank Ce sar Me ndez and Rafael Sua rez for
inviting us to participate in the symposium “Mobility and use of
space in late Pleistocene South America: is it possible to discuss
early human regional ranking?” during the SAA 81st Annual
Meeting and for the invitation to contribute to this Q.I. Special Issue
on “Mobility and Use of Space”. We acknowledge the CNPq for
providing support for one of us (LB) to participate at the SAA Annual
Meeting, at Orlando, Florida, in April 2016. We acknowledge two
anonymous reviewers that made helpful comments on an earlier
version of the paper. We also thank Alejandra Materrese, who
kindly help us with paper translation and revision.
References
Anderson, D., Gillan, C., 2001. Paleoindian colonization of the America: implications
from an examination of physiography, demography, and artifact distribution.
Am. Antiq. 65 (1), 43e66.
Araujo, A.G.M., 2014. Paleoenvironments and paleoindians in eastern south Amer-
ica. In: Stanford, D., Stenger (Org), A. (Eds.), Pre-Clovis in the Americas: Inter-
national Science Conference Proceedings, 1ed. Smithsonian Institution,
Washington, DC, pp. 221e261.
Araujo, A., Neves, W., Pilo , L.B., Atui, J.P., 2003. Holocene dryness and human
occupation in Brazil during the “archaic gap”. Quat. Res. 64, 298e307.
Auler, A., Smart, P., 2001. Late Quaternary Paleoclimatic in semi-arid northeastern
Brazil from a U-series dating of travertine and water-table speleothems. Quat.
Res. 55, 159e167.
Barberi, M., 2001. Mudanças paleoambientais na regia ~o dos cerrados do Planalto
central durante o Quaterna rio tardio: o estudo da Lagoa Bonita. DF. PhD Thesis.
Geosciences Institute, University of S~ ao Paulo, Sa ~o Paulo, Brazil.
Beaton, J., 1991. Colonizing continents: some problems from Australia and the
Americas. In: Dillehay, T., Meltzer (Org), D. (Eds.), The First Americans: Search
and Research. CRC Press, Boca Raton, Florida, pp. 209e230.
Behling, H., 2002. South and southeast Brazilian grasslands during Late Quaternary
times: a synthesis. Palaeogeogr. Palaeoclimatol. Palaeoecol. 177, 19e27.
Behling, H., 1998. Late quaternary vegetational and climatic changes in Brazil. Rev.
Palaeobot. Palynol. 99 (1), 143e156.
Behling, H., Arz, H.W., Patzold, J., Wefer, G., 2002. Late Quaternary vegetational and
climate dynamics in northeastern Brazil, inferences from marine core GeoB
3104-1. Quat. Sci. Rev. 19, 981e994.
Behling, H., Hooghiemstra, H., 2001. Neotropical savanna environments in space
and time: late quaternary interhemispheric comparisons. In: Markgraf, V. (Ed.),
Interhemispheric Climate Linkages. Academic Press, New York, NY,
pp. 307e324.
Boeda, E., Lourdeau, A., Lahaye, C., Felice, G., Viana, S., Clemente-Conte, I., Pino, M.,
Fontgne, M., Hoeltz, S., Guido n, N., Pessis, A.-M., Costa, A., Pagli, M., 2013. The
late pleistocene industries of Piauí, Brazil: new data. In: Graf, K., Ketron, C.,
Waters, M. (Eds.), Paleoamerican Odissey. Center for the Study of the First
Americans. Texas A&M University, pp. 455e465.
Boeda, E., Clemente-Conte, I., Fontugne, M., Lahaye, C., Pino, M., Felice, G.,
Guido n, N., Hoeltz, S., Lourdeau, A., Pagli, M., Pessis, A.-M., Viana, S., Costa, A.,
Douville, E., 2014. A New Late Pleistocene archaeological sequence in South
America: the Vale da Pedra Furada (Piauí, Brazil). Antiquity 88, 927e941.
Boeda, E., Rocca, R., Costa, A., Fontugne, M., Hatte , C., Clemente-Costa, I., Santos, J.,
Lucas, L., Lourdeau, A., Villagran, X., Gluchy, M., Ramos, M., Viana, S., Lahaye, C.,
Guido n, N., Griggo, C., Pino, M., Pessis, A.-M., Borges, C., Gato, B., 2016. New data
on a pleistocene archaeological sequence in South America: Toca do Sítio do
Meio, Piauí, Brazil. PaleoAmerica 2 (4), 286e302.
