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Mass Communication and Society

ISSN: 1520-5436 (Print) 1532-7825 (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/hmcs20

Celebrity Endorsements and Their Potential to


Motivate Young Voters

Erica Weintraub Austin , Rebecca Van de Vord , Bruce E. Pinkleton & Evan
Epstein

To cite this article: Erica Weintraub Austin , Rebecca Van de Vord , Bruce E. Pinkleton & Evan
Epstein (2008) Celebrity Endorsements and Their Potential to Motivate Young Voters, Mass
Communication and Society, 11:4, 420-436, DOI: 10.1080/15205430701866600

To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/15205430701866600

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Mass Communication and Society, 11: 420–436
Copyright # Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
ISSN: 1520-5436 print=1532-7825 online
DOI: 10.1080/15205430701866600

Celebrity Endorsements and Their


Potential to Motivate Young Voters

Erica Weintraub Austin, Rebecca Van de Vord,


Bruce E. Pinkleton, and Evan Epstein
Washington State University

Although scholars have long indicated concern regarding disaffected young


voters, the 2004 presidential election tallied record turnout among this age
group. This study explored how and why celebrity-endorsed, get-out-the-vote
campaigns may have helped to persuade young voters aged 18 to 24 to parti-
cipate in an election campaign by examining campaign influence on individual
decision-making factors. During the fall semester of 2004, a convenience sam-
ple of 305 college students from introductory general education classes com-
pleted surveys assessing their political efficacy, involvement, complacency,
and apathy. Findings indicated that receptivity to celebrity spokespeople pre-
dicted lower levels of complacency and higher levels of self-efficacy. Compla-
cency had independent effects on involvement and self-efficacy. The results

Erica Weintraub Austin (Ph.D., Stanford University) is Dean and Professor in the Edward
R. Murrow College of Communication at Washington State University. Her research interests
focus on the uses of media in decision making and socialization processes, particularly regard-
ing health and public affairs issues.
Rebecca Van de Vord is a doctoral candidate in the Edward R. Murrow College of Commu-
nication at Washington State University. Her research interests focus on health information
seeking and media literacy.
Bruce E. Pinkleton (Ph.D., Michigan State University) is a professor in the Edward R.
Murrow College of Communication at Washington State University. His research interests
focus on understanding individuals’ information source use and decision-making processes in
political communication and health communication.
Evan Epstein has her master’s degree from the Edward R. Murrow College of Communica-
tion and is communications coordinator for the College of Engineering and Architecture at
Washington State University. Her research interests focus on political socialization and media
effects.
Correspondence should be addressed to Erica Weintraub Austin, Communication Addition
101, P.O. Box 642520, Edward R. Murrow College of Communication, Washington State
University, Pullman, WA 99164-2520. E-mail: eaustin@wsu.edu

420
MOTIVATING YOUNG VOTERS 421

therefore suggest that these campaigns can potentially influence positive


change in political engagement of the younger citizenry.

Scholars discussing civic disengagement among the nation’s youngest poten-


tial voters have expressed concerns regarding the seeming epidemic of
apathy that exists among young people today (Buckingham, 1997; Delli
Carpini, 2000). Political observers and others concerned with the health of
the public affairs process regularly express misgivings about young peo-
ples’ lack of public affairs knowledge and general lack of civic engagement
(Bennett & Rademacher, 1997; Hayes, 1998). Although 18-year-olds
received the right to vote in all local, state, and federal elections in 1971,
turnout among 18- to 24-year-olds historically has been lower than that
of any other age group and generally has shown a downward trend (Hayes,
1998). Starting in the mid-1990s, scholars suggested that the civic engage-
ment of young people was at an all-time low and the popular view of citizens
younger than 30 tended to focus on their skyrocketing apathy and complete
preoccupation with self (Buckingham, 1997; Delli Carpini, 2000).
Given this history, it was somewhat surprising that the 2004 election
seemed to energize citizens 18 to 24, 47% of whom voted. This increase of
11% from the 2000 election (Lopez, Kirby, & Sagoff, 2005) compared with
an increase of just 3% during the same period for voters 25 and older. One
poll indicated that 44% of newly registered voters were between the ages of
18 and 25; 43% of this group indicated they expect to remain involved in the
political process (Trichter & Paige, 2004).
High turnout among 18- to 24-year-olds coincided with a number of
celebrity-based get-out-the-vote (GOTV) promotions targeting young
people, raising the question of whether such promotions have the power
to reduce complacency or apathy among young adults, and if so, why. This
study, therefore, explores mechanisms that could help explain their influence
along with what effect such campaigns might potentially suggest for young
voters in the long term.

