Nombre

Item Referencia APA Año Idioma

Revista/Tesis

Conflict Management Bell, S. (2016). Power, territory, and interstate conflict. Conflict
1 2016 EN
and Peace Science Management and Peace Science, 34(2), 160-175.

Antonsich, M. (2010). Rethinking territory. Progress in Human

2 Progress in Human 2010 EN
Geography, 35(3), 422-425.
Geography

Environment and
Raffestin, C. (2012). Space, Territory, and Territoriality. Environment
3 Planning D: Society 2012 EN
and Planning D: Society and Space, 30(1), 121-141.
and Space

Journal of Peace Toft, M. (2014). Territory and war. Journal of Peace Research,
4 2014 EN
Research 51(2), 185-198.

Lemos, A. (2010). Post—Mass Media Functions, Locative Media, and

Informational Territories: New Ways of Thinking About Territory, Place,
5 Space and Culture and Mobility in Contemporary Society. Space and Culture, 13(4), 2010 EN
403-420.

Agrarian South: Sauer, S. (2012). Land and Territory: Meanings of Land between Modernity
6 Journal of Political and Tradition. Agrarian South: Journal of Political Economy, 2012 EN
Economy 1(1), 85-107.
 Theory, Culture & Brighenti, A. (2010). On Territorology. Theory, Culture & Society,
7 2010 EN
Society 27(1), 52-72.

Journal of Peace Kim, N. (2019). Territorial disputes and individual willingness to fight.
8 2019 EN
Research Journal of Peace Research, 20 (10) 1-16.

Wiesner Ceballos, D., Puerto Parada, A., Galindo O., M. C., Arriaga
DEARQ: Revista de
Salamanca, D., & Salazar Moreno, D. (2019). Paisajes ciudadanos de
Arquitectura de la Bogotá. El territorio percibido a través de la experiencia cotidiana.
9 2019 ES
Universidad de los (Spanish). DEARQ: Revista de Arquitectura de La Universidad
Andes de Los Andes, 24, 68–77

Universitas, Revista de Herrera Montero, L. A., & Herrera Montero, L. (2020). Territorio y
10 Ciencias Sociales y territorialidad: Teorías en confluencia y refutación. Universitas, Revista 2020 ES
Humanas de Ciencias Sociales y Humanas, 32, 99–120

Zedeño, M. (1997). Landscapes, land use, and the history of territory

Journal of formation: An example from the Puebloan southwest. Journal of
11 Archaeological 1997 EN
Archaeological Method and Theory, 4(1), 67-103.
Method and Theory, 4
https://doi.org/10.1007/bf02428059

Cauvet, P. (2010). Deterritorialisation, reterritorialisation, nations and states:

12 GeoJournal Irish nationalist discourses on nation and territory before and after the Good 2010 EN
Friday Agreement. GeoJournal, 76(1), 77-91.
 Cameron, S., & Curtis-Evans, M. (2000). Reclaimed Territory: Civil society
13 Development 2000 EN
against the Colombian war. Development, 43(3), 52-57.

de Carvalho, B. (2016). The making of the political subject: subjects and

14 Theory and Society territory in the formation of the state. Theory and Society, 45(1), 57- 2016 EN
88.

Carter, C., & Pasquier, R. (2010). Introduction: Studying Regions as ‘Spaces

Regional & Federal
15 for Politics’: Re-thinking Territory and Strategic Action. Regional & 2010 EN
Studies
Federal Studies, 20(3), 281-294.

Critical Review of
Jurkevics, A. (2019). Democracy in contested territory: on the legitimacy of
International Social
16 global legal pluralism. Critical Review of International Social and 2019 EN
and Political
Political Philosophy, 1-24.
Philosophy

Critical Review of
International Social Meine, A. (2019). Democracy and territory. A necessary link? Critical
17 EN
and Political Review of International Social and Political Philosophy, 1-24.
Philosophy

Pizarro, E., Estrella, S., Figueroa, F., Helmke, F., Pontigo, C., & Whiteford,
Journal of G. (2018). Entendiendo la justicia ocupacional desde el concepto de
18
territorio, una propuesta para la ciencia de la ocupación. Journal of 2018 ES
Occupational Science
Occupational Science, 25(4), xvi-xxvi.
 Territory, Politics, Branch, J. (2016). Territory as an institution: spatial ideas, practices and
19 2016 EN
Governance technologies. Territory, Politics, Governance, 5(2), 131-144.

Rojas López, J.(2018). La apropiación simbólica del territorio. Una tradición

Revista Geográfica
20 actualizada desde la nueva geografía cultural. Revista Geográfica 2018 ES
Venezolana
Venezolana, 59(2),434-447

Bédard, M. (2017). The identity, relational and heuristic virtues of

21 Cybergeo territoriality - From a cultural conception to a tripartite conceptualization. 2017 EN
Cybergeo.

Dzurek, D. (2005). What makes territory important: tangible and intangible

22 GeoJournal 2005 EN
dimensions. GeoJournal, 64(4), 263-274.

Vallejo, I., Zamora, G., & Sacher, W. (2019). Despojo(s), segregación social
Íconos. Revista de del espacio y territorios de resistencia en América Latina Presentación del 2019
23 ES
Ciencias Sociales dossier. Íconos. Revista de Ciencias Sociales, 64, 11–32

Salcedo, M. (2020). Vergüenza, territorio e identidad social: aproximación

Revista Colombiana al fenómeno de la migración transnacional voluntaria desde la psicología
24 2020 ES
de Sociologia social. Revista Colombiana de Sociología, 43(1).
 Annals of the
Castro-Sotomayor, J. (2020). Territorialidad as environmental
International
25 communication. Annals of the International Communication 2020 EN
Communication
Association, 44(1), 50-66.
Association

Fernández-Labbé, J. (2020). El territorio como espacio contradictorio:

promesas y conflictos en torno a la actividad extractiva en Ecuador,
26 Eure Colombia, Perú y Chile. Revista EURE - Revista De Estudios 2020 ES
Urbano Regionales, 46(137).

Annals of the Halvorsen, S., Fernandes, B., & Torres, F. (2019). Mobilizing Territory:
27 American Association Socioterritorial Movements in Comparative Perspective. Annals of the 2019 EN
of Geographers American Association of Geographers, 109(5), 1454-1470

Covarrubias, F., & Cruz, M. (2019). La apropiación paisajística del

28 Cinta de Moebio 2019 ES
territorio: una disputa epistemológica. Cinta de moebio, (64), 82-98.

Wise, J. (2000). HOME: TERRITORY AND IDENTITY. Cultural

29 Cultural Studies 2000 EN
Studies, 14(2), 295-310.

Progress in human Usher, M. (2019). Territory incognita. Progress in Human

30 2019 EN
geography Geography, 1-28.
 Farris, M., & Salgado, M. (2019). Lo cotidiano como lugar en disputa en los
Revista Austral de territorios forestales chilenos. Entre dinámicas globales, dispositivos
31
estatales y prácticas populares. Revista Austral de Ciencias
2019 ES
Ciencias Sociales
Sociales, 37, 253-275.

Beckouche, P. (2004). Division of man, division of men. Why is the territory

32 GeoJournal a strong component of contemporary collective identity? GeoJournal, 60(4), 2004 EN
381-387.

CIRIEC-Espana
García-Flores, V., & Palma Martos, L. (2019). Innovación social: Factores
Revista de Economia
33 claves para su desarrollo en los territorios. CIRIEC-España, revista de 2019 ES
Publica, Social y
economía pública, social y cooperativa, (97), 245-278.
Cooperativa

Rico-Ramírez, C., Chacón-Chacón, F., & Uribe-Pérez, S. (2019).

Bitácora Urbano Experiencias de diseño participativo en Colombia. Transformación
34
“inteligente” de los territorios. Bitácora Urbano Territorial, 29(3), 2019 ES
Territorial
117-125.

urbe. Revista Guimarães, A., & Diniz, S. (2019). Equipamentos culturais, hábitos e
35 Brasileira de Gestão território: um estudo de caso do Espaço do Conhecimento UFMG. urbe. 2019 PR
Urbana Revista Brasileira de Gestão Urbana, 11.

Albrechts, L., Barbanente, A., & Monno, V. (2020). Practicing

City, Territory and transformative planning: the territory-landscape plan as a catalyst for
36 2020 EN
Architecture change. City, Territory and Architecture, 7(1).
 Hopke, J., Gabay, I., Kim, S., & Rojas, H. (2016). Mobile phones and
Communication and political participation in Colombia: Mobile Twitter versus mobile Facebook.
37 2016 EN
the Public Communication and the Public, 1(2), 159-173.

Ravasi, D., Tripsas, M., & Langley, A. (2020). Exploring the strategy-
38 Strategic Organization 2020 EN
identity nexus. Strategic Organization, 18(1), 5-19.

Kreft, A. (2020). Civil society perspectives on sexual violence in conflict:

39 International Affairs patriarchy and war strategy in Colombia. International Affairs, 96(2), 2020 EN
457-478.

Chacón Ortíz, L. L., & Páez Ochoa, A. M. (2015). Educación, nuevas

40 Educación y ciudad narrativas y corporeidades. Los retos de la escuela desde lo popular y lo 2015 ES
digital. (Spanish). Educación y Ciudad, 28, 25–36.

Villegas Vélez, Á., & Castrillón Gallego, C. (2006). Territorio, enfermedad

41 Historia Crítica y población en la producción de la geografía tropical colombiana, 1872- 2006 ES
1934. Historia Crítica, (32), 94-117.

Cuadernos de Méndez Polo, O. (2019). Los intereses emergentes sobre la alta montaña y la
Geografía: Revista vida campesina: tensiones y contradicciones de la delimitación de páramos
en Colombia. Cuadernos de Geografía: Revista Colombiana de 2019 ES
42
Colombiana de
Geografía Geografía, 28(2), 322-339.
 Ramírez, E., González, E., & Espinosa M., N. (2014). La apropiacion
43 Agora U.S.B. politica del territorio. Estrategias de participacion política y de resistencia 2014 ES
campesina en los Llanos del Yarí. Agora U.S.B., 14(1), 177.

Cortés Millán, G. (2016). La emergencia de la ciudadanía juvenil.

44 Hallazgos Resistencias, paradojas y tensiones en contextos urbanos contemporáneos. 2016 ES
Hallazgos, 13(25).

Bueno Atencio, A. J. (2019). Estrategias de asociatividad para la defensa de

45 Verba Iuris los derechos de las mujeres migrantes. Estudio comparado España- 2019 ES
Colombia. Verba Iuris, 42, 47–62.

Clerici, N., Armenteras, D., Kareiva, P., Botero, R., Ramírez-Delgado, J. P.,
46 Scientific Reports Forero-Medina, G., Biggs, D. (2020). Deforestation in Colombian protected 2020 EN
areas increased during post-conflict periods. Scientific Reports, 10(1).

Chaves, P., Aarts, N., & van Bommel, S. (2019). Self-organization for
47 Security Dialogue everyday peacebuilding: The Guardia Indígena from Northern Cauca, 2019 EN
Colombia. Security Dialogue, 51(1), 39-59.

Dialogues in Human Murphy, A. (2013). Advancing geographical understanding. Dialogues in

48 2013 EN
Geography Human Geography, 3(2), 131-149.
 Georgakopoulou, A. (2006). The other side of the story: towards a narrative
49 Discourse Studies analysis of narratives-in-interaction. Discourse Studies, 8(2), 235- 2006 EN
257.

Tamayo, C., y Navarro, D. (2017). Después de la guerra: otra Medellín.

Ciudadanías comunicativas, apropiación urbana y resignificación de
50 Signo y pensamiento espacios públicos en clave de memoria y posconflicto. Signo y 2017 ES
Pensamiento, 36(70), 56–75.

Qualitative Social Hudson, K., & Mehrotra, G. (2014). Locating queer-mixed experiences:
51 Work: Research and Narratives of geography and migration. Qualitative Social Work: 2014 EN
Practice Research and Practice, 14(5), 651-669.

Gray, C. (2009). Narratives of Disability and the Movement from

52 Cultural Sociology 2009 EN
Deficiency to Difference. Cultural Sociology, 3(2), 317-332.

Choi, S., Liu, J., Csertő, I., Vincze, O., Fülöp, É., & Pólya, T. (2019).
Journal of Language Automated Analysis of Narrative: NarrCat and the Identification of
53 2019 EN
and Social Psychology Infrahumanization Bias Within Text. Journal of Language and Social
Psychology, 39(2), 237-259.

Roselle, L., Miskimmon, A., & O’Loughlin, B. (2014). Strategic narrative:

54 Media, War & Conflict A new means to understand soft power. Media, War & Conflict, 7(1), 2014 EN
70-84.
 Van De Mieroop, D., Miglbauer, M., & Chatterjee, A. (2017). Mobilizing
Discourse & master narratives through categorical narratives and categorical statements
55
when default identities are at stake. Discourse & Communication,
2017 EN
Communication
11(2), 179-198.

Social & Cultural Hones, S. (2011). Literary geography: setting and narrative space. Social &
56 2011 EN
Geography Cultural Geography, 12(7), 685-699.

Angus, L. E., Boritz, T., Bryntwick, E., Carpenter, N., Macaulay, C., &
Khattra, J. (2016). The Narrative-Emotion Process Coding System 2.0: A
Psychotherapy multi-methodological approach to identifying and assessing narrative-
57 2016 EN
Research emotion process markers in psychotherapy. Psychotherapy Research,
27(3), 253-269.

O’ Toole, J. (2018). Institutional storytelling and personal narratives:

Irish Educational
58 reflecting on the ‘value’ of narrative inquiry. Irish Educational Studies, 2018 EN
Studies
37(2), 175-189.

Dynamics of Ellis, D. (2014). Narrative as deliberative argument. Dynamics of

59 2014 EN
Asymmetric Conflict Asymmetric Conflict, 7(1), 95-108.

International Journal Andrade, S., & Andersen, D. (2020). Digital story grammar: a quantitative
60 of Social Research methodology for narrative analysis. International Journal of Social 2020 EN
Methodology Research Methodology, 23(4), 405-421.
 Jones, R., & Fowler, C. (2007). National élites, national masses: oral history
Social & Cultural
61 and the (re)production of the Welsh nation. Social & Cultural 2007 EN
Geography
Geography, 8(3), 417-432.

Kaiser, W. (2017). One narrative or several? Politics, cultural elites, and

62 National Identities citizens in constructing a ‘New Narrative for Europe’. National 2017 EN
Identities, 19(2), 215-230.

Information, Romney, M., & Johnson, R. (2018). Show me a story: narrative, image, and
63 Communication & audience engagement on sports network Instagram accounts. Information, 2018 EN
Society Communication & Society, 23(1), 94-109.

Cuadernos de Giraldo, L. M. (2008). En otro lugar: migraciones y desplazamientos en la

64 2008 ES
Literatura narrativa colombiana. Cuadernos de Literatura, 13(24), 10–28.

Vainikka, J. (2012). Narrative claims on regions: prospecting for spatial

Social & Cultural
65 identities among social movements in Finland. Social & Cultural 2012 EN
Geography
Geography, 13(6), 587-605.