Borrero, L.A., 1999. The prehistoric exploration an colonization of Fuego-Patagonia.
J. World PreHistory 13, 321e355.
Borrero, L.A., 2015. Con lo mínimo: los debates sobre el poblamiento de Ame rica del
Sur. Intersecc. Antropol. 16, 5e38.
Borrero, L.A., 2016. Ambiguity and debates on the early peopling of South America.
PaleoAmerica 2 (1), 11e21.
Bueno, L., 2007a. Variabilidade Tecnolo gica Nos Sítios Líticos Do Lajeado, Me dio Rio
Tocantins. Suplemento 4. Revista do Museu de Arqueologia e Etnologia da USP,
Sa~o Paulo, Brazil, p. 215.
Bueno, L., 2007b. Organizaç~ ao tecnolo gica e teoria do design: entre estrate gias e
características de performance. In: Bueno, L., Isnardis (Org), A. (Eds.), Das
Pedras, Aos Homens. Tecnologia Lítica Na Arqueologia Brasileira. Argumentum,
Belo Horizonte, Brazil, pp. 67e94.
Bueno, L., 2010. Tecnologia lítica, cronologia e seqüe ^ncia de ocupaça ~o: o estudo de
um sítio a ce u aberto na regia~o de Lagoa Santa, MG, vol. 20. Revista do Museu de
Arqueologia e Etnologia, pp. 91e107.
Bueno, L., 2011. L'occupation initiale du Bre sil dans une perspective macro-
regionale : les cas des re gions de l'Amazonie, du Nordeste et du centre du Bre sil.
In: Vialou (Org), D. (Ed.), Peuplements et Pre histoire en Ame 
rique. Editions du
Comite  de travux historiques et scientifiques, Paris, pp. 209e220.
Bueno, L., 2013. Tecnologia e Territo rio no Centro-mineiro : um estudo de caso na
regia~o de Montes Claros, MG, Brasil. Revista Espinhaço 2 (2), 168e186.
Bueno, L., Isnardis, A., 2017. Lithic technology in Lagoa Santa in the early Holocene.
In: DaGlo  ria, P., Neves, W., Hubbe (Org), M. (Eds.), 2017 Archaeological and
Paleontological Research in Lagoa Santa. The Quest for the First Americans.
Springer International Publishing, pp. 345e370.
Bueno, L., Dias, A., Steele, J., 2013. The Late Pleistocene/early Holocene archaeo-
logical record in Brazil: a geo-referenced database. Quat. Int. 301, 74e93.
Bueno, L., Braga, A., Betarello, J., 2017. Abrigo do Jon e a dina ^mica de ocupaça ~o do
me dio Tocantins ao longo do Holoceno. in press Revista EspeciariaeCadernos de
Cie^ncias Humanas 17 (30), 115e149.
Da-Glo ria, P., Neves, W., Hubbe, M. (Eds.), 2017. Archaeological and Paleontological
Research in Lagoa Santa. The Quest for the First Americans. Springer
 L. Bueno, A. Isnardis / Quaternary International 473 (2018) 144e160 159

International Publishing, p. 401. (Minas Gerais): perspectivas e síntese das pesquisas. Arquivos do Museu de
De Oliveira, P., Barreto, A., Suguiu, K., 1999. Late Pleistocene/Holocene climatic and Histo ria Natural e Jardim Bota ^nico/UFMG XXI (1), 27e57.
vegetational history of the Brazilian caatinga: the fossil dunes of middle Sa ~o Lourdeau, A., 2015. Lithic technology and prehistoric settlement in central and
Francisco River. Palaeogeogr. Palaeoclimatol. Palaeoecol. 152, 319e337. northeast Brazil: definition and spatial distribution of the Itaparica tech-
Dias, A., Bueno, L., 2013. The Initial colonization of South America Eastern Low- nocomplex. PaleoAmerica 1 (1), 52e67.
lands: brazilian archaeology contributions to settlement of America models. In: Lourdeau, A., Pagli, M., 2014. Indústrias líticas pre -histo
ricas da regi~ ao da Serra da
Graf, K., Ketron, C., Waters (Orgs), M. (Eds.), Paleoamerican Odissey. Center for capivara. In: Pessis, A.M., Martin, G., Guido n (Org), N. (Eds.), Os biomas e as
the Study of the First Americans. Department of Anthropology, Texas A&M sociedades humanas na pre -histo ria da regi~ ao do Parque Nacional da Serra da
University, pp. 339e357. Capivara, PI, Brasil. Fundham, Sa ~o Raimundo Nonato, Piauí, Brazil, pp. 550e635.