MEDIA AND POLITICAL DECISION MAKING

Many scholars and others have blamed the media and negative campaign
tactics for depressing political participation (e.g., Ansolabehere & Iyengar,
1995; Ansolabehere, Iyengar, Simon, & Valentino, 1994; Cappella &
Jamieson, 1997; Crotty & Jacobson, 1980) but often without considering
the components of political decision making. Research findings indicate
422 AUSTIN ET AL.

that citizens who are cynical lack confidence in and feel distrustful toward
politicians and the political process (Dennis & Webster, 1975; Lau & Erber,
1985; Perloff & Kinsey, 1992; Pinkleton, Um, & Austin, 2002). As a result,
cynical citizens typically are closed to the political process and uninterested
in political participation.
Scholars’ concerns that recent generations of young people have become
increasingly cynical when compared to previous generations, raises appre-
hension that increasing cynicism has created apathy toward the political
process (Buckingham, 1997; Cappella & Jamieson, 1997; Delli Carpini,
2000). Research indicates, however, that cynicism is not consistently asso-
ciated with apathy and political participation (Austin & Pinkleton, 1995;
Pinkleton & Austin, 2004; Pinkleton, Austin, & Fortman, 1998). This
inconsistency could be related to research indicating that apathy appears
to differ from complacency in important ways. According to scholars,
apathy refers to a lack of willingness to exert some degree of effort to
involve oneself in the political process (Bennett, 1986; Johnson-Cartee &
Copeland, 1991), whereas complacency refers to a lack of motivation to take
positive or negative action because of feelings of satisfaction with the cur-
rent situation (Austin, Pinkleton, & Funabiki, 2006; Blendon & Benson,
2004; Pinkleton et al., 2005). This combination of results suggests that poli-
tical disaffection is a complex construct requiring a better understanding of
subtle relationships that affect decision making. As a result, this study inves-
tigates how GOTV promotions may have affected some of these relation-
ships. In particular, this study focuses on how the promotions may have
reduced complacency.

CELEBRITY-ENDORSED PROMOTIONS

The effort to mobilize young citizens reflects the ongoing need for a healthy
democracy to include an informed and active electorate dependent on the
continued involvement of new participants. It therefore makes sense that
there has been a surge in nonpartisan promotions encouraging voter turnout
targeting groups historically disengaged from the political process, including
young adults. Rock the Vote was initiated in 1990, with some demonstrated
success (Lopez, Marcelo, & Kirby, 2007; Vavreck & Green, 2006) and Move
On=Vote for Change was launched in 1998. The 2004 election, however,
coincided with a noteworthy increase in the number and variety of these
campaigns, particularly those targeting young voters (Bergan, Gerber,
Green, & Panagopoulos, 2005; Longo & Meyer, 2006). When young voters
in 2004 turned out at higher rates in states that had more voter outreach and
political advertising (Donovan, Lopez, & Sagoff, 2005), it appeared as
MOTIVATING YOUNG VOTERS 423

though these outreach efforts may have been effective in motivating young
voters to get involved. How and why they might do so has been little
explored.
McDevitt and Chaffee (1998) suggested that, to stimulate disaffected
adults, one needs to think of these individuals within the venues they con-
sider their own and where they are comfortable. Kwak, Shah, and Holbert
(2004) noted the important role that social associations can play in building
trust that leads to civic engagement. Outreach strategies that tap into these
connections, whether through real-life relationships or through aspirant
reference groups, therefore would seem likely to succeed, particularly given
the findings that consumption behaviors and civic participation can dev-
elop in tandem (Keum, Devanathan, Deshpande, Nelson, & Shah, 2004).
Accordingly, this study explores the process by which these promotions
made use of consumer culture to reach young people, specifically through
the use of celebrity-based appeals.