Wedel, J. (2017). From Power Elites to Influence Elites: Resetting Elite

Theory, Culture &
66 Studies for the 21st Century. Theory, Culture & Society, 34(5-6), 2017 EN
Society
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 International López, M. (2013). The state of poverty: Elite perceptions of the poor in
67 2013 EN
Sociology Brazil and Uruguay. International Sociology, 28(3), 351-370.

Theory, Culture & Davis, A., & Williams, K. (2017). Introduction: Elites and Power after
68 2017 EN
Society Financialization. Theory, Culture & Society, 34(5-6), 3-26.

Cárdenas, J. (2016). Why do corporate elites form cohesive networks in

International some countries, and do not in others? Cross-national analysis of corporate
elite networks in Latin America. International Sociology, 31(3), 341- 2016
69 EN
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Theory, Culture & Davies, W. (2017). Elite Power under Advanced Neoliberalism. Theory,
70 2016 EN
Society Culture & Society, 34(5-6), 227-250.

International Criminal Liebertz, S. (2017). Political Elites, Crime, and Trust in the Police in Latin
71 2017 EN
Justice Review America. International Criminal Justice Review, 30(2), 175-196.

Journal of Agrarian Gutiérrez-Sanín, F., & Vargas, J. (2017). Agrarian elite participation in
72 2017 EN
Change Colombia’s civil war. Journal of Agrarian Change, 17(4), 739-748.
 Cramer, C., & Wood, E. (2017). Introduction: Land rights, restitution,
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73 politics, and war in Colombia. Journal of Agrarian Change, 17(4), 2017 EN
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Bulletin of Latin Rojas, C., & Tubb, D. (2013). La Violencia in Colombia, through Stories of
74 2013 EN
American Research the Body. Bulletin of Latin American Research, 32(s1), 126-150.

Moreno, H. (2018). Colombia: entre pactos de élites y transiciones

75 Entramado 2018 ES
democráticas. Entramado, 14(1), 166-179.

Richani, N. (2018). Fragmented Hegemony and the Dismantling of the War

Studies in Conflict &
76 System in Colombia. Studies in Conflict & Terrorism, 43(4), 325- 2018 EN
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Compare: A Journal of
Guerrero Farías, M. (2020). The enactment of the neoliberal citizen:
Comparative and
77 evidence from a case study in Bogota, Colombia. Compare: A Journal 2020 EN
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of Comparative and International Education, 1-17.
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Collin, K. (2020). Peacemaking referendums: the use of direct democracy in

78 Democratization 2020 EN
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 Kreutz, J., & Nussio, E. (2019). Destroying Trust in Government: Effects of
International Studies
79 a Broken Pact among Colombian Ex-Combatants. International Studies 2019 EN
Quarterly
Quarterly, 63(4), 1175-1188.

Cairo, H., & Ríos, J. (2019). Las élites políticas y la paz territorial en
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80 Colombia: un análisis de discurso en torno al Acuerdo de Paz. Revista 2019 ES
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Española de Ciencia Política, (50), 91-113.

Canadian Journal of
Latin American and Kajsiu, B. (2019). The Colombian Right: the political ideology and
Caribbean Studies / mobilization of Uribismo. Canadian Journal of Latin American and
81 2019 EN
Revue canadienne des Caribbean Studies / Revue canadienne des études latino-
études latino- américaines et caraïbes, 44(2), 204-224.
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International Journal Franz, T. (2018). Why ‘Good Governance’ Fails: Lessons from Regional
82 of Urban and Regional Economic Development in Colombia. International Journal of Urban 2018 EN
Research and Regional Research, 43(4), 776-785.

Progress in Human Jones, R. (2004). What time human geography? Progress in Human
83 2004 EN
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Environment and Clarke, M., & Wilson, A. G. (1987). Towards an Applicable Human
84 Planning A: Economy Geography: Some Developments and Observations. Environment and 1987 EN
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85 2019 EN
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Liu, W., Wu, W., Thakuriah, P., & Wang, J. (2020). The geography of
86 Cities 2020 EN
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Geografisk Tidsskrift- Andersson, I. (2014). Placing place branding: an analysis of an emerging

87 Danish Journal of research field in human geography. Geografisk Tidsskrift-Danish 2014 EN
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Murphy, A., & Hare, P. (2016). The Nature of Geography and Its
88 Journal of Geography Perspectives in AP®Human Geography. Journal of Geography, 2016 EN
115(3), 95-100.

Leib, J., & Smothers-Marcello, J. (2016). Perspectives on Political

89 Journal of Geography Geography in AP®Human Geography. Journal of Geography, 115(3), 2016 EN
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Bailly, A.S. (1993) Spatial imaginary and geography: A plea for the
90 GeoJournal 1993 EN
geography of representations. GeoJournal 31, 247–250
 Strohmayer, U. (1993) Formalities too — On language, maps, and human
91 GeoJournal 1993 EN
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Doucette, J. (2020). Political will and human geography: Non-

Progress in human
92 representational, post-political, and Gramscian geographies. Progress in 2020 EN
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Human Geography, 44(2), 315–332.

Simandan, D. (2020). Being surprised and surprising ourselves: A

Progress in human
93 geography of personal and social change. Progress in Human 2020 EN
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O’Sullivan, D., Bergmann, L., & Thatcher, J. E. (2018). Spatiality, Maps,

Professional and Mathematics in Critical Human Geography: Toward a Repetition with
94 2018 EN
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Annals of the Shaw, S., & Sui, D. (2019). Understanding the New Human Dynamics in
95 American Association Smart Spaces and Places: Toward a Splatial Framework. Annals of the 2019 EN
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Revista de Müllauer-Seichter, T. (2003). Rendimiento y utilidad de técnicas prestadas

96 Dialectología y de la geografía humana: Trabajando la percepción individual. Revista de 2003 ES
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 Transactions of the Ash, J. (2019). Post‐phenomenology and space: A geography of
97 Institute of British comprehension, form and power. Transactions of the Institute of 2019 EN
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Glémain, P. (2020). L’entreprise sociale et son (r)apport au territoire :

98 Annales de géographie l’apport de la géographie humaniste à la théorie de l’Acteur-Réseau. 2020 ES-FR
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Ferrari, E. (2016). Social media for the 99%? Rethinking social movements’
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99 identity and strategy in the corporate web 2.0. Communication and the 2016 EN
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Harlow, S. (2011). Social media and social movements: Facebook and an

100 New Media & Society online Guatemalan justice movement that moved offline. New Media & 2011 EN
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101 New Media & Society social media and protests against large-scale mining projects in Colombia. 2016 EN
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102 Communication Contemporary Social Movements. Journalism & Communication 2018 EN
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104 Current Sociology 2004 EN
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106 Politics 1994 EN
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108 Human Relations 2012 EN
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111 Acta Sociologica 1981 EN
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112 Critical Sociology Political Power Dynamics in Latin America. Critical Sociology, 32(1), 2006 EN
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113 Sociology 2019 EN
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114 New Media & Society consequences of social media protest. New Media & Society, 20(3), 2016 EN
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 Social Media + Hopke, J. (2015). Hashtagging Politics: Transnational Anti-Fracking
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Neumayer, C., & Rossi, L. (2018). Images of protest in social media:

116 New Media & Society Struggle over visibility and visual narratives. New Media & Society, 2018 EN
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117 Capital & Class 2012 EN
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Transactions of the Nicholls, W. (2009). Place, networks, space: theorising the geographies of
119 Institute of British social movements. Transactions of the Institute of British 2009 EN
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Westermark, Å., & Borell, K. (2018). Human service siting conflicts as

120 Geoforum 2018 EN
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 Peace and Conflict: Bretherton, D. (2018). How can social movements transform societies?
121 Journal of Peace Developing a guide for practice. Peace and Conflict: Journal of 2018 EN
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Studies in the Holst, J. (2011). Frameworks for understanding the politics of social
122 2011 EN
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Liu, Y. (2015). Tweeting, re-tweeting, and commenting: microblogging and

Asian Journal of
123 social movements in China. Asian Journal of Communication, 2015 EN
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Martin, G. (2001). Social movements, welfare and social policy: a critical

124 Critical Social Policy 2001 EN
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Leong, C., Pan, S., Bahri, S., & Fauzi, A. (2018). Social media
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125 2018 EN
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Oslender, U. (2004). Fleshing out the geographies of social movements:

126 Political Geography Colombia’s Pacific coast black communities and the ‘aquatic space’. 2004 EN
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128 cambio y la organización social. Revista Española de Sociología, 28(1), 161- 2019 ES
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129 2012 EN
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 Abstract / Resumen Categoría

This paper examines how territorial claims between states condition the effect of power on interstate
conflict. I argue that when the weaker state in a dyad controls a piece of contested territory, increases
in power for the state that does not hold the territory lead to increases in the probability of conflict
initiation. This has important implications for our understanding of the role that territorial claims play
Territorio
in conflict processes and attempts at conflict management, and provides support for the theoretical
claim that the relationship between power and conflict is conditioned by the distribution of benefits.

This critical commentary engages, both methodologically and theoretically, the notion of territory as
discussed by Stuart Elden (2010). Methodologically, I suggest that Elden’s philological concern with
the term ‘territory’ rather than with the idea of ‘bounded political space’ risks producing a partial
historical account. As a way to enlarge the scope of analysis and include also forms of ‘bounded
political spaces’ which existed before, during, and after the emergence of modern territory, I propose
a new theoretical category, ‘territorial’. This category reinstates the importance of ‘b-ordering’
Territorio
practices, downgraded as second-order problem by Elden. Theoretically, the commentary also
suggests the importance of ‘peopling’ territory, in order to bring social agency back in and avoiding
treating
In thismodern
paper Iterritory as a mere
reconstitute my own terror(izing)
approach tool.
to thePrompted
notions ofbyspace,
Elden’s account,
territory, andthis piece aims to
territoriality.
Developing from the early 1970s, my stimulate a ‘territory
thoughts resided indebate’.
the effort devoted to deriving from space
the idea of territory qua production by the projection of labor, a Janus-faced category composed of
energy and information. The construction of territory is the consequence of territoriality—defined as
the ensemble of relations that a society maintains with exteriority and alterity for the satisfaction of
its needs, towards the end of attaining the greatest possible autonomy compatible with the resources
of the system. I also propose a descriptive model utilizable in the production of territory as well as in
the production of representations of this territory in making available ‘images’ or landscapes. In the
Territorio
conclusion I draw attention to the fact that if labor is always a mediator, it is not thereby any less
subordinated to the money whose possessors are in a position to alienate labor by subjecting it to
orientations that can be undesirable. Money accelerates the process of territorialization,
deterritorialization, and reterritorialization. Geography, by considering only territorial productions,
has neglected to take up the issue of labor; consequently, it has not been able to demonstrate the
Ineffects onfour
the past labordecades
of money as a mediator
scholars that hasa rendered
have produced everything
large literature on themore and morebetween
relationship fluid.
territory and war. What is clear is that territory has been and will continue to be a core issue in
explaining the escalation and onset of war and that territory has peculiar features that impact whether
and how a conflict evolves and ends, and the nature of the peace that follows. These dynamics have
received significant consideration theoretically and empirically. Although research initially centered
Territorio
on interstate wars, focus broadened to include intrastate or civil wars. On the methodological side,
scholarship has taken a quantitative shift. The article concludes that both theorizing and empirical
testing have become increasingly sophisticated.
The basic underlying idea of this article can be put as follows: informational mobile technologies
have enabled new means of communication and sociability based on what I call “post-mass media
functions” and “informational territories.” What is at stake here is to question some visions about the
relationship between informational and network technologies and place, territory, community, and
mobility. I’ll argue here that new mobile technologies, under the label of “locative media,” are
creating new “territorialization” (control, surveillance, tracking), convergences between physical and
informational mobilities, new meanings of space, place, and location, and against the idea of anomie
Territorio
and isolation, new forms of sociability. To elucidate this hypothesis I will briefly examine social and
communication practices with “locative media” projects in for main areas: “electronic urban
annotations,” “mapping and geo-localization,” “location-based mobile games,” and “flash and smart
mobs.” These projects put in evidence new understanding of territory, place, temporality, maps,
mobility, and community.
The recent ‘land rush’ reinforces the historical struggles for land and territory in the fight for a place
to dwell and work, beyond the questions of land exchange value and price. The resistance of peasants
and traditional communities against processes of expropriation give rise to new theoretical challenges
and perspectives in the discussion of the importance of land and territory. Along with it, recent
changes in the representations of space (and time) have established new relations between the local Territorio
and global dimensions, and have yielded new meanings to these historical struggles for land in
connection with territorial rights. The present article seeks to understand the processes of reinventing
rural space, which are taking place in the struggle for land as a place to be, to dwell and to work in
the Brazilian countryside.
The development of territorology requires the overcoming of the dichotomy between determinist and
constructivist approaches, in order to advance towards a general science of territory and territorial
phenomena. Insights for this task can come from at least four main threads of research: biology,
zooethology and human ethology; human ecology, social psychology and interactionism; human,
political and legal geography; and philosophy. In light of the insights derived from these traditions,
the article aims to conceptualize territorial components, technologies, movements, effects, and their
Territorio
interplay, in order to establish the main lines of inquiry for territorology. A general territorology, it is
argued, amounts to a sociology of territorial acts and relations, whose aim is to analyze the
Extantexpressive and functional
scholarship establishescomponents of issues
that territorial territories, as fixed
are more through
likely their organizational
than other types of issues and
to lead
to militarized interstate disputes and war. technological devices.
One key premise is that a strong attachment to the material
and symbolic values of the homeland makes people more willing to fight for their country in
territorial disputes. However, there is no systematic evidence for this premise. Although recent
studies investigate the effect of territorial conflict on individual attitudes and find that territorial
issues are qualitatively different from other types of issues, researchers have not yet investigated how
territorial threats influence people’s willingness to fight. By combining data on territorial claims
from the Issue Correlates of War project with individual-level data from the World Values Survey,
Territorio
this article tests the relationship between territorial claims and individuals’ willingness to fight. My
analysis reveals that respondents are more willing to fight for their country when their countries
experience territorial claims. Building on the contentious issues approach, I further demonstrate the
importance of issue salience and issue context in the relationship between territorial claims and
willingness to fight. Last, I show that the relationship between territorial claims and willingness to
Describir fight depends
a Bogotá on a country’s
por medio levelpermite
de su paisaje of economic development
construir una serie or
de regime
imágenestype.
que resaltan
rasgos, hitos y particularidades de mayor reconocimiento e identidad. Sin embargo, existen
micropaisajes --ocultos o catalogados peyorativamente-- que son subvalorados. El Observatorio del
Paisaje (iniciativa de la Fundación Cerros de Bogotá) emprendió un debate sobre la valoración
tradicional del paisaje de la ciudad y su región. Este grupo interdisciplinar promueve la reflexión
Territorio
sobre las formas contemporáneas de contemplar el territorio y la inclusión de metodologías que
permitan conocer, de forma participativa, el paisaje bogotano e incorporarlas como insumos a las
estrategias de planificación.
En Ecuador, las temáticas relativas a territorio y territorialidad constituyen, en los actuales
momentos, importantes ejes de interés teórico y sociopolítico. No obstante, y a pesar de ser un asunto
prioritario en la gestión y administración de proyectos de índole institucional, su relevancia en los
ámbitos filosó- ficos y socio-antropológicos no ha sido suficientemente considerada. Diversas
instancias de gobierno y organismos no gubernamentales (ONG) llevan más de dos décadas
trabajando en torno al ordenamiento territorial. En cambio, la reflexión teórica, de utilidad científica,
es incipiente y está apenas en sus primeras fases de desarrollo. En tal contexto, el objetivo del Territorio
presente artículo es explorar contribuciones teóricas y enfoques epistémicos, utilizando para ello
metodologías de cartografía teórica y pensamiento relacional-diferencial. Los contenidos expuestos
como resultados dan cuenta de confluencias y discrepancias entre teorías que tienen mayor relevancia
epistemológica en materia social: el marxismo, el posestructuralismo y la interculturalidad En calidad
de conclusión se puede sostener que mientras el territorio es principalmente estructural, la
territorialidad refiere a procesos de transformación societal, de metamorfosis y sintonía socio-natural.
Territories are spatial units that encompass the broadest range of a society's land-use behaviors as
well as the history of human interactions with the natural landscape. Drawing from published
documents pertaining to the North American Indian Land Claims and to the prehistory and history of
land use among the Hopi Indians of Arizona, this paper integrates spatial, material, and historical Territorio
variables of land use behavior (1) to formulate an empirical definition of territory and (2) to develop
a generalized life history of territory formation that can be applied explicitly to the archaeological
The Northern Ireland Good Friday Agreementrecord. (GFA) signed in 1998 has been presented by many,
including those in Irish nationalist circles, as a sign of a post-national de-territorialisation of Irish
national identity, made possible or even necessary by globalisation. Studying the discourses of the
main Irish constitutional nationalist parties in both Northern Ireland and the Irish Republic, prior to
and after the GFA, this article argues that this process is best understood instead as a dialectical
unfolding of deterritorialising and reterritorialising trends. The first section analyses the concepts and
theories of the de/reterritorialisation debate and proposes a theoretical framework through which the
de/reterritorialisation of national identities might be understood. The second section sets the Territorio
groundwork for the terms in which such a framework might be applied to the territorial claims
advanced by the main Irish nationalist constitutional parties. Finally, the third section examines the
complex history of competing claims over the importance of territory in both cultural and political
Irish nationalist movements, Specific attention is given to debates over the GFA. It is concluded that
Irish nationalism has long been divided on the status of its territorial ambitions. As such recent
literature on de/reterritorialism can both inform and be informed by work on Irish nation and state
building.
 Sara Cameron and Marina Curtis-Evans look at the role civil society has played in Colombia to
confront the long-term guerrilla war fed by drug and criminal activities. They argue that without civil
society groups' efforts, particularly children, the peace process would never have reached the level it
Territorio
has today.