Dillehay, T., 2013. Entangled knowledge: old trends and new thoughts in first South Machado, J., 2012. Lugares de gente: mulheres, plantas e redes de troca no delta
American studies. In: Graf, K., Ketron, C., Waters (orgs), M. (Eds.), Paleoamerican amazo ^nico. PhD Thesis. Nacional Museum of Rio de Janeiro, Federal University
Odissey. Center for the Study of the First Americans. Department of Anthro- of Rio de Janeiro, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil.
pology, Texas A&M University, pp. 377e396. Markgraf, V., Baumgartner, T.R., Bradbury, J.P., Diaz, H.F., Dunbar, B.R., Luckman, B.H.,
Dobres, M.-A., 1996. Early thoughts on technology and cultural complexity: Seltzer, G.O., Swetnam, T.W., Villalba, R., 2000. Paleoclimate reconstruction
peopling the relationship. In: Meyer, D., Dawson, P., Hanna, D. (Eds.), Debating along the pole-equator-pole transect of the Americas (PEP 1). Quat. Sci. Rev. 19,
Complexity. University of Calgary, Canada, pp. 224e240. 125e140.
Dobres, M.-A., 2000. Technology and Social Agency: Outlining a Practice Framework Morales, W., 2006. Brasil Central. 12.000 Anos de Ocupaça ~o de ocupaç~ ao humana no
for Archaeology. Blackwell, Oxford, London/New York. me dio curso do rio Tocantins. Annablume, Sa ~o Paulo.
Etchevarne, C., 1999. A ocupaç~ ao humana no nordeste brasileiro antes da colo- Neves, W., Pucciarelli, H., 1991. Morphological affinities of the first Americans: an
nizaça ~o portuguesa. Rev. Usp. 44, 112e141. exploratory analysis based on early South American human remains. J. Hum.
Fagundes, M., 2016. O Projeto Arqueolo gico Alto JequitinhonhaeSítios Evol. 21, 261e273.
arqueolo  gicos, cultura material e cronologias para compreens~ ao das ocupaço ~es Neves, W., Hubbe, M., 2005. Cranial morphology of early Americans from Lagoa
indígenas holoce ^nicas no Alto Vale do Rio Araçuaí, Minas Gerais - Brasil. Revista Santa, Brazil: implications for the settlement of the new world. Proc. Natl. Acad.
Científica Vozes dos Vales 10, 1e25. Sci. Unit. States Am. 102 (51), 18309e18314.
Fogaça, E., 2001. Ma ~os para o Pensamento. A variabilidade tecnolo gica de indústrias Neves, W., Prous, A., Gonza lez-Jose , R., Kipnis, R., Powell, J.F., 2003. Early Holocene
líticas de caçadores-coletores holoce ^nicos a partir de um estudo de caso: as human skeletal remains from Santana do Riacho, Brazil: implications for the
camadas VIII e VII da Lapa do Boquete (Minas Gerais, Brasile12.000/10.500 B.P.). settlement of the new world. J. Hum. Evol. 45, 19e42.
PhD Thesis. Pontifícia Universidade Cato  lica do Rio Grande do Sul, Faculdade de Neves, W., Araujo, A., Bernardo, D., Kipnis, R., Feathers, J., 2012. Rock art at the
Filosofia e Cie ^ncias Humanas, Rio Grande do Sul, Brazil. pleistocene/Holocene boundary in eastern south America. PLoS One 7 (2),
Guidon, N., 1986. A sequencia cultural da area de Sa ~o Raimundo Nonato, Piauí. e32228. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0032228.
Revista Clio, se rie Arqueolo gica 3, 137e144. Oliveira, J.E., Viana, S.A., 1999. O centro-oeste antes de Cabral. Rev. Usp. 44, 142e189.
Guidon, N., Delibrias, G., 1986. Carbon-14 dates point to man in the Americas 32,000 Oliveira-Filho, A., Ratter, J., 2003. Vegetation physiognomies and Woody Flora of the
years ago. Nature 321, 769e771. cerrado Biome. In: Oliveira, P., Marquis, R. (Eds.), The Cerrados of Brazil.
Guimara ~es, R., Travassos, L., Linke, V., 2011. A Geografia Cultural do carste tradi- Columbia University Press, New York, pp. 91e120.
cional carbon atico de Monjolos, MG: uma primeira aproximaç~ ao. In: Anais do Pessenda, L.C., Ribeiro, A., Gouveia, S., Aravena, R., Boulet, R., Bendassoli, J., 2004.