The Role of Celebrity-Based Promotions


Celebrities have become primary role models for many people (Brown,
Basil, & Bocarnea, 2003) and have functioned as successful advocates for
products, issues, and causes because they are viewed as highly trustworthy,
believable, persuasive, and likeable (Silvera & Austad, 2004; Till & Shrimp,
1998). Bandura’s (1986, 2001) social cognitive theory provides a theoretical
framework to explain the potential for a celebrity to influence an indivi-
dual’s behavior via the media. According to Bandura (1986), individuals
can learn vicariously through observation, which then has the potential to
lead to behavioral adoption. Given that the celebrity endorsement strategy
garners success in arenas such as advertising and health, it seems likely that
similar endorsements would influence voting behavior positively (Brown
et al., 2003; Silvera & Austad, 2004). If this is the case, then celebrities
modeling political participation and making it appear rewarding should
influence individuals who identify with those celebrities to become similarly
active in the political process. Ultimately, citizens are likely to participate in
the political process to the extent that they feel their participation can make
a difference (Delli Carpini, 2000; Pinkleton & Austin, 2001).
Examples of promotions that enacted this strategy include Declare Your-
self, a nonprofit campaign initiated in 2004 rallying young Americans
through, in part, a live spoken-word and music tour of college campuses.
Also in 2004, Christina Aguilera joined fans and young potential voters to
launch the Declare Yourself=Yahoo! Online voter registration drive, Only
You Can Silence Yourself (http://www.declareyourself.com). The Hip-
Hop Summit Action Network (http://www.hsan.org), initiated in 2001,
424 AUSTIN ET AL.

ran events in key states employing everything from PlayStation2 festivals to


spoken-word concerts, endorsed by celebrities such as Beyoncé Knowles and
Dr. Dre. Citizen Change=Vote or Die was created to ‘‘educate, motivate,
and empower’’ the more than 42 million Americans aged 18 to 30 eligible
to vote in the 2004 presidential election (http://www.citizenchange.com).
Sean ‘‘P. Diddy’’ Combs founded Citizen Change to ‘‘make voting hot, sexy
and relevant to a generation that hasn’t reached full participation in the
political process’’ (http://www.black-collegian.com/issues/1stsem04/diddy
2004-1st.shtml).
The process by which individuals are thought to develop a connection
with celebrities, increasing the likelihood that the viewer will perform the
behaviors advocated by the celebrity as well as adopt similar attitudes and
beliefs, is called identification (Austin & Freeman, 1997; Brown et al., 2003;
Fraser & Brown, 2002). Scholars recognize identification as the ‘‘process
by which individuals adopt the values and behaviors of media personae’’
(Fraser & Brown, 2002, p. 187). This is distinct from similarity=homophily,
through which a media character displays characteristics that appear rele-
vant to the viewer’s own life experience. It also is distinct from parasocial
interaction, through which a viewer forms a pseudo-relationship with the
character (Brown & Fraser, 2004). Identification is considered an effort or
desire to ‘‘be like’’ or adopt the persona of the character (Kelman, 1958).
Individuals go through the process of identification to the extent they
come to believe in the values, convictions and behaviors portrayed by the
celebrity endorser and adopt them as their own (Biswas, Biswas & Das,
2006; Fraser & Brown, 2002). Scholars consider identification a significant
component in the persuasion process through which celebrities influence
audience behavior and is posited to increase with similarity, so that indivi-
duals are more likely to identify with celebrities similar in age and gender to
the viewer (Fraser & Brown, 2002; Kelman, 1958). Individuals often identify
with dissimilar characters as well, however, because of their desirable char-
acteristics (Brown & Fraser, 2004). Measures tapping into the process of
identification may therefore provide a basis from which to explore receptiv-
ity to GOTV promotional messages.