The article explores the historicity of political subjecthood, making the case that through a process of
subjectification “subjects of the king” gradually became the political subjects of the state. This in
turn contributed to reconstitute the state as an abstract notion that nevertheless was real through the
allegiance owed to it by its subjects. Addressing the making of subjecthood in relation to state
formation helps fill an important lacuna in the literature on state formation, namely the double
oversight of subjecthood. Either studies of state formation have taken both territory and subjecthood
—the two objects of state power—for granted, or, more recently, they have assumed that changes in Territorio
subjecthood were a function of changes in territoriality. I propose to address this by inquiring into
early modern subjecthood in its own right, through a historical exploration of the emergence of
political subjecthood in English statutes during the Tudor period (1485–1602). Through gradual yet
incremental changes in the relation between subject/king and subject/state, the political subject’s
allegiance to the state changed and acquired a “taken-for-grantedness”—maintained and reinforced
through constant legal reiteration.
Transformations in global, European and domestic regulatory government have sparked debates
about their effects on regions. Are regions becoming increasingly unbounded territories and/or
passive actors in the face of political change? This Introduction argues for a political-sociological
treatment of regions as ‘spaces for politics’ to answer these questions. This means first, conceiving
regions as institutionalizing spaces, with power structures and logics of action; secondly, studying
Territorio
territory-linked arguments evoked by actors to legitimize the re-institutionalization of regional
regulatory boundaries and spaces of public action; thirdly, studying regulatory strategies of
The proliferation individual
of law-making beyond the
and collective nation-state
actors who acthas produced
in the name ofa landscape
the region.of thoroughgoing
‘global legal pluralism’ (GLP), in which legal regimes overlap in the same social field. Individuals
find themselves under the rule of multiple and conflicting regimes, some of which have no ties of
accountability to democratic constituencies. GLP thus rouses a perplexing picture of globalization as
it untethers law-makers from jurisdictions, and governance from constituencies. Is democratic
legitimation possible within the tangled spaces of governance that characterize the post-national
constellation? I argue that yes, democracy is possible in a legally plural world. Specifically, GLP is
compatible with democratic principles when restricted by a territorial principle, which limits legal Territorio
pluralism to authorities with the potential to be legitimated by territorial constituencies, and this is
because territorial enmeshment is politically fundamental. However, I also argue that the
Is reconciliation of overlapping
democracy necessarily boundrule and democracy
to territorial spaces requires rethinking
and boundaries, or territory as a non-sovereign
can democratic processes and
jurisdiction,dispense
institutions i.e. territories must be conceived
with territorial as overlapping
ties? To answer and contested.
this question, Thisfor
which arises, conception
example, ofin
debates territory
aboutincludes
democracy not only
beyondstates, but also
the state, thismunicipalities, supranational
article reconstructs conceptionsfederations, andinfluential
of territory other
possible territorial
in democratic theory, asforms. The
well as interritorial principle
recent debates should therefore
on transnational be understood
citizenship in line rights.
and territorial with It
establishescosmopolitan calls to theorize
the container-space, democracy
social-space, beyond
and place the sovereign
conceptions nation-state.
of territory, and negotiates a
nuanced and multi-dimensional understanding of territorial spaces and boundaries and their relations
to democracy. Based on this conception, democracy does not necessarily depend on (a) territory.
Neither, however, should this connection be dismissed lightly. Instead, proponents of both the Territorio
preservation and the loosening of ties between democracy and territory need to answer two distinct,
yet complementary questions concerning (1) the justification of territorial spaces and boundaries as
social spaces, and (2) the functions they fulfil as container spaces. Exclusive place conceptions of
territory, however, are not consistent with the proposed understanding of territory. In the final part,
Este this articlese
artículo negotiates
desarrolló institutional
a partir delperspectives
diálogo y la for plural democratic
reflexión surgidos en spaces
el marcoanddel
boundaries
I Seminarioby de
briefly
Justicia reviewing etheoretical
Ocupacional Inclusión sketches on democracy
Social realizado en Chile,beyond the state,
en 2016. as well as
Este artículo se developing
propone como
una invitación aconstellations of nested
discutir la relación entrepolitical spaces
territorio within
y justicia the European
ocupacional. Encontext.
un primer momento se
revisa el concepto de justicia ocupacional y las formas de injusticia ocupacional descritas hasta el
momento. Luego se exploran cuatro elementos del concepto de territorio planteado por Gilberto
Giménez (1996, 1999, 2005) y su posible aplicación para la ciencia de la ocupación, desde la Territorio
perspectiva de Justicia Ocupacional. Sobre esta base se propone una nueva forma de injusticia
ocupacional, que hemos denominado dislocación ocupacional. Proponemos, además, una posible
aplicación de este concepto a la situación de los campamentos en Chile. Consideramos que la
comprensión de la base territorial de la ocupación permite profundizar en los fenómenos que
sustentan numerosas situaciones de injusticia ocupacional.
 Territory as an institution: spatial ideas, practices and technologies. Territory, Politics, Governance.
Territory is unquestionably central to many topics in international relations: political identity, foreign
policy orientations, and political conflict at multiple levels, from disputes over land to civil and
interstate wars. But what, exactly, is ‘territory’ in these contexts? This paper argues that territory can
be usefully conceptualized as the intersection of a set of ideas, practices and technologies: namely
ideas about political space, practices of political authority and rule, and technologies relating to
information and infrastructure. Together, these three interrelated fields constitute the institution of
Territorio
territory. Thinking about territory through this particular institutional lens allows insights from a
variety of fields – including institutionalist analysis in political science, the history of political
thought, science and technology studies, and political geography – to be applied. This makes possible
new approaches to issues such as the character and severity of territorial conflicts and the origins and
persistence of the territorial state.
El trabajo aborda la tradicional relación entre cultura y territorio desde la nueva geografía cultural.
Para ese propósito tres bloques argumentales fueron organizados de acuerdo con una selectiva lectura
biblio hemerográfica. El primero considera el contenido de esa relación en la geografía humana
tradicional. El segundo incorpora la concepción simbólica-expresiva, especialmente identidades e
imaginarios geográficos y, el tercero, los retos del territorio-lugar en la dimensión global Territorio
contemporánea. El recorrido conceptual evidenció la escasa presencia o ausencia de intangibles
culturales tanto en la geografía regional como en la llamada geografía cuantitativa, posteriormente
resarcidos por la nueva geografía cultural, corriente que hoy muestra un acelerado y variado
dinamismo.
Geography has developed the concept of territoriality to apprehend the ins and outs of our relations
to territory. However, this concept is so popular, particularly since the fast transformations of those
relations and their consequences, that it is usually not very well thought out and precisely or properly
used, a troubling fact that undermines its identity vocation and relational function. This is why, after
the analysis of the six main geographical definitions of that concept that stand out after a vast
recension exploring the identity and imaginary's types at work and the referential roles given to
Territorio
territory and scale, and after confronting them with the recent refinements made by Klauser and
Murphy,
Conflicts this
over article have
territory proposes a conceptual
resulted conception
in innumerable wars and
and aother
tripartite conceptualization
violent of reasons
incidents, but the that
concept
that sometoterritory
demonstrate its full
is more heuristic
highly valuedpotential and,
or volatile in turn,
than otherto better
areas mayunderstand and deal
not be obvious. with
This our
paper
demonstrates a taxonomy for analyzingterritorial condition.
international territorial disputes that seeks to capture their
tangible and symbolic dimensions and to weigh them as the international community might. Twenty-
six territorial disputes, including offshore areas and separatist issues, were examined and scored
according to 15 criteria for objective prominence and 7 criteria related to how a country might view
the dispute in terms of its national interest. The taxonomy used Saaty’s Analytic Hierarchy Process to
identify tangible and intangible properties, measure their interrelations, and produce intermediate and
overall ranks. Each dispute was evaluated for prominence by examining intensifying (symbolic)
Territorio
factors, measures of magnitude, and characteristics that retard resolution. The magnitude of a dispute
was judged to contribute the most to overall prominence, having twice the weight of the other two
factors. The top five disputes in terms of prominence were the Kurdish issue, Kashmir, Tibet,
Nagorno-Karabakh, and Xinjiang. The second hierarchy evaluated the disputes from the perspective
Laan
of acumulación
internationalpor desposesión
actor, en América
in this case the United Latina se When
States. ha intensificado
judged by durante la última
U.S. national década,
interest, the
mostcreando nuevas
important áreas
factors de sacrificio
were para laofinstalación
the deployment U.S. forcesdeinproyectos hidrocarburíferos,
the claimant countries and ifminero-
one of the
energéticos,
claimants monocultivos
were a U.S. ally. agroindustriales y de biocombustibles,
Finally, the results lo que sewere
from the two hierarchies acompaña con un
compared.
ensamble de carreteras e infraestructuras para localizar, extraer y transportar commodities para el
mercado mundial. Mientras los beneficios económicos se concentran en élites nacionales e
internacionales, en la región se renuevan formas de despojo de territorio y bienes comunes. Este Territorio
artículo ofrece un acercamiento conceptual sobre los despojos encarnados. Presenta también un
panorama de las formas de resistencia que comunidades locales, frentes de defensa y organizaciones
emprenden, con un fuerte protagonismo por parte de las mujeres quienes afrontan la precarización de
sus medios de vida. Las resistencias contemporáneas y también las re-existencias se anclan, como se
trata,
Esteentexto
la historicidad
plantea un de las luchas
marco de la región,
de comprensión fortaleciendo
desde o recreando
la psicología nuevas
social para identidades.
un proyecto de
investigación empírica que busca analizar la experiencia de vida que ha implicado la migración
trasnacional voluntaria para un grupo de colombianos. El artículo se centra en exponer el marco de
comprensión teórico de tal proyecto en desarrollo, mediante la integración de tres aspectos muy poco
explorados en los estudios sobre las causas de las migraciones humanas contemporáneas: la
vergüenza como factor motivacional de los movimientos migratorios trasnacionales, la identidad Territorio
social que adopta un sujeto con su sociedad de origen y las significaciones políticas de los territorios.
El texto se suma, entonces, a la creciente literatura sobre las intersecciones entre la migración y la
emoción mediante una teoría de la vergüenza en el contexto de la migración, la cual se sugiere como
una categoría analítica que ayuda a comprender las motivaciones que tienen los migrantes para
abandonar su país de origen
 Territorio and territorialidad are concepts particularly elucubrated and embraced by Indigenous and
Afrodescendant communities in Latin America as central to their struggles and demands. In this
essay, I approach the concept of territorialidad as a pragmatic and constitutive environmental
communication to argue that territoriality opens up ways to interrogate space and place, translation,
and identity. I based this argument on my research with Awá, binational Indigenous people living at Territorio
the border between Ecuador and Colombia. As a decolonial option from the Global South,
territoriality (1) counters Western narratives that privilege the global over the local; (2) offers novel
ways to understand translation as both a communicative practice and a historicist inquiry; and, (3)
furthers the notion of ecocultural identity.
Los conflictos por actividades extractivas han aumentado en la última década y constituyen un
desafío para los países en su deseo de avanzar en crecimiento económico y bienestar socioambiental.
Se analiza aquí los casos de Ecuador, Colombia, Perú y Chile, poniendo en el centro el territorio
como espacio social. Se argumenta que los conflictos representan un cuestionamiento al rol de los
agentes, tanto privados como públicos, y empujan hacia la puesta en marcha de procesos de cambio
institucional que suponen: a) fomentar y refinar los instrumentos jurídicos de captura de excedentes Territorio
Why derivados de la actividad
does territory matter to extractiva, para dirigirlos
social movements and whata inversión en otras
does it allow them áreas de desarrollo;
to achieve? Despiteb)the
desarrollar instrumentos
ever-apparent centrality ofdeterritory—the
planificaciónappropriation
y ordenamiento andterritorial;
control ofc)space
definir procesos
through de of
forms consulta
power
previa;
—to d) avanzar
social movementsen descentralización
worldwide (e.g.,yprotest
fortalecimiento
camps, land de occupations,
los gobiernosindigenous
subnacionales; y e)
activism,
fortalecer
squatting, la capacidad
neighborhood de articulación
organizing), de been
there has los actores involucrados
a surprising lack of para arribar
attention a arreglos
to this question by
institucionales
Anglophone geographers. de article
This crecimiento económico
develops Brazilian y desarrollo
geographerinclusivo.
Fernandes’s notion of
“socioterritorial movements” as an analytical category for social movements that have as their central
objective the appropriation of space in pursuit of their political project. It does so by contrasting the
concept of socioterritorial movement to those of social movement and sociospatial movement and
proposing four axes of analysis for socioterritorial movements. First, territory is mobilized as the Territorio -
central strategy for realizing a movement’s aims. Second, territory informs the identity of Movimientos
socioterritorial movements, generating new political subjectivities. Third, territory is a site of sociales
political socialization that produces new encounters and values. Fourth, through processes of
territorialization, deterritorialization, and reterritorialization, socioterritorial movements create new
institutions. These axes are further elaborated through the comparative analysis of two case studies:
the Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra, a large peasant movement in Brazil, and the
Tupac
El Amaru
objetivo Neighborhood
de la investigaciónOrganization,
es describir lasandiferentes
urban social movement
maneras from northwest
de concebir el paisaje.Argentina.
Para ello,
Comparison is deployed
fueron analizadas, as an yexpansive
fichadas discutidasmode of analysis
múltiples fuentestode
open up the concept
información, of socioterritorial
seleccionándose los
movement and más
planteamientos indicate potential
expresivos delines of enquiry for
la racionalidad further
teórica study.
desde KeyelWords:
la cual paisajeArgentina, MST,
es concebido. Se
encontró que, habiendo social movements,
nacido el paisaje socioterritorial
de la pintura demovements,
la Edad Media, territory.
hoy día es estudiado como
representación artística por la estética, como geosistema por la geografía, como ecosistema por la Territorio
ecología y como apropiación subjetiva del territorio por la sociología, la antropología y la semiótica.
Pero la experiencia paisajística contemplativa realizada predominantemente bajo formas estéticas no
es una perspectiva suficientemente atendida a pesar de que, junto con la representación artística del
paisaje, constituye la perspectiva más fidedigna del concepto de paisaje.
Beginning with a story from Deleuze and Guattari of a child in the dark who hums to comfort
himself, this essay presents a spatial theory of everyday life through an exploration of the idea of
home. The song the child sings brings order out of chaos, a space of comfort amidst fear, in other
words, home. Through song, repetition, and other ways of marking we establish personal territories
in a search for a place of comfort. This essay explores the nature of these markings, of this
territorialization, and how such processes are cultural. Indeed, the essay argues that subjectivity is a
Territorio
product of territorializing, identity is territory. Identity is grounded in habit; the repetition of action
and thought establishes home. The essay concludes by returning to the idea of culture on a more
general level and how a theory of home and everyday life as territorialization may help better explain
how cultures move, adapt, and resist.