31o Congresso Brasileiro de Espeleologia. Sociedade Brasileira de Espeleologia, Vegetation dynamics during the late Pleistocene in the Barreirinhas region,
Ponta Grossa, pp. 327e336. Maranh~ ao State, Northeastern Brazil, based on carbon isotopes in soil organic
Hazelwood, L., Steele, J., 2003. Colonizing new landscapes: archaeological detect- matter. Quat. Res. 62, 183e193.
ability of the first phase. In: Rockman, M., Steele, J. (Eds.), Colonization of Un- Pessis, A.-M., 2002. Do estudo das gravuras pre -histo
 ricas no Nordeste do Brasil.
familiar Landscapes. Routledge, London & New York, pp. 203e221. Clio Arqueolo  gica 15 (1), 29e44.
Hurt, W., 1960. The cultural complexes from the Lagoa Santa region, Brazil. Am. Pessis, A.-M., 2003. Imagens da Pre -Histo ria. Parque Nacional Serra da Capivara.
Anthropol. 62, 569e585. FUMDHAM, Sa ~o Raimundo Nonato, Piauí, Brazil.
Hubbe, M., Okumura, M., Bernanrdo, D., Neves, W., 2014. Cranial morphological Pessis, A.M., Martin, G., Guido n (org), N., 2014. Os biomas e as sociedades humanas
diversity of early, middle and late Holocene Brazilian groups: implications for na pre -historia da regia ~o do Parque Nacional da Serra da Capivara, PI, Brasil.
human dispersion in Brazil. Am. J. Phys. Anthropol. 114, 146e155. A&A Comunicaça ~o, Sa~o Paulo, Brazil.
Ingold, T., 2000. The Perception of the Environment. Essays on Livelihood, Dwelling Politis, G., Gutierrez, M., Rafuse, D., Blasi, A., 2016. The arrival of Homo Sapiens at
and Skill. Routledge, London and New York. the southern cone at 14,000 years ago. PLoS One 11 (9), e0162870. https://
Isnardis, A., 2004. Lapa, Parede, PaineleDistribuiç~ ao Geografica das Unidades Esti- doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0162870.
lísticas Sa ~o Francisco, Norte De Minas Gerais). Master Thesis. Faculdade de Prous, A., 1991a. In: Brasileira, Arqueologia (Ed.), UnB, Brasília, Brazil.
Filosofia E Cie ^ncias Humanas da Universidade de Sa ~o Paulo, Brazil, Sa
~o Paulo. Prous, A., 1991b. Santana Do RiachoeTomo I, vol. XII. Arquivos do Museu de Histo ria
Isnardis, A., 2009. Entre as Pedraseas ocupaço ~es pre-histo
ricas recentes e os gra- Natural e Jardim Bot^ anico da UFMG, pp. 1e18.
fismos rupestres da regia ~o de Diamantina, Minas Gerais. PhD Thesis. Museu de Prous, A., Baeta, A., 1992/1993. Elementos de cronologia, descriç~ ao de atributos e
Arqueologia e Etnologia, Universidade de Sa ~o Paulo, Sa~o Paulo, Brazil. tipologia. Arquivos do Museu de Histo ria Natural e Jardim Bota ^nico da UFMG
Kelly, R., 2003. Colonization of new land by hunter-gatherers: expectations and XIII, 241e332.
implications based on ethnographic data. In: Rockman, M., Steele, J. (Eds.), Prous, A., Costa, F., Alonso, M., 1996/97. Arqueologia da Lapa do Draga ~o. Arquivos do
Colonization of Unfamiliar Landscapes. Routledge, London & New York, Museu de Histo ria Natural XVII-XVIII, 139e210.
pp. 55e58. Prous, A., Fogaça, E., 1999. Archaeology of the pleistocene-Holocene boundary in
Kipnis, R., 2003. Long-term land tenure systems in Central Brazil. Evolutionary Brazil. Quat. Int. 53/54, 21e41.
ecology, risk management and social geography. In: Fitzhugh, B., Habu, J. (Eds.), Prous, A., Schlobach, M., 1997. Sepultamentos pre -historicos do vale do Peruaçu.