PREDICTING POLITICAL BEHAVIOR: PROMOTIONS,


INVOLVEMENT, AND EFFICACY

The study presented here conceptualizes identification as the extent to which


participants indicate that celebrities they like or admire are involved in GOTV
promotions, thereby motivating political engagement and efficacy. To the
extent that the viewer is receptive to the celebrity, identification-based appeals
MOTIVATING YOUNG VOTERS 425

can provide motivation for participation by drawing attention to a set of soci-


etal concerns and portraying them as personally relevant to the viewer,
thereby increasing personal interest in those concerns (Kiousis, McDevitt,
& Wu, 2005)

POLITICAL DISAFFECTION: PROMOTION, APATHY,


AND COMPLACENCY

A significant concern of scholars in regard to young voters is the ever-


widening gap in turnout between young adults and the overall electorate
during the last 3 decades (American National Election Studies, 2005;
Buckingham, 1997; Delli Carpini, 2000). Scholars and critics have explored
cynicism, apathy, media use, and negative political campaigning as possible
contributors to the overall disaffection of young and old voters alike.
Researchers studying the components of political disaffection indicate, for
example, that apathy is a construct fundamentally different from involve-
ment and that cynicism and complacency, although associated with apathy,
are distinct constructs as well (Martinez & Delegal, 1990; Pinkleton &
Austin, 2004; Pinkleton et al., 1998; Pinkleton et al., 2005). Scholars con-
sistently demonstrate that apathy, defined as a total lack of interest, asso-
ciates negatively with both efficacy and involvement, each of which
contributes positively to political engagement (Pinkleton & Austin, 2001,
2004). In addition, complacency, conceptualized as a general lack of
concern, differs from apathy although the two are positively associated
(Pinkleton et al., 2005). Rather than being uninterested, complacent indi-
viduals may feel satisfied enough with their personal situation and
unaffected by the larger social context so that they feel a lack of motivation
to take action.
It may be more important for celebrity-endorsed GOTV campaigns to
address complacency as opposed to apathy or cynicism. A 2003 survey indi-
cated that 9 of 10 Americans are satisfied with the way things are going in
their personal lives (Blendon & Benson, 2004). Furthermore, scholars study-
ing social capital raise concerns about young adults’ self-absorption and lack
of concern with the larger society (Buckingham, 1997). Complacency, there-
fore, seems to comprise an important target for GOTV campaigns because
the motivation to participate in public affairs derives, in part, from the iden-
tification of a public problem that affects the individual or those about whom
the individual cares (Delli Carpini, 2000; Holbert, Kwak, & Shah, 2003).
Given that many GOTV promotions have been targeted directly toward
energizing young adults, it seems useful to examine whether this type of
campaign can provide an opportunity to decrease complacency among
426 AUSTIN ET AL.

young voters. To the extent young adults are receptive to the identification-
based appeals of the promotions, the campaigns may encourage them to
recognize and develop an understanding of societal issues that previously
seemed irrelevant.

H1: Greater receptivity to celebrity promotions will associate negatively


with complacency.

Truly apathetic individuals, conversely, would pay little attention to any


political promotions because they are averse to investing themselves in the
political process. Typically scholars have conceptualized political apathy
as lack of willingness to exert some degree of effort to involve oneself in
the political process (Bennett, 1986; Johnson-Cartee & Copeland, 1991).
This differs from complacent individuals who lack concern and motivation
rather than exhibit an unwillingness to get involved.
According to situational theory (Grunig, 1982, 1989), an active public is
characterized by its recognition of a problem and motivation to counteract
it. An aware public recognizes a problem but does not act because of either
low perceptions of personal relevance or low self efficacy, and a latent public
does not recognize the problem at all. It would seem probable that celebrity
promotions, to the extent that they appeal to the disaffected voter, might
positively influence self efficacy and negatively affect complacency as
celebrities project the idea that current societal problems are relevant and
voting does make a difference. A decrease in complacency and an increase
in self-efficacy should positively influence situational involvement and
ultimately voting behavior. It seems less likely that apathetic individuals
who are totally uninterested in public affairs would pay much attention to
or be persuaded by celebrity promotions.