Tracing the lineage of territorial theorization, from legal container through dialectical, strategic and
rhizomatic interpretations, this paper contends that more-than-human aspects of territory have been
routinely circumvented by scholars seeking to avoid its realist, imperialist intellectual past. However,
with the crisis of representation in political theory precipitated by the planetary ecological crisis,
territory as a material entity has sprung alive again. This paper proposes that a reinvigorated
Territorio
materialist approach, informed by Deleuze and Guattari’s writings on territorial assemblages as
machinic, nomadic and affective, can offer a way out of the territorial trap, reclaiming nomos from
its conservative, masculine heritage.
 Las reflexiones teóricas sobre la importancia del espacio de la cotidianidad nos han permitido
acercarnos al estudio de las relaciones de poder en los territorios forestales de Chile desde una
perspectiva transescalar, evidenciando la dialéctica entre el despliegue de prácticas de
hegemonía territorial por parte de las grandes empresas forestales y los mecanismos de
adaptación /resistencia a ello por parte de algunos grupos sociales. Se presentan dos casos de
estudio. El primero en la región del Maule aborda las estrategias de una empresa forestal en Territorio
producir/resignificar, controlar y dirigir prácticas cotidianas de la población local después de dos
acontecimientos disruptivos (terremoto 2010 e incendios 2017). El otro, en la región de
Ñuble evidencia la permanencia de prácticas productivas vitivinícolas tradicionales que
conforman la cotidianidad territorial del valle del Itata desde siglos y aparecen
“resistentes/resilientes”
When tanto a labetween
it comes to differentiation gran industria del vino
human groups, onechilena como
of the main a la expansión
features of Westernforestal
culture
is the importance of the spatial divide. The invention of nations, that lasted four centuries of wars
from the sixteenth to the twentieth century, speaks for that. The fact that claims for local identity
(neo-regionalism and nationalism) have such a success nowadays, reveals that this feature is still
quite alive. Louis Dumont's theory about individualism explains the long run contestation of pre-
existent collective authorities, and the rise of the general ideology of the individual. Jacques Lacan Territorio
Existe un amplio consenso
and contemporary sobre quewho
psychoanalysts la innovación
work on the social
linksesbetween
un fenómeno
psychenecesario parago
and society, contribuir
further. a
resolver
They shed loslight
nuevoson retos socialescall
the recurrent de carácter complejo
into question y multidimensional
of institutions, que han proliferado
on the overwhelming power of enthe
las
últimas décadas. Sin embargo, y aunque la innovación social ha ido ganando peso,
individual and on the protest for identity. According to Lacan the subject is structurally divided, the no hay acuerdo
general
price forsobre qué es,
denying it isnithe
se overwhelming
conocen en profundidad
importancetodosgivenlostofactores que determinan
social demarcations, su aparición
namely en
territorial
un territorio.
demarcations.
En el contexto descrito, este trabajo tiene como objetivos principales hacer una revisión del estado
del arte, proponer una definición de innovación social e identificar y analizar la importancia de
aquellos factores que favorecen su nacimiento y desarrollo en el territorio. Con este fin, se ha
utilizado una metodología cualitativa a través de la revisión sistemática de la literatura y la
realización de 24 entrevistas semiestructuradas a agentes inmersos en procesos de innovación social.
Las entrevistas, una vez transcritas, fueron analizadas con el programa Atlas.ti, lo que ha permitido
Territorio
proponer una definición de innovación social y plantear cinco grandes pilares (elementos sociales y
culturales; apoyo político e institucional; conocimiento y mecanismos facilitadores; componentes
espaciales y entidades; y mecanismos que determinan la estructura productiva empresarial y social),
que agrupan 29 factores identificados y ponderados en función del número de veces que fueron
En este señalados
artículopor los entrevistados.
se presentan algunos Finalmente,
resultados del seproyecto
ha realizado un análisis interpretativo
de investigación de los en
Diseño participativo
resultados
el marco en de el
la que
ciudadse explica la relevancia
inteligente, de cada uno
el cual profundiza en de los factores
el estudio y la relación
de procesos existente entre
de transformación
urbana y rural que involucran de manera participativa ellos. a los ciudadanos. Los hallazgos surgen de la
indagación directa con las comunidades, al intentar entender los actores, intereses y conflictos
derivados de estas transformaciones. Para ello se tuvieron en cuenta diversas zonas periféricas,
apartadas y/o marginales de ciudades y municipios colombianos con el objetivo de efectuar un
Territorio
contrapunto con las dinámicas de los grandes centros urbanos. A partir de las conclusiones se genera
un entendimiento más amplio de estos fenómenos, se resalta la importancia de una participación real
y efectiva de los ciudadanos en la planeación e intervención del territorio, y se establecen las
posibilidades de la utilización de las TIC para potenciar y optimizar estos procesos.
This article investigates the relationship between cultural equipment, habits and territory of the
Espaço do Conhecimento UFMG. This equipment is located in a noble area of Belo Horizonte; as the
result of a public policy, it raises questions about its recognition and legitimacy by the different
groups of inhabitants of the city. Thus, we investigated whether the ECUFMG can break the social
structure circumscribed in the physical territory and thus be frequented by different publics. Field
research found a homogeneous profile among spontaneous visitors - high schooling, high income and
Territorio
This highpapercultural
advocates
habitsthe- need for transformative
indicating that the placeplanning practices
of residence is nottoa cope with contemporary
determining factor for thecrises
of climate change
appropriation of thisand intensifying
space. We observedeconomic inequality
a access that regions,
barrier related to thecity-regions, and cities
issues of belonging andare
the
increasingly
lack of information about the ECUFMG and its attractions, which points to the importancesome
confronted with. In-depth examination of planning processes is useful to grasp of
crucial promises andeducationalproblems of andtransformative
formation work planning
amongand theopen up new
different possibilities for practice.
publics.
Accordingly, the paper includes an investigation into the Territory-Landscape plan-making process
developed in the Apulia region, Italy. This explicitly and intentionally aimed at promoting a radical
discontinuity in regional planning culture and practice by changing the well-established relationship
between territory-landscape protection and spatial planning. The process revealed that ‘landscape’
could function as a constructive picklock for proposing an alternative to the development-as-growth
model firmly entrenched in the region, and envisioning desirable futures focused on the concept of Territorio
‘local self-sustainable development’. This implies subverting the hegemony of the ‘economic’ that
has reduced dwellers to consumers, and the territory to a mere physical support for any kind of land
transformation and urban development which exclude dwellers participation. Using the lens of
transformative theory and building on an interpretive research approach that included also direct
experience, the paper provides insights on changes in vision and concepts, discourses and practices,
approach and instruments experienced in such a planning process. In conclusion, it reflects on
lessons learned, and highlights some difficulties and contradictions with which the way towards
transformative planning is paved for researchers engaged in turning their ideas into significant
achievements in the real world.
 In this article, we test the relationships between Twitter and Facebook use on mobile phones and
political conversation with offline and online political participation, as well as online expressive
communication. Our findings show that using Twitter on mobile phones is associated with a higher
likelihood for both online and offline political participation, as well as online expressive
communication. Using Facebook is associated with a higher likelihood for online expressive
communication only. The key contribution of this article is to show empirical differences between Estrategias
the relationships of social media and social networking on mobile devices with political participation
and online expressive communication. Public social media apps, such as Twitter, bring mobile
communication back into the public realm of a (albeit diffused) broadcast-like channel. Mobile
Twitter adds to the affordances of mobility, networked connectivity, and the publicness of social
media.
The concepts of strategy (what we do or plan to do) and organizational identity (who we think we
are) are deeply intertwined. Yet there is surprisingly little research that directly addresses their
relationship. In this essay, we discuss the concepts of alignment and fit as central to the
organizational identity and strategy literatures, respectively, and draw on this notion to introduce the
seven articles included in the Special Issue on Exploring the Strategy-Identity Nexus. We conclude
Estrategias
by proposing directions for further research, identifying new contexts, underexplored dimensions,
and alternative ontological perspectives that are likely to enrich future explorations of strategy and
organizational identity, and their mutual interrelations.
In international policy circles, conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV) is commonly viewed as a weapon of war,
a framing that researchers have criticized as overly simplistic. Feminist scholars in particular caution that the
‘weapon of war’ framing decontextualizes sexual violence in conflict from the structural factors of gender
inequality that underpin its perpetration. In light of these tensions, how do politically relevant local actors
perceive the nature and the origins of conflict-related sexual violence? Civil society organizations often actively
confront conflict-related sexual violence on the ground. A better understanding of how their perceptions of this
violence align or clash with the globally dominant ‘weapon of war’ narratives therefore has important policy
implications. Interviews with representatives of Colombian women's organizations and victims' associations Estrategias
reveal that these civil society activists predominantly view conflict-related sexual violence as the result of
patriarchal structures. The mobilized women perceive sexual violence as a very gendered violence that exists on a
continuum extending through peace, the everyday and war, and which the presence of arms exacerbates. Strategic
sexual violence, too, is understood to ultimately have its basis in patriarchal structures. The findings expose a
disconnect between the globally dominant ‘weapon of war’ understanding that is decontextualized from structural
factors and a local approach to CRSV that establishes clear linkages to societal gender inequality.

Ante las dificultades monumentales por las que trasiega el aparato escolar y en general la educación,
se hace necesario mirar fenómenos que deben ser interpretados desde esta institución social y en los
cuales ha de participar la comunidad como posibilidad de permitir que la juventud; sus deseos, sus
expectativas y sus propios cuerpos, sean el territorio del encuentro con la paz política en Colombia,
Estrategias
con el uso crítico y emancipador de las herramientas digitales y el motor de la movilización social
que ellos tienen que promover.

La geografía imaginaria de Colombia se ha condensado en una serie de representaciones que