Beyong Foraging and Collecting. Evolutionary Change in Hunter-Gatherer Set- Revista Museu Arqueologia Etnologia Sa ~o Paulo 7, 3e21.
tlement Systems. Plenum Press, New York, pp. 181e230. Prous, A., Rodet, J., 2009a. Introduça ~o. Arqueologia do Vale do Rio Peruaçu e adja-
Knapp, B., Ashmore, W., 1999. Archaeological landscapes: Constructed, Conceptu- cencieseMinas Gerais. Arquivos do Museu de Histo ria Natural e Jardim
alized, ideational. In: Ashmore, W., Knapp, B. (Eds.), Archaeologies of Land- Bota ^nico da UFMG XIX, 11e19.
scape: Contemporary Perspectives. Blackwell Publishers, Oxford, pp. 1e30. Prous, A., Rodet, J., 2009b. Os vivos e os mortos no Brasil tropical e subtropical pre -
Laming-Emperaire, A., 1979. Missions Arche ologiques franco-brasiliennes de Lagoa historico (11,000e500 BP). In: Morales, W., Moi, F. (Eds.), Cen arios Regionais Em
Santa, Minas Gerais, Bre sil: le grand abri de Lapa Vermelha. Revista de Pre - Arqueologia Brasileira. AnnaBlume, S~ ao Paulo, pp. 11e43.
Histo ria 1, 54e89. Pugliese, F., 2007. Os líticos de Lagoa Santa: um estudo sobre organizaç~ ao tec-
Ledru, M.P., 1993. Late quaternary environmental and climatic changes in Central nolo gica de caçadores-coletores do Brasil Central. Master dissertation. Museum
Brazil. Quat. Res. 38, 90e98. of Archaeology and Ethnography of University of S~ ao Paulo, Sa~o Paulo, Brazil.
Ledru, M.P., Ceccantini, G., Gouveia, S., Lo pez-Saez, J., Pessenda, L., Ribeiro, A., 2006. Ribeiro, L., 2006. Os significados da similaridade e do contraste entre estilos de arte
Millenial-scale climatic and vegetation changes in a northern cerrado (north- rupestre: um estudo regional das gravuras e pinturas do Alto-me dio S~ao
east, Brazil) since the last glacial maximun. Quat. Sci. Rev. 25, 11110e11126. Francisco. Ph.D. thesis. Museum of Archaeology and Etnhography, University of
Ledru, M.P., Mourguiart, P., 2001. Late glacial vegetation records in the Americas and Sa~o Paulo, Sa ~o Paulo, Brazil.
Cimatic implications. In: Markgraf, V. (Ed.), Interhemispheric Climate Linkages. Ribeiro, L., Isnardis, A., 1996/97. Os Conjuntos Gr aficos do Alto-Me dio S~ao Francisco
Academic Press, New York, NY, pp. 371e390. (vale do Rio Peruaçu e Montalv^ ania) - caracterizaça ~o e seqüe ^ncias sucessorias.
Ledru, M.P., Salgado-Laboriau, M.L., Lorcheister, M.L., 1998. Vegetation dynamics in Arquivos do Museu de Histo  ria Natural e Jardim Bota ^nico da UFMG XVII/XVIII,
southern and central Brazil during the last 10.000 yr. Rev. Palaeobot. Palynol. 243e285.
99, 131e142. Rodet, M.J., 2006. Etude technologique des industries lithiques taille es du Nord de
Linke, V., 2008. Paisagens dos sítios de pintura rupestre da regi~ ao de Diamantina. Minas Gerais, Bre sil : depuis le passage Ple istocene/Holoce ne jusqu'au contact
Master thesis. Belo Horizonte, Geosciences Institute, Federal University of (XVIIIe me Siecle). Ph.D. thesis. Universite  de Paris X, Nanterre, France.
Minas Gerais, Minas Gerais, Brazil. Rodet, J., Duarte-Talim, D., Bassi, L.F., 2011. Reflexo ~es sobre as primeiras populaço ~es
Linke, V., 2014. Os conjuntos gra ficos pre -histo ricos do centro e norte mineiros: do Brasil Central: “Tradiça ~o Itaparica”. Habitus 9 (1), 81e100.
estilos e territo rios em uma ana lise macro-regional. PhD Thesis. Museum of Schmitz, P.I., 1980. A evoluça ~o da cultura no sudoeste de Goia s. Pesquisas-Antro-
Archaeology and Ethnology, University of S~ ao Paulo, Sa~o Paulo, Brazil. pologia 31, 41e84.