H2: Complacency will associate negatively with situational involvement.


H3: Complacency will associate negatively with self-efficacy.

Situational involvement is an individual’s perception of the personal


relevance of a set of circumstances at a particular point in time, or a level
of interest in an outcome (Grunig, 1989; Roser, 1990). Individuals who
perceive the cost for a wrong choice as high are considered to have greater
involvement in the situation and to seek and process messages more care-
fully (Chen & Chaiken, 1999; Roser, 1990), whereas those who perceive little
cost will engage minimal mental effort to process information (Holbert et al.,
2003). Identification with celebrities supporting GOTV campaigns, there-
fore, can increase individuals’ perceived personal relevance, thereby helping
to decrease their complacency and increase their involvement.
MOTIVATING YOUNG VOTERS 427

Increased situational involvement is a critical variable for boosting poli-


tical participation because it motivates increased information seeking and
other relevant behaviors (Atkin, 1972; Chaffee & Schleuder, 1986; Faber,
Tims, & Schmitt, 1993; McLeod & McDonald, 1985; Pinkleton & Austin,
2001; Roser, 1990). Involvement consequently becomes a possible entry
point to greater, more satisfying, and more useful information seeking
and political participation (Austin & Pinkleton, 1999; Eveland, 2002;
Pinkleton & Austin, 2001; Roser, 1990). In addition to drawing attention
to issues of concern, celebrities may promote media consumption as viewers
turn to the media to view them (Brown et al., 2003). This issue-irrelevant
effect may help direct the attention of the viewer beyond the celebrity to
the campaign itself. Thus, youth who are receptive to GOTV promotions
may experience an increase in their perceptions of public affairs relevance.
Active media use, reflecting more motivated attention to public affairs,
has been recognized as a key link to increased skill acquisition and self effi-
cacy (Becker & Dunwoody, 1982; Miller & Reese, 1982; Pinkleton & Austin,
2001; Pinkleton et al., 1998), the belief that one can make a difference.
Scholars consistently have found that efficacy forms an important prerequi-
site for behavior including civic engagement (Bandura, 2001; McCluskey,
Deshpande, Shah, & McLeod, 2004). Even the absence of success will
not deter an individual high in efficacy from continuing to participate
(Bandura, 1986). The link between situational involvement and self efficacy
thereby provides an important link to active participation in the electoral
process.

H4: Situational involvement will associate positively with self-efficacy.

It is important to consider that self-efficacy also has its basis in affective-


oriented perceptions of confidence as distinct from the development of rele-
vant skills. These perceptions may or may not reflect an individual’s true
level of competence. To the extent affect can build perceptions of self-
efficacy, identification with celebrities may play a more direct role in politi-
cal decision making. More specifically, when celebrities that young adults
admire encourage them to believe that their vote will make a difference
and persuade them to become involved, fans who desire to be like the celeb-
rity should develop more positive perceptions of their own self-efficacy.
Research has shown that affective responses such as perceptions of message
desirability can lead to identification, which in turn predicts expectancies
and efficacy (Austin & Freeman, 1997; Austin, Pinkleton, & Fujioka,
1999). In addition, affective responses to messages can influence logic-based
comparisons (Austin et al., 1999), making appeals to affect potentially
powerful predictors of self-efficacy.
428 AUSTIN ET AL.

H5: Receptivity to promotions will associate positively with self-efficacy.

Self-efficacy perceptions based on wishful thinking inspired by celebrity


identification may have only short-term effects. Nevertheless, to the extent
the promotions increase situational involvement, which associates with
increased and purposeful media use and leads to increased knowledge,
young adults will develop true competencies. These individuals are more
likely then to experience an enduring change in self-efficacy. Celebrity-
endorsed GOTV campaigns, therefore, have the potential to help motivate
long-term involvement in politics. They also may help to counteract nega-
tive affect and beliefs about public affairs.