simultáneamente enfatizan el carácter tropical de la nación y que lo matizan a través de su
contraposición con las zonas andinas que son despojadas de dicho carácter. En este artículo
planteamos que la discusión sobre lo tropical se enmarca en tres ejes: la naturaleza, las enfermedades
y la población. Estos ejes se analizan a través de tres casos significativos de su tipicidad y Estrategias
singularidad: las descripciones sobre la naturaleza amazónica, las geografías médicas sobre las
fiebres en la cuenca del Magdalena y las narrativas que se ocupan de la población negra del Pacífico
colombiano. En todos los casos, la lucha por apropiarse del territorio se articula con el afán por
Las políticas ambientales que se implementanconocerlo y definirlo.
en zonas habitadas por campesinos han configurado una tensión en
su relación con el Estado, que en lugar de resolverse se extiende a nuevos territorios. Evidencia de ello es la
delimitación de páramos, que involucra nuevas áreas como objetivos de conservación y uso sostenible de recursos
naturales. La política de delimitación de páramos evidencia y estimula, a la vez, intereses sobre la alta montaña
que vienen adquiriendo cierto protagonismo en la agenda del cambio climático y, por ende, resulta relevante
entender los planteamientos que se identifican y que se derivan de las narrativas de esta política. Con base en la
revisión de documentos que soportan la política, pronunciamientos de campesinos y en la agenda ambiental
global, en medio de la cual se genera la política de páramos, el artículo identifica algunas de las prácticas y Estrategias
narrativas que se han adoptado y se perfilan en un ensamblaje que configura un tipo de relación inédita entre la
vida campesina, la alta montaña y el Estado. Se concluye que la medida de la delimitación de los páramos emplea
idénticas prácticas a las empleadas por previas políticas conservacionistas, con respecto a la población campesina,
mantenerla confinada en el predio y negarla como comunidad de territorio. Estos elementos se extienden y
afianzan la noción de la presencia campesina como incompatible con la conservación de ecosistemas, acarreando
consecuencias a la intención de ser reconocidos como sujetos políticos.
 En el siguiente artículo exponemos los resultados de una investigación que dio cuenta de los
escenarios de participación política en los llanos del Yarí, una región habitada por campesinos de
tradición comunista, con presencia histórica de las FARC y en donde el estado despliega desde 2003
la más grande estrategia contrainsurgente que se haya adelantado en la historia del país. Para tal
efecto, nuestro foco de atención se orienta hacia la relación que existe entre las condiciones del
ejercicio político (entendido como la construcción del sentido de lo político y la Estrategias -
definición/participación en escenarios propios de la política) con la historia del proceso de Narrativas
apropiación territorial. Tal inspección nos ha permitido establecer que en esta región la plataforma de
acción de la organización comunitaria, constituye tanto su plataforma político-social, como su
escenario político-electoral, indagaremos más fondo sobre estas relaciones a partir de las narrativas
de las experiencias campesinas, las condiciones sociales de la región y la aguda situación de guerra
El propósito del presente artículo es, más
queque
allídescribir
viven. las prácticas y demás expresiones de
ciudadanía, comprender las construcciones que sobre estas se han constituido en distintos escenarios
juveniles de Bogotá. Este artículo es producto de un proceso de investigación que hizo parte del
macroproyecto Construcción de ciudadanías en distintos escenarios sociales liderado por la
Universidad Piloto de Colombia en asocio con el Politécnico Grancolombiano, y convocó para este
caso tres organizaciones y colectivos de jóvenes pertenecientes a escenarios distintos entre Estrategias
institucionales y no institucionales. Además, se adoptaron acá metodologías cualitativas discursivas,
como el grupo focal y las cartografías sociales narrativas, las cuales permitieron acercarse muy
claramente a las construcciones categoriales propias del interés del estudio, como las prácticas
sociales, la participación y los procesos de empoderamiento y apropiación de los jóvenes en
escenarios urbanos.
Los movimientos migratorios entre Colombia y España han tenido sus orígenes desde los años 80,
ello en ocasión, a la satisfacción de necesidades económicas, sociales, familiares e incluso huyendo
del conflicto armado de nuestro territorio; los movimientos masivos de migrantes colombianos a
territorio español, ha generado que conglomerados se unifiquen en procura, defensa y exigencia de
derechos que han adquiero por su condición de ser humano en España, esta lucha en especial, la
viven las trabajadoras del hogar, quienes a través de sus esfuerzos, han logrado sindicalizarse y
Estrategias
obtener avances importantes en el reconocimiento del trabajo doméstico como un trabajo digno y que
debe ser tratado igual que cualquier otro trabajo. Estos conglomerados han desarrollado estrategias
que le han permito alzar la voz ante el gobierno español y lograr el reconocimiento social,
gubernamental y legal de sus derechos.
Protected areas (PAs) are a foundational and essential strategy for reducing biodiversity loss. However, many PAs
around the world exist on paper only; thus, while logging and habitat conversion may be banned in these areas,
illegal activities often continue to cause alarming habitat destruction. In such cases, the presence of armed conflict
may ultimately prevent incursions to a greater extent than the absence of conflict. Although there are several
reports of habitat destruction following cessation of conflict, there has never been a systematic and quantitative
“before-and-after-conflict” analysis of a large sample of PAs and surrounding areas. Here we report the results of Estrategias
such a study in Colombia, using an open-access global forest change dataset. By analysing 39 PAs over three
years before and after Colombia’s peace agreement with the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC),
we found a dramatic and highly significant increase in the deforestation rate for the majority of these areas and
their buffer zones. We discuss the reasons behind such findings from the Colombian case, and debate some
The Nasageneral conservation
indigenous group’slessons applicable
Guardia Indígena,towhose
other countries undergoing
primary goal post-conflict
is to protect transitions.
indigenous people and their
territories from all types of armed groups, is a nonviolent self-protection organization in Northern Cauca,
Colombia. On 5 November 2014, while peace talks were ongoing between the Revolutionary Armed Forces of
Colombia (FARC) and the Colombian government, two Guardia Indígena members were shot dead by FARC
guerrillas. Without guns or physical violence, indigenous guards captured seven guerrillas responsible for the
crime, and, four days later, indigenous organizations held a trial and sentenced the rebels to imprisonment. This
article describes those events and investigates how the unarmed guards managed to capture the guerrillas and Estrategias
bring them to trial. The self-organization concept is used to gain insights into the mechanisms and strategies
deployed. The mechanisms of the Guardia Indígena include constructing and applying specific social norms and
values, developing a common goal, and applying a flexible mix of centralized and decentralized ways of
organizing. By combining and activating these mechanisms at carefully chosen moments, indigenous people have
succeeded in organizing themselves as a collective movement that is powerful enough to confront armed groups
Work in contemporary human geography onlyusing
without occasionally
violence. addresses the grand, empirically based
regional narratives that figure prominently in the public debate. Since such narratives have a
powerful influence on ideas and actions, whether and how geographers speak to them are important
questions for the effort to promote “public geographies.” Three case studies illustrate what is lost if
grand regional narratives are not addressed more directly by human geographers: one focused on
Narrativas -
how regions are characterized (Southwest Asia/North Africa), one on how regions are compared (the
contemporary European Union and the early United States), and one on how regionalization schemes Territorio
are deployed (the “North–South” dichotomization of the world). An expanded geographic
engagement with grand regional narratives requires periodic pulling back from scrutiny of individual
cases to consider broader patterns and process, and a heightened effort not just to critique, but to
propose concrete alternatives.
 The starting point of this article is what will be identified as the ‘narrative canon’ comprising a specific type of
narrative (past events personal experience elicited in research interviews) that mutually feeds into a specific
analytic vocabulary, an interpretive idiom, and a research agenda (normally identity analysis) within conventional
narrative analysis. The aim here is to give voice to, and advance understanding for, stories that do not fit this
canon and are thus in the fringes of narrative research. Examples of such stories are brought in from two
communication contexts (adolescents’ conversations - private email messages) and their interactional features of Narrativas
ongoing-ness, intertextuality and recontextualization are documented. The issues that are then addressed on their
basis involve the ways in which mainstream conceptualization of narrative analysis (e.g. tellership, tellability,
embeddedness) can be revised and stretched to reach out to those cases; also, the implications for narrative cum
identity research.

Esta investigación analiza acciones particulares de ciudadanías comunicativas de la sociedad civil: maniobras
desarrolladas en medio de la contienda por la apropiación del espacio público en zonas urbanas que han padecido
altos índices de violencia en la ciudad de Medellín, Colombia. Principalmente, esta pesquisa indaga por cómo
diversas acciones de ciudadanías comunicativas generan procesos de construcción de memoria colectiva,
inclusión social, reconocimiento de las diferencias y reclamación de derechos humanos por parte de públicos
subalternos en la arena pública. A partir del estudio de un caso en particular --el de la vereda La Loma--, se Narrativas
argumenta cómo la construcción de narrativas de la memoria en espacios públicos urbanos situados en contextos
de conflicto armado, erige un escenario en el que los diferentes actores sociales, en particular las víctimas, luchan
por resignificar su territorio y transformar las narrativas del presente, impugnando, ante todo, versiones del
pasado y relaciones
Social work scholarship concernedde poder
with alrededor
mixed-race dequeer
and la construcción
identities isdegrowing
la memoria
and colectiva.
ever-changing, yet often
treats race and sexuality as separate experiences independent from context and environment. In addition, in
studies of mixed-race people, the legacy of the Black-White/US-based multiracial paradigm and the history of
such research using race as the only or primary analytic has left a dearth of studies that seek to understand mixed-
race experiences within geographical, transnational and intersectional contexts. In this paper, we extend previous
work focused on situational and contextual multiracial identities through an interview-based study of a sample of
12 queer and mixed-race individuals. We employ a narrative analysis to explore how emergent themes of
geography and migration are salient to self-making processes of participants. Findings include: (1) diverse Narrativas
geographic and migration histories among participants; (2) interviewees’ use of discursive strategies that draw
upon experiences of geography and migration within the narrative structure; and (3) the critical role of geography
and migration in expanding and changing participants’ identity discourses and in shaping individuals’ identity and
sense of community. Ultimately, this work serves as a call for on-going attention to how geography and
migration, as well as intersectional and transnational perspectives, add depth and texture to studies of queer-
mixed people while also offering specificity to social work’s broader commitment to context and environment.

In this article, I argue that the study of disability would be thoroughly enriched if the insights offered
by cultural sociology as well as recent work on civil society were applied to it. I illustrate this point
by offering my own interpretation of contrasting discourses of disability and their relationship to Narrativas
major narrative frameworks of disability. I describe how these narrative frameworks are dependent
on a symbolic code that distinguishes between the abilities and inabilities of the physical body.

The Narrative Categorical Content Analysis toolkit (abbreviated as NarrCat) decomposes narratives into distinct,
quantifiable psychological processes. In this study, NarrCat was applied to analyze New Zealand’s historical
“Speeches from the Throne” from 1854 to 1913 (68 speeches). Specifically, NarrCat’s cognition, emotion, and
intention modules were applied to analyze patterns of psychological perspective, or psychological states,
attributed to various groups in the speeches (Māori, British settlers, and British governing elites). This allowed us
to examine infrahumanization bias, as denoted by patterns of language, in New Zealand’s governing discourses Narrativas
during colonization. Results showed that Māori were infrahumanized compared with the British settlers overall.
However, only British Governing elites were attributed significantly greater agency (i.e., cognition and intention)
in inferences of their psychological perspective compared with other groups. Theoretical implications of these
findings are discussed through the lens of infrahumanization theory, as well as colonizing discourses like the
British Enlightenment and Good Māori–Bad Māori discourse.

Soft power in its current, widely understood form has become a straitjacket for those trying to
understand power and communication in international affairs. Analyses of soft power
overwhelmingly focus on soft power ‘assets’ or capabilities and how to wield them, not how
influence does or does not take place. It has become a catch-all term that has lost explanatory power,
just as hard power once did. The authors argue that the concept of strategic narrative gives us
Narrativas
intellectual purchase on the complexities of international politics today, especially in regard to how
influence works in a new media environment. They believe that the study of media and war would
benefit from more attention being paid to strategic narratives.
 In research interviews, interviewees are usually well aware of why they were selected, and in their
narratives they often construct ‘default identities’ in line with the interviewers’ expectations.
Furthermore, narrators draw on shared cultural knowledge and master narratives that tend to form an
implicit backdrop of their stories. Yet in this article we focus on how some of these master narratives
may be mobilized explicitly when default identities are at stake. In particular, we investigate
interviews with successful female professionals from diverse geographical contexts. We found that
the interviewees deal with challenges to their ‘successful professional’ identities by drawing on
Narrativas
categorical narratives or categorical statements. As such, the interviewees talk into being a morally
ordered gendered worldview, thus making explicit gendered master narratives about their societies
and workplaces. In general, this article shows that categorical narratives and statements can bring
(the typically rather elusive) master narratives to the surface and that these can thus contribute to the
narrators’ identity work.
This paper explores some of the ways in which analytical strategies developed within narrative theory might be
combined with recent developments in literary geography in the study of setting and narrative space. It suggests
that despite narrative theory's urge toward categorization and its associated tendency to conceive of space as
relatively stable and fixed, the technical vocabulary developed within the discipline has much to offer the literary
geographer. The first section of the paper reviews some of the areas of potential collaboration in this cross- Narrativas -
disciplinary overlap, while the second section offers three brief case study readings designed to suggest the Territorio
potential of a combination of the analytical specificity of narrative studies with the imaginative stretch of spatial
theory. The case studies look at setting and narrative space as they emerge in relation to narrative voices and
multiple audiences in three case study texts: P.K. Dick's The Man in the High Castle (1962), J.A. Mitchell's The
Last American (1889), and F. Scott Fitzgerald's The Great Gatsby (1925).

Recent studies suggest that it is not simply the expression of emotion or emotional arousal in session
that is important, but rather it is the reflective processing of emergent, adaptive emotions, arising in
the context of personal storytelling and/or Emotion-Focused Therapy (EFT) interventions, that is
associated with change. To enhance narrative-emotion integration specifically in EFT, Angus and
Greenberg originally identified a set of eight clinically derived narrative-emotion integration markers Narrativas
were originally identified for the implementation of process-guiding therapeutic responses. Further
evaluation and testing by the Angus Narrative-Emotion Marker Lab resulted in the identification of
10 empirically validated Narrative-Emotion Process (N-EP) markers that are included in the
Narrative-Emotion Process Coding System Version 2.0 (NEPCS 2.0).
With the ‘narrative turn’, a momentum gathered in the wider social sciences that asserted that listening to, asking
for, gathering and analysing stories provided a new impetus to researching human behaviour. The argument
evolved: people are storied beings and to generate a more in-depth understanding of people and their experiences,
researchers need to begin with their stories. But the stories people tell are also deeply embedded in narrative
frameworks and narrative environments that make up what I conceptualise as institutional storytelling. Arguably,
institutional storytelling has a profound impact on the stories people can and do tell. Narrative inquiry has much Narrativas
to offer to the analysis of institutional and personal narratives. In this article, I will address the question of the
relevance of narrative inquiry to gather and analyse the stories that people and institutions tell. Drawn from an
empirical sociological study of women’s narratives of their weight management experiences in the context of
their participation in weight management classes, I present a case for narrative ethnography as a critical
methodological strategy to analyse the complex relationship between institutional and personal narratives.

This essay argues that narratives or stories are an essential communication mechanism that define the
differences between two conflicting groups, especially in asymmetric conflicts. Stories told during
conflict resolution experiences are typically assumed to be subjective and emotional versions of
reality, but I argue that stories function as arguments. Stories provide a foundation for reasons and Narrativas
are used as evidence to justify positions; this makes them fundamentally argumentative in nature.
Interaction data from various Israeli–Palestinian dialogue groups are used to display turns at talk that
illustrate the functioning of narratives as arguments during deliberation.

Digital story grammar (DSG) is a methodology that combines narrative theory and computerised text
analysis. The methodology offers new ways of identifying patterns in narrative identity work and
examining how these patterns relate to social structures such as gender and social class. DSG works
through an algorithm that identifies narrative units consisting of subjects, verbs and objects. To
demonstrate the potential of the methodology, we apply it to interviews with young people from the
Timescapes Qualitative Longitudinal Data Archive and address four research questions: Who are in Narrativas
the young people’s stories (characters)? What are their narratives about (domains of experiences)?
When do they taking place (temporality)? How are the narratives told (sense of agency)? Among
other findings, we observed that young people with middle-class backgrounds convey a stronger
sense of agency than their working-class peers, and we show how this correlates with the ways in
which they navigate school-to-work trajectories.
 The paper examines the distinction that has been made in the social science literature on nationalism between
national élites and national masses. While the distinction is useful as a way of beginning to conceptualize the
mechanisms through which nations and nationalisms are (re)produced, it can also underplay the significance of
the iterative relationship that exists between national élites and national masses. We argue that detailed empirical
research can enable us to complicate the historical geographies that lead to the production and reproduction of
nations. As a way of illustrating the saliency of these claims, we focus on the nationalist agitation—with respect Narrativas
to the campaign for a Welsh higher education—that was taking place in the University College and town of
Aberystwyth during the late 1960s and early 1970s. Oral history research with members of the national élite and
the national masses, who were active within this campaign, enables us to show the poly-vocal production of the
Welsh nation at this time.