Linke, V., Isnardis, A., 2012. Arqueologia Pre -Historica da regia~o de Diamantina Schmitz, P.I., 1987. Prehistoric Hunters-gatherers of Brazil. J. World PreHistory 1 (1),
160 L. Bueno, A. Isnardis / Quaternary International 473 (2018) 144e160
53e125.
Schmitz, P.I., Barbosa, A., Jacobus, A., 1989. Arqueologia nos cerrados do Brasil
central: Serrano poliseVol. 1. Pesquisas-Antropologia 44, 9e208.
Schmitz, P.I., Barbosa, A., Miranda, A., Ribeiro, M., Barbosa, M., 1996. Arqueologia nos
Cerrados do Brasil Central: Sudoeste da Bahia e Leste de Goi as (Projeto Serra
Geral) (org.). Instituto Anchietano de Pesquisas, Sa ~o Leopoldo.
Schmitz, P.I., Rosa, A., Bitencourt, A.L., 2004. Arqueologia nos cerrados do Brasil
central: Serrano poliseVol. 3. Pesquisas-Antropologia 60, 7e286.
Salgado-Laboriau, M.L., 1997. Late quaternary paleoclimate in the savannas of South
Ame rica. J. Quat. Sci. 12, 371e379.
Salgado-Laboriau, M.L., Casseti, V., Ferraz-Vicentini, K.R., Martin, L., Soubie s, F.,
Suguiu, K., Turcq, B., 1997. Late quaternary vegetational and climatic changes in
cerrado and palm swamp from central Brazil. Palaeogeogr. Palaeoclimatol.
Palaeoecol. 128, 215e226.
Santos-Granero, F., 2007. Time is disease, Suffering, and oblivion: Yanesha Histocity
and the Struggle against temporality. In: Fausto, C., Heckenberger, M. (Eds.),
2007 Time and Memory in Indigenous Amazonia. Anthropological Perspectives.
University Press of Florida, pp. 47e73.
Strauss, A., Oliveira, R., Villagran, X., Bernardo, D., Salazar-García, D., Bissaro Jr., M.,
Pugliese, F., Hermenegildo, T., Santos, R., Barioni, A., Oliveira, E., Sousa, J.,
Jaouen, K., Ernani, M., Hubbe, M., Inglez, M., Grata ~o, M., 2016. Early Holocene
ritual complexity in South America: the archaeological record of Lapa do Santo
(east-central Brazil). Antiquity 354, 1454e1473.
Suguio, K., 1999. Geologia do quatern ario e mudanças ambientais. Oficina de Textos,
Sa~o Paulo, Brazil.
Tobias, J.R., 2010. A Arte Rupestre de Jequitaí entre pra ticas gra
ficas padronizadas e
suas manifestaço ~es locais: interseço~es estilísticas no sert~ ao mineiro. Master
dissertation. Federal University of Minas Gerais, Belo Horizonte, MG, Brazil.
Vialou, D., Benabdelhadi, M., Feathers, J., Fontugne, M., Vilhena Vialou, A., 2017.
Peopling south America's centre: the late pleistocene site of Santa Elina. An-
tiquity 91, 865e884.
Vialou, A., 2003. Santa Elina rockshelter, Brazil: evidence of the coexistence of man
and Glossoterium. In: Miotti, L., Salemme, M., Flegenheimer, N. (Eds.), Where
the South Winds Blow. Texas A&M University, Texas, pp. 21e28.
Vialou, A., 2005. Pre -histo
 ria Do Mato Grosso. Santa Elina (org.). Edusp, Sa ~o Paulo,
Brazil.
Vialou, A., 2011. Occupations humaines et faune e teinte du Ple itoce
ne au centre de
l'Amerique du Sud: l’abri rupestre Sant Elina, Mato Grosso, Bre sil. In: Vialou
(org), D. (Ed.), Peuplements et Prehistoire em Ame 
rique. Editions du Comite  des
travaux historiques et scientifiques, Paris, France, pp. 193e208.
Zeden ~ o, M.N., 1997. Landscape, land use, and the history of territory formation: an
example of the Puebloan Southwest. J. Archaeol. Meth. Theor 4, 67e103.
Zeden ~ o, M., 2001. On what people make of places. In: Schiffer, M. (Ed.), Social
Theory in Archaeology. The University of Utah Press, Utah, pp. 97e111.
Zeden ~ o, M.N., Anderson, D.T., 2010. Age ^ncia e Política na Formaç^ au Territorial de
Caçadores-Coletores. Revista de Arquelogia 23 (1), 10e29.