METHOD

A convenience sample of 305 students from introductory general education


classes at a large, public university in the Pacific Northwest completed a
paper-and-pencil questionnaire concerning their political attitudes and beha-
viors the week before the November 2004 elections. The survey tapped partici-
pants’ receptivity to celebrity-endorsed, GOTV campaigns, as well as key
variables in the decision-making process including their self efficacy situational
involvement, apathy, and complacency. Participants averaged 20 years of age
with women (n ¼ 148) and men (n ¼ 150) participating in nearly equal numbers
(7 participants declined to provide demographic information).

Measures
The items participants completed were based on their use in similar surveys
measuring the same or related political decision-making constructs and
behavior (e.g., Austin & Pinkleton, 1995; Austin et al., 2006; Craig, Niemi,
& Silver, 1990; Culbertson & Stempel, 1986; Jennings & Niemi, 1978; McLeod &
Becker, 1981; Pinkleton & Austin, 2004; Pinkleton et al., 1998; Tan,
1980). Participants’ recorded their responses to questions using 7-point,
Likert-type scales with strongly disagree and strongly agree as anchors.

Self-efficacy. The self-efficacy index consisted of the following four


items: ‘‘Voting gives people an effective way to influence what the govern-
ment does,’’ ‘‘I can make a difference if I participate in the election process,’’
‘‘My vote makes a difference,’’ and ‘‘I have a real say in what the govern-
ment does.’’ The alpha coefficient for the self efficacy index was .81.

Situational involvement. The involvement index consisted of the


following three items: ‘‘I’m interested in information about the upcoming
MOTIVATING YOUNG VOTERS 429

election,’’ ‘‘I pay attention to campaign and election information,’’ and ‘‘I
actively seek out information concerning the upcoming election.’’ The alpha
coefficient for the involvement index was .86.

Complacency. The complacency index consisted of the following three


items: ‘‘The country will be fine whether or not I vote,’’ ‘‘There is no real
need for me to vote,’’ and ‘‘The country will be fine no matter who gets
elected.’’ The alpha coefficient for the complacency index was .72.
Apathy. The apathy index consisted of the following two items: ‘‘Keep-
ing up on political issues takes too much time’’ and ‘‘Staying informed
about government is too much trouble.’’ The items correlated positively
(r ¼ .59, p < .01).

Receptivity to promotions. The receptivity to promotions index consisted


of the following four items, created for this study, based on research examining
identification and celebrity-based appeals (Biswas, Biswas & Das, 2006; Brown
& Fraser, 2004; Fraser & Brown, 2002; Kelman, 1958): ‘‘I have liked the
get-out-the-vote promotions celebrities have been doing,’’ ‘‘Celebrities should
not get involved in election campaigns’’ (reverse coded), ‘‘I admire the celebri-
ties who have been promoting voting or candidates,’’ and ‘‘There have been too
many get-out-the-vote promotions’’ (reverse coded). The alpha coefficient
for the receptivity-to-promotions index was .82. Descriptive statistics for all
measures used in the analyses can be found in Table 1.
Most of the final questions participants answered concerned media use,
intent to vote, and basic demographic information. Demographic questions
pertained to age, ethnic background, annual household income (based on
their parent’s income), and sex.
Researchers tested hypotheses with hierarchical multiple regression using
listwise deletion of missing values. The analysis employed the stepwise-entry
procedure within forced-entry hierarchical blocks. The first block tested
control variables consisting of participants’ answers to demographic ques-
tions regarding race=ethnicity, age, gender, and income. This block was
followed by a block of media use variables for newspapers, the Internet,
cable news, news magazines, radio, network television news, and awareness
of the promotions. A third block included the independent variables.

RESULTS

The five complacency and apathy measures were entered into a principal com-
ponents factor analysis with varimax rotation. Variance was explained at 70%,
with the five measures loading into two distinct constructs, as expected.
430 AUSTIN ET AL.