European Union (EU) institutions have cultivated narratives of European integration for a long time.
For its 2013–2014 ‘A New Narrative for Europe’ project, however, the European Commission for the
first time explicitly used the ‘narrative’ label. Drawing on non-participant observation, semi-
structured interviews and qualitative discourse analysis, this article contrasts the drafting process and
the resulting declaration’s narrative structure and content with its discussion by citizens in a web-
Narrativas
based consultation. The analysis shows that participating citizens forcefully demanded a bottom-up
debate and advocated pluralistic perspectives. In these circumstances, elite-driven attempts at
strengthening European identity and EU legitimacy are likely to be ineffective.
Social media is a growing space for interpersonal and masspersonal communication, and the shared image that
often accompanies these messages has become a factor in increasing audience engagement. This study seeks to
understand what types of images generate more engagement from social media audiences. A group of
communication scholars argue that narrative is the most basic form of human communication and therefore
messages with strong narrative themes more easily connect the message from the communicator to the audience.
This study performed a content analysis of nearly 2000 images shared by Sports Networks on Instagram.
Operating under Kress and van Leeuwen’s (Kress, G. R., & van Leeuwen, L. T. (2006). Reading images: The Narrativas
grammar of visual design. London: Routledge) methodology for determining a narrative in an image, the study
found that images that contained narrative or metacommunicative messages (Bateson, G. (1951). Information and
codification:
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ficción narrativa? 168–211)
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una parte, el que produce en
los niveles socio-cultural y cartográfico de Colombia recogidos por la representación literaria y, por otra, el que
despierta interés en los escritores que dan cuenta de ello en obras de diversos momentos y desde distintas
estrategias narrativas. El resultado de nuestras lecturas confirma que las relaciones entre historia y ficción son
innegables, y que la retórica del exilio y el desplazamiento ha tenido lugar no sólo en nuestra vida cotidiana, sino
también en nuestra narrativa literaria. Así, por ejemplo, desde fines del siglo xix se han escrito ficciones que
inicialmente se volcaron en el desplazamiento, suscitadas por la guerra de los Mil Días, las que actualmente Narrativas
pueden vincularse a otras más recientes y sobre la misma temática, desprendidas de la violencia partidista de
medio siglo o del llamado Conflicto Armado de fines del siglo xx. Estas narrativas se complementan con las que
al cerrarse el siglo anterior y a comienzos del presente, desde estilos ágiles y explosivos ofrecen búsqueda en el
exilio, desdehave
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collective a niveles
regional
que comprenden razas, culturas y lenguas provenientes de diversos lugares de Europa, África y Medio Oriente.
identities—the expressions of past and current social discourses and cultural practices. However,
such institutional regional discourses are often incongruous to spatial imaginaries of everyday life.
This article scrutinizes the meanings of spatial attachment to citizens and explores to what extent
regional identities are meaningful in everyday life. To avoid biased assumptions, focus-group Narrativas
interviews were carried out within four Finnish provinces among the members of four social
movements. The results show that provincial spaces are not actively thought-and-practiced. Spatial
identities are rather structured around personal experiences that typically accumulate in several
locales, since personal histories are increasingly characterized by mobility. This article also
recognizes
The thattheory
dominant the everyday meanings
of elite power, of a socially
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in Weberian region are
bureaucracy, hasoften generationally
analyzed read
elites in terms
of stable positions at the topand of combine
enduring different historical
institutions. Today,narratives.
many conditions that spawned these
stable ‘command posts’ no longer prevail, and elite power thus warrants rethinking. This article
advances an argument about contemporary ‘influence elites’. The way they are organized and the
modus operandi they employ to wield influence enable them to evade public accountability, a
hallmark of a democratic society. Three cases are presented, first to investigate changes in how elites Élites
operate and, second, to examine varying configurations in which the new elites are organized. The
cases demonstrate that influence elites intermesh hierarchies and networks, serve as connectors, and
coordinate influence from multiple, moving perches, inside and outside official structures. Their
flexible and multi-positioned organizing modes call for reconsidering elite theory and grappling with
the implications of these elites for democratic society.
 This article approaches elites’ perceptions of poverty, inequality, and social policy in Brazil and
Uruguay from democratization to the recent shift toward left-wing governments. It explores elites’
perceptions of the roles of the state, the market, and their own role in relation to poverty. The
analysis relies on a series of elite surveys targeting leaders from the state and government, the
corporate world, and the third sector in Brazil and Uruguay. The main argument is that poverty and
inequality can be perceived by elites as a source of political and social threats, potentially motivating
elites to embrace collective action and policy support. Although Brazil and Uruguay are often treated
Élites
as opposite cases in Latin America, they share similarities in the way in which their national elites
have dealt with poverty and inequality since democratization. From authoritarian regimes to cash
transfer programs, the historical inheritance of a business-state and the threats posed by the poor
pushed elites toward similar measures, although often based on different understandings of poverty
and inequality.
This article introduces the special issue on ‘Elites and Power after Financialization’. It is presented in
three parts. The first sets out the original Weberian problematic that directed the work of Michels and
Mills, in the 1910s and 1950s respectively. It then discusses how this framework was appropriated
and then cast aside as our understanding of capitalism changed. The second section makes the case
for a reset of elite studies around the current capitalist conjuncture of financialization. It is explained
how this unifying theme allows for a diverse set of approaches for answering old and new questions
Élites
about elites and power. The third part identifies four key themes or sites of investigation that emerge
within the nine papers offered here. These are: new state-capital relations, innovative forms of value
extraction, new elite insecurities and resources in liquid times and the role of elite intermediaries and
experts.
This article analyzes, compares, and explains the corporate elite networks formed by interlocking directorates
across five Latin American economies in order to comprehend why corporate elites are interconnected by
cohesive networks in some countries and not in others. Results show cohesive elite networks in Mexico, Chile,
and to some extent in Peru, but not in Brazil and Colombia. After testing and rejecting the hypotheses from
existing theories, the author identifies complementarities among cohesive corporate elite networks, state–business
relations through strong encompassing business associations, and market openness. In economies where state– Élites
business relations are mediated by strong encompassing business associations and open up to free trade with
developed economies, corporate elites form cohesive networks, whereas in economies with weak encompassing
business associations and low trade openness, corporate elites do not form cohesive networks. These novel
explanations are useful to understand corporate elite networks in emerging economies, and a benchmark for
future studies
The financial crisis, and associated scandals, createdona sense
corporate
of a elites.
juridical deficit with regard to the financial
sector. Forms of independent judgement within the sector appeared compromised, while judgement over the
sector seemed unattainable. Elites, in the classical Millsian sense of those taking tacitly coordinated ‘big
decisions’ over the rest of the public, seemed absent. This article argues that the eradication of jurisdictional elites
is an effect of neoliberalism, as articulated most coherently by Hayek. It characterizes the neoliberal project as an
effort to elevate ‘unconscious’ processes over ‘conscious’ ones, which in practice means elevating cybernetic,
non-human systems and processes over discursive spheres of politics and judgement. Yet such a system still Élites
produces its own types of elite power, which come to consist in acts of translation, rather than judgement. Firstly,
there are ‘cyborg intermediaries’: elites which operate largely within the system of codes, data, screens and
prices. Secondly, there are ‘diplomatic intermediaries’: elites who come to narrate and justify what markets (and
associated technologies and bodies) are ‘saying’. The paper draws on Lazzarato’s work on signifying vs
asignifying
This articlesemiotics in order
examines to articulate
the effect this, on
of crime andsupport
concludes
forbycriminal
considering the types
justice of elite
systems crisis which
in Latin these
America.
Scholars empirically demonstrate aforms strongof power tendeffect
negative to produce.
of crime on support for institutions and
satisfaction with democracy. Others provide thick descriptions of the prevalence of creeping
authoritarianism in response to crime—the infamous “mano dura” or “iron fist.” I test the
effectiveness of elite political messaging across different countries. In other words, do politicians that
promote “iron-fist” policies reassure their intended audience and shore up support for the police and
the criminal justice system? Analyzing survey data from the Latin American Public Opinion Project
Élites
and Wiesehomeier and Benoit’s expert survey of Latin American political party platforms, I find that
elite political opinion about insecurity conditions the effect of crime victimization and fear of crime
on mass support for the police and the justice system as well as on perceptions of police and justice
system effectiveness. When political elites emphasize mano dura (“iron fist”) solutions, fearful
citizens and victims are less critical of the police and the justice system in general.
Direct elite participation in civil wars remains unexplored terrain. It should be analytically telling,
because it involves taking major risks and costs. Here, we consider the direct participation of one
rural elite-big cattle ranchers-in the Colombian paramilitary saga. We claim that it was massive,
locally specific, regulated by institutions, and riddled by permanent collective action issues. We
focus on two important forms of direct participation: ranchers as leaders of paramilitary groups, and
Élites
ranchers as promoters and beneficiaries of coercive land dispossession. This does not cover the full
spectrum of potential elite participation in war, but it is a key starting point to sort out the ways in
which extreme inequality is associated with political violence from above.
 This paper introduces contributions to a symposium that report some of the findings and arguments to emerge
from a collaborative research project involving five Colombian universities forming the Observatorio de
Restitución y Regulación de Derechos de Propiedad Agraria (Observatory of Restitution and Regulation of
Agrarian Property Rights). In a number of ways, the research presented in the symposium advances understanding
of the political economy of rural Colombia, and of war in Colombia, and the papers, drawing on the original
evidence collected by Observatorio researchers, develop arguments that have a wider relevance too for agrarian
political economy and the understanding of violent conflict. In particular, the papers highlight the direct Élites
participation of elites in violent conflict; the varieties and nuances of wartime primitive accumulation; the
complexities of the state's role in wartime agrarian political economy; the gender dimensions of agrarian conflict;
the interaction of war and law; and the significance for service provision of farm size. As Colombia-hopefully-
passes from long war to peace, these arguments and this evidence may be valuable in debates about what kind of
peace can develop.

The article examines a period of violence in Colombia that took place in the mid-20th century, with
focus given to the ways in which the body offers a useful lens with which to study this period. The
authors draw on the work of sociologist Norbert Elias and philosopher Michel Foucault in order to Élites
explore the use of state terror as an instrument of Colombian social control and Colombia elites'
attitudes towards peasants and Afro-Colombians.

El presente artículo se propone dar cuenta, con un enfoque de carácter histórico, cualitativo y cuantitativo, de los
diferentes períodos de violencia política y las instancias de construcción de paz en los que se han visto
involucrados procesos políticos de negociaciones tanto entre las facciones armadas del bipartidismo como entre el
Estado y la insurgencia en los diferentes períodos de posconflictos en Colombia, y de la posibilidad que
representa el actual acuerdo de paz de La Habana, ya en su etapa compleja de implementación, de contener
elementos suficientes que nos permitan caracterizar si lo acordado conducirá a una etapa de democratización
(transición democrática) que se diferenciaría de la tradicional estrategia de recurrir a los pactos desde arriba, que Élites
ha sido la costumbre histórica entre élites en Colombia (pactos consociacionales) para contener; negociar o
terminar periodos álgidos de violencia política y social. Esta posibilidad de romper con los recurrentes ciclos de
periodos de violencia y posteriores periodos de posconflicto a través de pactos de élites, está presente en la pugna
actual entre quienes luchan por la implementación de lo pactado y entre quienes temen un proceso de
liberalización y profundización democrática desde abajo.
Establishing peace in Colombia has been an enigma escaping the best intentions of some presidents. The causes
of this riddle are multiple. Some attributed it to the nature of the state-making process led by a fractured elite
compounded with the state limited resources in a country with one of the most complex topographies in the world.
This article tackles part of this puzzle, particularly the inability of any fraction of the elite to establish its
hegemonic vision over the others and hence to pacify the polity. It explores why previous presidents who
attempted to find a peaceful settlement of its long armed conflict failed and why and how did President Juan Élites
Manuel Santos succeed. Against the backdrop of a fragmented hegemony, I analyze two core areas that have
received scant attention in the literature, which are essential to understand the previous failures. The role of the
United States in the Colombian conflict and the excessive autonomy of Colombia military institution vis-à-vis the
executive in conducting the war.

This article looks comparatively at the enactments of citizenship in two schools in Bogota, Colombia:
a private elite institution and a public-private partnership school from the outskirts of the city. Data
was collected through classroom observations and semi-structured interviews Enactments of students
were conceptualised so as to identify the discourses of citizenship that were at play. I argue that both
schools are under the influence of a strong neoliberal project that places emphasis on educating
productive citizens. However, this conceptualisation of citizenship might not work for contemporary
Élites
Colombia as it continues to reproduce a highly stratified society that carries within itself colonialities
that do not allow for the interaction and collaboration of peoples. The article concludes that a thick
cosmopolitanism that emphasises causal responsibility might be a more adequate lens for citizenship
education in Colombia.
The use of referendums to forge, ratify and enact peace agreements is on the rise. In growing
numbers, peacemakers have organized referendums in order to aid peace talks and ameliorate post-
settlement peacebuilding. Despite this increasingly common practice, there is little consensus on
whether referendums help or hurt peace. Such votes can be uniquely powerful tools for addressing
sovereignty incompatibilities driving armed conflict. However, dangerous outcomes include mass
violence, intensified polarization, and the undermining peace agreement implementation. Based on Élites
31 case studies and elite interviews conducted in Colombia, Cyprus, East Timor, Indonesia, and
South Sudan, this article elaborates an analytical framework for the uses of referendums in peace
processes and identifies specific benefits and risks associated with differing types. I argue that
referendums can improve peacemaking and conditions for implementing negotiated settlements when
they are well-designed and well-implemented.
Mistrust between conflict parties after civil war is a major hurdle to sustainable peace. However, existing research
focuses on elite interactions and has not examined the trust relationship between government and rank-and-file
members of armed groups, despite their importance for postconflict stability. We use the unexpected decision of
the Colombian government to extradite top-level former paramilitary leaders to the United States in 2008 to
identify how a peace deal reversal influences ex-combatants' trust in government. In theory, they may lose trust
for instrumental reasons, if they suffer personal costs, or for normative reasons, if they think the government is Élites
failing its commitments. Using quasi-experimental survey evidence, we find that extradition decreases trust
substantially among ex-paramilitaries, but not in a comparison group of ex-guerrillas not part of the same peace
deal. Even though paramilitaries are seen as particularly opportunistic, our evidence suggests that normative
rather than instrumentalist considerations led to trust erosion. © 2019 The Author (2017). Published by Oxford
University Press on behalf of the International Studies Association.

Una de las reflexiones que mejor caracteriza el Acuerdo de Paz suscrito entre el Gobierno de
Colombia y la guerrilla de las FARC en noviembre de 2016 es posiblemente que la paz debe tener un
enfoque territorial para que resulte estable y duradera. Sin embargo, ¿qué se entiende por paz
territorial? Este trabajo muestra, a partir del análisis del discurso de algunos de los protagonistas
directos del Acuerdo, que existen diferentes maneras de entender el alcance y sentido de la paz Élites
territorial en Colombia, en función del actor que lo interpreta. Así, la paz territorial abarcaría desde
un enfoque que se aproxima a una democracia más radical y comprensiva, hasta un planteamiento
para el que el Acuerdo supone una entrega gratuita de poder a las FARC, pasando por la necesidad
de superar las causas objetivas de la violencia y de promover el fortalecimiento institucional.
Uribismo, which refers to the political movement organized by, and around, the former President of Colombia,
Alvaro Uribe Velez (2002–2010) and his political party Centro Democrático, is the most important political force
in Colombia today. Most journalists and academics in the country characterize it as a multiclass Right-wing neo-
populist movement that enjoys uniform support across different social classes. I challenge this understanding,
arguing that it is a non-populist neoconservative political project that enjoys higher levels of electoral support
amongst the highest social strata. Its political discourse combines the conservative preoccupation with preserving Élites
the status quo with neoliberal concepts such as the market, competition, and entrepreneurship as the principal
sources of socio-economic development. It does not, however, articulate any of the key concepts of a populist
ideology, such as the antagonism between the people and the elite or the idea that the people are the only source
of political legitimacy. Its electoral support even in Medellín, where it enjoys an almost hegemonic status, is
much higher amongst the upper classes.

By critically reviewing different strands of literature on institutional change and development, this essay argues
that, in order to fully understand subnational economic development, we need to move away from ‘good
governance' explanations in which geography-specific analyses of power structures and elite interests are largely
absent. Using findings for Colombia and insights from economic geography and heterodox political economy
theories, this essay gives theoretical and conceptual guidelines and approximations for future studies on regional
economic development. The contribution provides a place-based discussion of how the historically evolved Élites
distribution of power balances, context-specific elite interests, and the interaction between place-bound actors and
place-less dynamics affect subnational institutional arrangements shaping policies and development outcomes.
The conclusions drawn are not limited to Colombia and will prove beneficial to researchers studying regional
economic development in subnational contexts elsewhere in the world.
This paper seeks to contribute to the debate concerning the current and future state of human
geography by focusing on its changing treatment of the past. I argue that, while contemporary human
geography has experienced a welcomed explosion in terms of its thematic breadth, it has also
suffered from a considerable narrowing of the time periods that inform its empirical and conceptual
studies. The paper begins by demonstrating the changing temporal focus of the subdiscipline over the
Geografía
past 50 years, drawing particular attention to its temporal narrowing over the past 20 years.
Following this, I seek to suggest possible reasons for the foreshortening of the times studied in the humana
subdiscipline. I then illustrate the benefits of extending our temporal frame of reference to discuss
earlier times. I conclude by arguing that the project of lengthening the timeframes that we use to
structure our geographical research has the potential to enable us to tell different stories about the
geographical past and present.

In this paper we outline the development of an applicable human geography founded upon model-
based methods. First, we outline some of the recent trends that suggest cautious optimism within the
quantitative geography fraternity. Then, we show how a number of common themes are shared by a
Geografía
wide variety of different systems. In each case the application of modelling skills can aid the analysis
of these systems—both in terms of our understanding of how these systems function and for humana
prescriptive purposes. We illustrate the potential for application through a number of examples on
which the authors have worked. Last, a number of prerequisites and potential spin-offs are presented.
 This paper outlines scholarship on resistance within geography. Its contention is that
conceptualisations of resistance are characterised by a predetermination of form that particular
actions or actors must assume to constitute resistance. Asking what we risk ignoring if we only focus
on predetermined, recognisable resistant forms, the paper revisits some of the fundamental Geografía
assumptions (of intention, linearity and opposition) that underpin accounts of resistance. It calls for humana
geographers to engage with resistance in emergence. The paper concludes by detailing what this
might look like in practice, including intersections with work on potentiality, incoherent subjects,
agentic materiality and speculative futures.

The application of location-based social media big data in urban contexts offers new and alternative
strategies for understanding city liveliness in developing countries where traditional census data are
poor. This paper demonstrates how the spatial-temporal distribution of China's Tencent social media
usage intensities can be effectively used as a proxy for modelling the geographic patterns of human
Geografía
activity at fine scales. Our results suggest that the spatially-temporally contextualized nature of
human activity is dependent upon land use mixing characteristics. With billions of social media data humana
being collected in the virtual world, findings of this study suggest that land use policies to delineating
the density,
A growing trendorderly
amongor disorderly geographic
policy-makers patterns
is to regard of humanasactivity
place branding arecomponent
a crucial important for city
of regional
development strategies. Alongside this shiftliveliness.
in policy, research on place branding has increased
drastically throughout the social sciences, building on concepts and ideas from corporate branding.
This research has been given a number of critical testimonies claiming that place branding lacks
coherent theoretical frameworks based on research findings, that it promotes simplified perspectives
of places and that little empirical evidence is found to support positive effects of place branding.
Branding is at the same time argued to be inherently geographical, since it is situated in and
Geografía
associated with spaces and places. Based on these claims and with the aim to contribute to the
understanding of this emerging literature, this paper provides an in-depth analysis of the conceptual humana
development of place branding research in human geography making three claims: Firstly, the
theoretical understandings of place branding have moved beyond a conceptual framework stemming
from corporate branding. Secondly, these theoretical developments are mainly derived from
empirically based research. Thirdly, geographers, by studying place branding using various
conceptions of place as defined in human geography, are making distinctive conceptual contributions
AP Human Geography to the multi-disciplinary
students research
need to develop field of placeofbranding.
an understanding what it means to examine the
world around them from a geographic perspective. Focusing attention on geography’s concern with
spatial relationships, place characteristics, and geographic context helps student appreciate the nature
Geografía
of the discipline and the insights it offers. These core geographic concerns should be woven into
discussions of the various topics covered in AP Human Geography. Drawing on GIS and related humana
geospatial technologies can facilitate that effort—demonstrating the power and potential of
geographical modes of thinking and analysis.

Two trends have remade the field of political geography over the past quarter-century. First, a
revision of taken-for-granted concepts that amounted to spatial determinism. Second, pioneering
many new and emerging concepts such as political ecology. Both trends are important contributions Geografía
to the evolving section of the AP Human Geography course on the “Political Organization of Space.” humana
Following a plea to make political geography more political and geographical, this article presents a
classroom example from the field of political ecology.
After twenty years of work on the geography of representations, how is it still possible to define
geography as “the science of space”, ie as direct knowledge of material reality? This conception of
the discipline — based on Cartesian precepts of evidence (eg the observer's independent certainty),
reductionism (ie a disaggregation into sets of simple elements), causality (ie the presupposition of a
linear linkage between cause and effect) and exhaustiveness (ie the certainty that nothing essential
has been omitted) — has been thrown into question by the geography of representations' holistic
approach. How can our scientific practices be separated from our interior existence with its affective
Geografía
and emotional aspects? Is not scientific action an extension of being? Mustn't the geographer, above
and beyond the observation of concrete phenomena, also understand the subtle and complex — at humana
times random and hidden — links which unite human beings and their life-space, be it from the
viewpoint of the poet, or of all those who take alternative approaches to geography? What I would
like to demonstrate is (1) how in an historically and socially given environment, the individual
constructs his own reality in linking together the structural, functional and symbolic; (2) how the
representation of the landscape is related to our existential experience; and (3) how the imaginary and
the real are connected in each place.
 Current developments within the human sciences in general and social geography in particular have
challenged the paradigm of representation that has prevailed here as elsewhere for the longest time
since the Enlightenment. The paper at hand seeks to explore some of the wider ramifications of this Geografía
so-called "postmodern challenge" for those forms of expression that geographers have become humana
accustomed to. Primarily the map, unique in its importance for the pursuit of geographical
knowledge, will be analyzed from a decidedly abstract point of view.

Inspired by philosopher Peter Hallward's call for a renewed focus on political will, this article
examines its conceptualization within three areas of the discipline: non-representational theory, post-
politics, and Gramscian geographies. Non-representational theorists draw attention to the role of
affect in shaping political life, but have little to say about conscious collective volition. In contrast, Geografía
post-politics scholars offer an extensive vocabulary for understanding political will as a prescriptive humana
form of agency, but risk confining the political to an abstract, regulative idea. Meanwhile, Gramscian
geographies' dialectical approach to political will can complement both by mediating between
extremes of objective and subjective determination.

Surprises are refuted expectations and therefore an inevitable concomitant of errors of anticipating
the future. This paper argues that the timing is just right for a spatial account of surprise, or rather,
for a geography of personal and social change that deploys the trope of surprise to help explain how
Geografía
and why change happens. Whether we are surprised by what transpires in our surroundings or we are
surprising ourselves by leaping forward in impetuous deeds of reinventing who we are, the common humana
denominator of these processes of becoming is that they produce geographical space and are
produced by it.

Quantitative and cartographic methods are today often associated with absolute, Newtonian
conceptions of space. We argue that some such methods have not always been and need not be so
allied. Present geographic approaches to relational space have been largely advanced through radical
political economic and feminist thought. Yet we identify quantitative and cartographic methods Geografía
(taking as exemplars a range of thinkers, some of whom were most prominent in the 1960s and humana
1970s)
The thattechnologies
smart can contribute
led to
bythese approaches
advances to relational
in artificial space.machine
intelligence, We suggest neglected
learning, methods
and the to
emerging
revisit,
data new alliances
science in recent to be forged
years with critical
are transforming human
many geography
facets of societyandincultural
profoundcritique, and possible
ways. One of these
affected areas is the experience paths
of to enliven
human geographical
dynamics imaginations.
in general and human mobility in particular with
the growing maturity of smart technologies. The goal of this article is to critically examine the
concepts of space and place in geography in general and in geographic information science
(GIScience) in particular so that intelligent geographic information systems incorporating concepts of
smart space and smart place can be developed to support human dynamics research. We argue that
the current discussions on smart technologies are conceptually constrained due to their confinement
to absolute space and physical place. By engaging research on smart technologies with geography Geografía
and GIScience, we seek to move beyond the crude, and often simplistic, conceptualizations of space humana
and place by synthesizing the multiple dimensions of both space and place. By doing so, we can
better understand human dynamics through a synergistic perspective of both space and place. The
space–place (splatial) framework proposed in this article will enable us to creatively study the human
dynamics in the age of smart technologies. Our approach will not only allow us to better understand
Este texto
human se centra
dynamics en las
but also experiencias
advance de trabajo
and enrich con dos técnicas
our theoretical prestadas deframeworks
and methodological la Geografíafor
Humana.
studyingPor un lado,
smart la «Excursión
technologies and theurbana»
profound y por otro,
social los «mapas
impacts from amentales»,
geographic cuya aplicación
perspective.
Challenges for the implementation of the proposed framework are discussed and directionsCampo
surgió como consecuencia de la selección de la unidad de estudio (el parque de la Casa de en
for future
Madrid).
research are Aunque su aplicación
highlighted. Key Words: se contempla
GIScience,de formadynamics,
human adicional place,
a las técnicas tradicionales
space, splatial en
framework.
antropología, como son la observación participante, entrevistas abiertas y una etnografía cualitativa y
Geografía
contextualizada, quiero analizar en esta ocasión el rendimiento que aportaron en relación con esta
investigación concreta. A continuación me gustaría reflexionar sobre el problema que genera el humana
trabajo con instituciones, una situación que debe afrontar todo investigador que trabaja sobre la
ciudad y que exige un acercamiento distinto en comparación con la forma tradicional, tanto en la
toma de contacto como en el establecimiento de una continuidad en los contactos con los
informantes.
Post-phenomenological geographies have critiqued the idea that the world appears for humans alone.
In turn, these geographies have begun to develop concepts to investigate the way entities appear to
one another in ways that exceed or confound human sense, while recognising that these entities can
only be investigated through human modes of access. Addressing the absence of explicit spatial
theorisation in this literature, the paper develops a post-phenomenological account of space. Building
on relational and phenomenological geographies and expanding the work of Tristan Garcia, the paper Geografía
analyses space in terms of the comprehension and form of entities. In doing so, it defines space as a humana
dual process of differentiation and distanciation that produces different modes of nearness and
farness that are specific to the intercomprehension of particular entities. Through this analysis the
paper offers an account of power as tied to the spatiality of entities, where power is defined as the
inequality
The socialofand
comprehensions between entities
solidarity economy-based and how
enterprises orthese inequalities
“social areare
enterprises” designed to provoke
considered to be
“anchored to their territory”. andBut
encourage
what does particular
it mean forms of engagement.
? Are social enterprises organizations which aim
to support and build local territory ? Or do they take advantage of that relationship to ensure their
own future ? In order to clarify the question, the Authors consider it a good strategy for analysis to
combine the Actor-Network Theory with the humanistic geography approach. In that way, a study of
two cases of social enterprises localized in rural areas showed that Actor-Network Theory and Geografía
Humanist Theory are not as idealistic as can be found in some research papers. Together, they help humana
improve understanding of the strategic fundamentals and future situations of social enterprises in the
face of a movement towards an international model of social entrepreneurship operating under
“social impact” criteria. The former social enterprises are distinct from the latte in not wanting to
adopt that model, because, they are locally anchored in support of an inclusive, long-term territorial
In this article, I investigate the relationshipproject.
between social movements and corporate social
networking sites, by looking at content produced by Occupy Chicago on Twitter and Facebook
during the protests of May 2012. Through an analysis of social media posts and activists’ documents,
I identify the functions that these platforms perform for the movement. My findings show a very
limited importance of content that expresses the identity of the movement, spreads alternative news,
Movimientos
and criticizes mainstream media, while the preponderance of protest reporting suggests that activists
use social networking sites mainly to communicate “what they do,” rather than “who they are.” I sociales
argue that the lack of identity-content is the result of the incompatibility between the decentralized
political processes of Occupy and the individual-centric nature of social networking sites. I also
suggest we need to rethink the relationship between social movements’ identities and media
strategies in light of a changed media environment.
In May of 2009, a posthumous video surfaced in which prominent lawyer Rodrigo Rosenberg blamed
Guatemalan president Alvaro Colom for murdering him. The accusations prompted the creation of
numerous Facebook pages calling for Colom’s resignation, and for justice for Rosenberg. Using
interviews and a content analysis of Facebook comments from the two most-active Facebook groups, Movimientos
this study found that the social network site was used to mobilize an online movement that moved sociales
offline. Users’ protest-related and motivational comments, in addition to their use of links and other
interactive elements of Facebook, helped organize massive protests demanding justice and an end to
violence.
Colombia’s Internet connectivity has increased immensely. Colombia has also ‘opened for business’,
leading to an influx of extractive projects to which social movements object heavily. Studies on the
role of digital media in political mobilisation in developing countries are still scarce. Using surveys,
interviews, and reviews of literature, policy papers, website and social media content, this study
examines the role of digital and social media in social movement organisations and asks how
Movimientos
increased digital connectivity can help spread knowledge and mobilise mining protests. Results show
that the use of new media in Colombia is hindered by socioeconomic constraints, fear of oppression, sociales
the constraints of keyboard activism and strong hierarchical power structures within social
movements. Hence, effects on political mobilisation are still limited. Social media do not
spontaneously produce non-hierarchical knowledge structures. Attention to both internal and external
knowledgeissharing
This monograph is therefore conditional
an interdisciplinary analysis ofto
theoptimising
complexitydigital and social media
of communications anduse.
media as
they are embedded in the making and development of contemporary social movements, in three
parts. The first part, Roots, provides a broad context for analyzing communications and media of
contemporary social movements by tracing varied and multifaceted roots of the wave of global
protests since 2010. The second part, Routes, maps out the routes that social movements take, trace
Movimientos
how communications and media are entangled in these routes, and identify various key mechanisms
occurring at various junctures of movements’ life cycles. The last part, Routers, explores roles of sociales
human and nonhuman, fixed and mobile, traditional and contemporary, digital and analog, permanent
and temporal routers in the making and development of social movements. These analyses of roots,
routes, and routers are mutually intertwined in broadening and deepening our understanding of the
complexity of communications and media in contemporary social movements.
 A coherent intellectual structure for social movement studies has recently been emerging over a
range of theoretical and empirical studies. This structure counterposes ‘within social movements’ a
diverse range of collective actions against the unity imposed by a collective identity. However,
Movimientos
theorisations of this collective identity have so far failed to address the contradiction between
structure and agency. A definition of collective identity for social movements that is not caught in the sociales
structure/agency divide is proposed by defining the appropriate level of abstraction for such a
definition, defining why movements are unified and then how.