TABLE 1
Measures and Indices

Indices n M SD a

Self-efficacy 304 4.8 1.3 .81


Voting gives people an effective way to influence what 299 5.2 1.6
the government does
I can make a difference if I participate in the election process 299 5.2 1.6
My vote makes a difference 296 5.2 1.7
I have a real say in what the government does 297 3.5 1.6
Involvement 305 4.8 1.5 .86
I’m interested in information about the upcoming election 304 5.44 1.6
I pay attention to campaign and election information 305 4.73 1.75
I actively seek out information concerning the upcoming 300 4.11 1.89
election
Complacency 304 2.6 1.4 .72
The country will be fine whether or not I vote 299 3.11 1.87
There is no real need for me to vote 299 2.33 1.59
The country will be fine no matter who gets elected 296 2.3 1.7
Apathya 304 3.4 1.5
Keeping up on political issues takes too much time 298 3.73 1.76
Staying informed about government is too much trouble 303 3.02 1.59
Receptivity to promotions 305 4.4 1.6 .82
I have liked the get-out-the-vote promotions celebrities 272 4.53 2.0
have been doing
Celebrities should not get involved in election campaigns 295 4.4 2.04
(reverse code)
I admire the celebrities who have been promoting voting 295 4.0 1.9
or candidates
There have been too many get-out-the-vote promotions 286 4.79 1.9
(reverse code)

a
r ¼ .55, n ¼ 297, p < .01.

H1 predicted that receptivity to celebrity promotions would be inversely


associated with complacency. There was significant support for this hypoth-
esis (b ¼ –.16, p < .01), as shown in Table 2.
H2 predicted that levels of complacency would be associated inversely
with involvement. This hypothesis also was supported. (b ¼  .19,
p < .001). H3 predicted that complacency would be associated negatively
with levels of self-efficacy. As expected, the analysis revealed an inverse rela-
tionship between complacency and self-efficacy (b ¼ –.42, p < .001). Apathy
was not associated with self-efficacy.
H4 predicted that situational involvement would be positively associated
with self-efficacy. This hypothesis was supported. Regression testing
MOTIVATING YOUNG VOTERS 431

TABLE 2
Associations Among Receptivity, Complacency, Involvement and Efficacy

Dependent cariables=Independent variables b Dr2 df F

Complacency
Gender .07 .02 5.30 1, 281
Asian .10 .01 4.12 1, 280
Internet .13 .08 25.53 1, 279
Newspaper .07 .02 5.44 1, 278
Apathy .31 .09 33.41 1, 277
Receptivity .16 .02 8.02 1, 276
Total R2 .24
Involvement
Internet .12 .18 59.61 1, 281
Newspaper .13 .06 22.63 1, 280
Cable news .14 .03 12.79 1, 279
Apathy .43 .21 109.04 1, 278
Complacency .19 .03 16.82 1, 277
Total R2 .51
Self-efficacy
Hispanic .07 .02 6.60 1, 281
Internet .09 .04 10.95 1, 280
Complacency .42 .29 122.19 1, 279
Involvement .32 .07 10.95 1, 278
Receptivity .13 .02 8.022 1, 277
Total R2 .44

  
p  .05. p  .01. p  .001.

confirmed a direct and positive relationship between involvement and effi-


cacy (b ¼ .32, p < .001).
H5 predicted that receptivity to celebrity promotions would be positively
associated with self-efficacy. The results provided support for this hypoth-
esis as well (b ¼ .13, p < .01).

DISCUSSION

Critics and scholars frequently complain that the media and negative cam-
paign tactics are to blame for an increased cynicism and negativism among
potential young voters. This study explored the potential for the media
coverage and mediated campaign tactics to play a positive role. More
specifically, this study investigated how and why celebrity-endorsed GOTV
campaigns may help to persuade young voters aged 18 to 25 to participate in
an election campaign by examining reactions to the campaign along
432 AUSTIN ET AL.

individual decision-making factors. Of particular interest was the possibility


raised by recent research that complacency and apathy might operate
differently, making complacency more responsive to celebrity promotions
(Austin et al., 2006; Pinkleton et al., 2005).
To understand the relationship among receptivity to celebrity promotions
and a variety of political engagement decision-making factors, this study
examined college students’ awareness and receptivity to a number of GOTV
campaigns operating prior to the 2004 presidential election. Researchers
expected that participants’ receptivity to celebrity promotions would trans-
late into greater self-efficacy and involvement toward the political process
directly, or indirectly as a result of reduced levels of complacency.
The hypothesized relationships tested in this study are important because
prior research has suggested that individuals can become trapped in a
downward spiral of disaffection in which cynicism and apathy decrease efficacy
and reduce political participation (Pinkleton & Austin, 2001). Understanding
the role of complacency in this process appears to be a key to interrupting or
counteracting this spiral. Accordingly, this study explored how GOTV cam-
paign effects on complacency among young adults could affect efficacy.
The celebrity-endorsed promotions appeared to have positively affected
self-efficacy through two different routes, according to the results of this
study. First, receptivity to these promotions was found to directly predict
higher self-efficacy levels in potential voters. Second, receptivity to promo-
tions was found to predict lower levels of complacency, which in turn pre-
dicted higher levels of both involvement and self-efficacy. It seems likely
that this second route would be associated with more enduring effects result-
ing from these celebrity promotions.
A direct influence of receptivity on self-efficacy could indicate a short-term
association with the unique issues of the 2004 election or with the excitement
of participating in an event made relevant to the participants’ social commu-
nity or a desire to be like the celebrity promoting political engagement. On the
other hand, a change in the three related decision-making factors of compla-
cency, involvement, and self-efficacy would seem to indicate a growing aware-
ness of the personal relevance of societal issues that could build a more
informed and rewarding basis for continuing involvement in political affairs.
As predicted, receptivity associated with higher levels of self-efficacy, and
involvement had an additional positive association with self-efficacy. The
results of this study therefore suggest that the celebrity-based promotions
seemed to hold more promise for easing involvement through the reduction
of complacency than for reducing apathy. Receptivity to promotions pre-
dicted lower levels of complacency and reduced complacency associated
positively with both involvement and self-efficacy. Although not tested
directly in this study, these promotions may have the ability over time to
MOTIVATING YOUNG VOTERS 433

help arrest young citizens’ spiral into disaffection by helping to reduce


their complacency, thereby contributing to their heightened public affairs
involvement and sense of self-efficacy.
This suggests that celebrities who appeal to youth can help motivate engage-
ment in civic affairs as their fans emulate attitudes and behaviors supportive of
public affairs participation. The results suggest that this process encourages
fans to become more aware of the personal relevance of issues, which motivates
them to use the media to learn more, thereby further increasing efficacy.
The findings of this study are limited in that the sample was one of con-
venience and not generalizable to the national population of young adults.
These promotions may have had a different effect in other geographic
regions, as well as with other segments of young voters. In addition, all par-
ticipants of the study were enrolled in a 4-year university, which could have
implications for their political activity and interest in politics. Education
consistently associates with voting behavior in older adults; therefore, col-
lege students may be more receptive to voting promotions than others in
their age group. In addition, McDevitt and Chaffee (1998) indicated that
top-down, GOTV promotions fail to motivate individuals of low socioeco-
nomic status, thereby contributing to the ever widening knowledge gap. To
gain a better understanding of mechanisms that can motivate young citizens,
future research will require a study utilizing a more diverse sample. In addi-
tion, our study is limited by having occurred at a single point in the 2004
election process. Longitudinal data will be required to fully address the
extent to which these promotions have lasting influence.
Taken together, the results suggest that celebrity involvement in the pro-
motion of civic engagement can have potentially positive effects that have
both short-term and long-term benefits for the larger community. Appeals
based on wishful identification with celebrities can increase young adults’
belief that participation can make a difference, an effect that may be
short-lived. Meanwhile, such appeals also can decrease complacency, there-
by leading to purposeful information seeking that helps to develop skills and
knowledge necessary for self efficacy and long-term participation. Given
that self-efficacy is an important predictor of behaviors such as civic par-
ticipation, these results therefore indicate that celebrity-based GOTV cam-
paigns may produce real benefits to the political process, regardless of
celebrities’ grasp of the specific issues at hand.

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