The author argues that globalization has shifted the nature of conflicts considerably, to the point that
the social movements are no longer those that set social categories in opposition to one another, as in
the case of social classes. Dominant forces define themselves no longer by content or by forms of
social life, but by an unlimited capacity for change or adaptation to an environment that is in constant
modification and often unpredictable. The key question for social movements no longer has to do Movimientos
with defining an autonomous space or time, but, rather, with recognizing the priority that must be sociales
given to the creation – much more than to the defence – of an autonomy that is less professional or
economic than moral – that is, the autonomy of the individual, considered as an actor, or, more
precisely, as a subject. This is why it is preferable to replace the expression ‘social movements’ with
that of ‘cultural movements’.
The relationships between social movements and civil society on the one hand, and the corporate
world on the other hand, are often shaped by conflict over the domination of economic, cultural and
social life. How this conflict plays out, in current as well as in historical times and places, is the
central question that unites the papers in this special issue. In this essay, we review the differences
and points of contact between the study of social movements, civil society and corporations, and
Movimientos
offer an agenda for future research at this intersection that also frames the papers in the special issue.
We suggest that three research areas are becoming increasingly important: the blurring of the three sociales
empirical domains and corresponding opportunities for theoretical integration, the institutional and
cultural embeddedness of strategic interaction processes between agents, and the consequences of
contestation and collaboration. The papers in this special issue are introduced in how they speak to
these questions.
Social movements of the 1960s have given rise to new theoretical perspectives such as Resource
Mobilization Theory and theories of New Social Movements. Resource Mobilization Theory
analyses the dynamics of mobilization: the effective organisation of social movements and their
influence on mainstream political institutions. By contrast, New Social Movement theories seek to Movimientos
explain the anti-institutional nature of contemporary movements which are said to pursue radical sociales
social transformation through mainly cultural means. In this article, both theoretical approaches are
examined but found to be inadequate explanations of the complexities of contemporary movements
and their relationship with the political environment.

In Latin America, new social movements are vigorously and creatively engaging in grassroots
organization and local and national mobilizations. Social movements in Bolivia, Brazil, and
elsewhere have challenged the conduct of politics in their countries and the region. Their growth and
militancy have generated whole new repertoires of action. Indeed, they raise the possibility of at least
some form of “rule from below.” They have left the traditional twentieth-century parties far behind to Movimientos
create a nonauthoritarian, participatory political culture. Using existing political space to maximum sociales
effect, they are substantially strengthening participatory democratic practice and significantly altering
political life. Less clear is whether they are, as Gramsci might conclude, coming together in a new
cycle of subaltern actions that can break down the hegemony historically exercised by Latin
Formal organizations advancing the America’s ruling classes.
goals of identity-based social movements and identity groups
have become increasingly interdependent. The former often lacks legitimacy in the eyes of
stakeholders and the latter typically possesses insufficient organizational capacity. In principle, the
transfer of ideas and resources between formal organizations in social movements and social identity
groups can result in organizational innovation that revives the formal organization while at the same
time enhancing the status of the identity group. But in practice, collaborations between formal Movimientos
organizations and identity groups often result in identity groups being overpowered by formal sociales
organizations. This article compares outcomes for identity groups in two cases of trade unions
adopting the causes of identity-based social movements to examine the role of organizational
processes in explaining outcomes for identity group members. The findings from the comparative
cases analyzed here suggest that identity group members must be able to influence organizational
processes in order to impact how they are incorporated into the formal organization.
 The paper critically reviews the major class interpretations of contemporary mass movements,
including the fascist movements, Polish Solidarity and Western Green (eco-pax) movements, and
argues that these accounts are deficient. A paradigmatic shift from the class interpretation of
movements to `post-Marxist' and `post-modernist' accounts has been occurring in movement
literature. This shift follows the processes of social change and broadening of research horizons. Movimientos
Contemporary conflicts, and the mass movements that articulate them, seem to be more diverse, sociales
more detached from structural-economic divisions, and less linked to class identities than the
nineteenth-century conflicts analysed by Marx. This limits the heuristic value and theoretical utility
of class theories in analyses of mass social movements and brings to the fore alternative accounts in
Two narratives of economic terms development
of generation,are
status politicsThe
presented. andfirst
civilhighlights
society. contemporary global
wealth and income inequality. The second illustrates historical aggregate gains in global wealth and
income. Within these two broad narratives of economic development, protests and social movements
will arise to modulate feelings of unfairness and deprivation. A new theory of social movements is
developed. Collective remembering and collective imagining can inform feelings of unfairness,
frustration, and relative deprivation in the present. This theory highlights the importance of a Movimientos
temporal account of the development of social movements within democracies that allow for the sociales
expression of civic discontent without brutalization. The theory predicts aggregate global economic
development, with unequal economic gains, will always necessitate social movements to modulate
economic inequality and circumvent perceived and actual hardship. The implications of this theory
for understanding globalization, social movements, and creating fairer democratic societies are
discussed.
This article is a brief résumé of a three years' research work on urban social movements. A
theoretical framework for the analysis of urban social movements is outlined and a methodology for
their study is developed. The case of Barcelona is drawn on to illustrate the conclusions, and to
demonstrate that urban movements can be social, e.g. that they can modify the power relationships Movimientos
between social classes. In the case of Barcelona these movements started when small groups of sociales
neighbours claimed better conditions in their urban environment and collective consumption, and
have developed during the last fifteen years to become one of the most important social forces in the
whole region of Catalonia, a force which cannot be ignored by the local authorities.
In Latin America, it is possible to identify three basic modalities of social change and political
power: electoral politics, the construction of social movements, and social action in the direction of
local development. But radical politics of mass mobilisation remains the indispensable condition for
advancing the struggle for social change towards a new world of social justice and real development
based on popular power. An analysis of events over recent years shows that the regional scene has
Movimientos
become punctuated with new dynamics of change. This change is based on the advance of an
alternative social or non-political approach associated with the rise of grassroots, community forms sociales
of social organisation and local development. This phenomenon constitutes a central issue in political
developments across Latin America today. The authors have come to this conclusion on the basis of
a systematic comparative analysis of the relationship between the state and social movements in four
countries: Argentina, Brazil, Bolivia and Ecuador.
Collective action and oppositional political activism are firmly established features of any society
and pose a challenge to inequality, exclusion and injustice rooted in the oppression of people.
Oppressive practices and exclusionary policies are often the catalyst for participation in collective
action to generate a conscious move towards social, cultural and political change. Over 100 years ago Movimientos
the suffragette movement in the UK and the nationalist movement in India employed peaceful tactics sociales
(viewed as law breaking) with spectacular outcomes and impact which could not have been foreseen.
To acknowledge the history of movements globally is crucial in the understanding of new social
movements which is the focus of this special issue.

The exercise of power has been an implicit theme in research on the use of social media for political
protest, but few studies have attempted to measure social media power and its consequences directly.
This study develops and measures three theoretically grounded metrics of social media power—
unity, numbers, and commitment—as wielded on Twitter by a social movement (Black Lives Matter
Movimientos
[BLM]), a counter-movement (political conservatives), and an unaligned party (mainstream news
outlets) over nearly 10 months. We find evidence of a model of social media efficacy in which BLM sociales
predicts mainstream news coverage of police brutality, which in turn is the strongest driver of
attention to the issue from political elites. Critically, the metric that best predicts elite response across
all parties is commitment.
I examine a 2-week window into an environmental movement trying to gain traction in the public sphere, centered
on a transnational day of action calling for a ban on the drilling technology, high-volume hydraulic fracturing, the
Global Frackdown. Twitter serves a different purpose for the anti-fracking Global Frackdown movement than
other Internet-based communications, most notably email listservs. Findings show that Global Frackdown
tweeters engage in framing practices of movement convergence and solidarity, declarative and targeted
engagement, prefabricated messaging, and multilingual tweeting. In contrast to Global Frackdown tweeters’ use Movimientos
of the platform for in-the-moment communication, Global Frackdown activists report in in-depth interviews that
they place more emphasis on private (i.e., listservs) communication channels for longer term, durable movement sociales
building. The episodic, crowdsourced, and often personalized, transnational framing practices of Global
Frackdown tweeters support core organizers’ goal of promoting the globalness of activism to ban fracking. This
research extends past scholarship on socially mediated activism by providing a case study of how environmental
activists use Twitter for ephemeral movement communication during a pre-planned transnational day of action,
blurring internal movement
While political protest iscollective identity-building
essentially and affirmation
a visual expression withboth
of dissent, publicly enacted
social strategicresearch
movement framing.
and media studies have thus far been hesitant to focus on visual social media data from protest
events. This research explores the visual dimension (photos and videos) of Twitter communication in
the Blockupy protests against the opening of the European Central Bank (ECB) headquarters in
Frankfurt am Main on 18 March 2015. It does so through a novel combination of quantitative Movimientos
analysis, content analysis of images, and identification of narratives. The article concludes by sociales
arguing that the visual in political protest in social media reproduces existing visualities and
hierarchies rather than challenges them. This research enhances our conceptual understanding of how
activists’ struggles play out in the visual and contributes to developing methods for empirical inquiry
into visual social media content.

This article analyses the mass media’s claims about the role of social media in the 2011 UK riots and
the Arab Spring, arguing that social media has become a new fetishism of technology that distracts
Movimientos
from the contradictions of capitalism underlying contemporary societal changes and conflicts.
Understanding contemporary capitalism, its contradictions and the role of the media requires a sociales
dialectical and critical analysis.

This article examines how the various claims to, and demands for, rights have enabled and shaped
the various equity and justice seeking social movements that have emerged in the Niger Delta of
Nigeria, the key point being that claims to rights are fundamental of the logic and coherence of social
movements. The article is divided into three sections. The first sets the conceptual and analytical
frame by elaborating on the rights-social movements nexus. This is followed by a discussion of the Movimientos
historical and conceptual location of the Niger Delta. The rest of the article interrogates the contexts sociales
of relative deprivation, rights denial, and injustice within which social movements have emerged in
the Niger Delta. A major objective is to account for why the social movements have been largely
ethnic and most recently generational and to analyze the dynamics and outcomes of the rights
struggles waged by the various social movements.
This essay examines how geography affects the different types of networks underlying social
movements. The principal argument of the paper is that networks forged in particular places and at
great distances play distinctive yet complementary functions in broad-based social movements. Not
only does the articulation of these different types of networks result in complementary roles, but it
Movimientos
also introduces key relational dynamics affecting the stability of the entire social movement. The
purpose of the paper is therefore threefold: to provide a conceptual framework for interpreting the sociales
complex geographies of contemporary social movement networks, to stress the contributions of
place-based relations in social movements and to assess how activist places connect to form 'social
movement space'.
It is deeply ironic that the social movement perspective has so far scarcely been utilised to analyse
local protests against establishments of human service enterprises, as the perspective was originally
formulated in just such a context. The social movement approach could inject new vitality into a field
of research that has become increasingly marginalised and enable human geographers and other
social scientists to reconnect to the key issues of socio-spatial exclusion that were raised 30–40 years Movimientos
ago, but now with theoretically informed perspectives. At the same time, social movement research sociales
has much to gain from returning to the study of protest movements opposing the establishment of
human service enterprises: they are local and thus typical of most social movements, and their
success or failure, which lacks the ambiguity so often noted in social movement research, can be
studied from a lifecycle perspective.
 The articles in this special issue provide comparative case studies of social movements from a range of different
nations, with different levels of peace and conflict, operating at different levels of the human ecology. This
commentary focuses on the practical implications that flow from this comparison. The conceptual elements, that
is the researchers' understanding of what a social movement is and the fundamental task of transforming direct,
structural and cultural violence are analyzed. Then a synthesis of the findings is organized under the rubric of
action research, to show step by step how a social movement might be designed. This is a positive approach to
change but the need to also engage with the difficult issues is highlighted in a discussion of handling violence at Movimientos
demonstrations. Finally the implications of the findings for practice are discussed. The evidence suggests a
paradigm shift: Rather than simply taking a stand against something the new social movement aims to coconstruct sociales
a positive alternative vision, a view of what the movement stands for (and models in its own functions). This is a
more difficult task than simple opposition, but lays the foundation for a sustainable and resilient social movement
that can take effective and constructive political action as it gains support and power. The conclusion is that the
special issue, despite some methodological limitations, provides empirical evidence to support an approach to
building social movements that is constructive and grounded in respectful relationships between individuals,
groups, and society.
This article has three primary goals centring on a re-examination of the research frameworks we use
for understanding the politics of social movements. First, I detail the ideological and methodological
deficiencies of the old social movement/new social movement framework. Second, I highlight the
Movimientos
positive contributions of research that favoured or in some way promoted one side in the debate over
old and new social movements. Third, I elaborate what I consider to be the major challenges which sociales
new forms of social movement organising pose for adult education research interested in advancing
social justice.

With increased research attention being paid to the relationship between information and
communication technologies (ICTs) and social movements during the Arab Spring, the role of new
and social media in promoting social movements in China is examined in depth. Focusing on the
Movimientos
most popular social media platform in China, Weibo, this research includes a review of new
scholarship about ICTs and social movements, analysis of Chinese grassroots social movements sociales
organized via Weibo, and the limitations of these social movements. The guiding question here is
how individual Chinese citizens strategically used Weibo to facilitate social movements

This article proposes that theories of 'new' social movements (NSMs) may illuminate contemporary
welfare struggles and inform research into collective action in social policy. NSM theory is relevant
because it focuses on social movement cultures, identity politics and symbolic struggles for the
recognition of difference. However, it does this to the exclusion of 'traditional' issues such as material
redistribution and inequality. A critical social policy, on the other hand, has retained a regard for Movimientos
these issues, but is also concerned with struggles for recognition. It is argued that all social sociales
movements raise issues about redistribution and recognition, although these will coexist to varying
degrees. Using work carried out in the United States into women's self-help movements, this article
shows how movements that are largely cultural may change social policy by posing symbolic
challenges.
Social media assume a role in activism by enabling the powerless to voice widely shared grievances and organise
unequally distributed resources. However, the predominant focus on the episodic effect of social media in the
digital activism literature presents a limited understanding of how social media can play a role at different level of
grassroots involvement and for movement continuity. By adopting a multidimensional empowerment perspective
and extending the temporal scope in examining social media-enabled social movements, this study expounds on
the logic of connective action (in contrast to the conventional logic of collective action) to offer a theory of social Movimientos
media empowerment. The study builds on a case study of an environmental movement to derive two key sociales
contributions: (1) it extends our knowledge of grassroots organising through a conceptualisation of the processes
of how social media can allow individuals to assume a more proactive role in driving a social movement and (2) it
provides abetween
The intersections new understanding
the conceptsofofthe use of
space, social
place andmedia to sustain
resistance haveactivism
recently over timeincreasing
received through theattention
conceptualisation
from of social to
geographers dedicated media empowerment
the study mechanisms.Space
of social movements. A framework
and placefor
aresocial media seen
not merely empowerment in a
as providing
social movements
physical is offered
background with implications
for mobilisations but asfor the mobilising
mutually practices
constitutive of grassroots
of social movementleaders
agency.and organisations.
Yet, critics of
theoretical frameworks drawn up by geographers have often rightly pointed to the lack of convincing empirical
evidence presented in their support. This paper addresses these critiques by offering a theoretically informed and
empirically grounded account of recent mobilisations by the social movement of black communities in the Pacific
coast region of Colombia. Drawing on both the objective aspects of place and the subjective feelings that are Movimientos
derived from living in a place, I will show how these mechanisms have impacted on the specific spatial sociales -
organising forms adopted by black communities. In particular, I will propose the concept of 'aquatic space' as a Geografía
set of spatialised social relationships among Afro-Colombians, and show how these concrete everyday
geographies have been drawn upon by black communities in the establishment of community councils along river
humana
basins. The paper argues that to make a strong point for more spatially sensitive analyses of social movements,
geographers have to sustain their theoretical frameworks with concrete empirical data that not only illustrate
spatial processes at play, but also convincingly demonstrate their very embeddedness in social practice. I thus
argue for a strong consideration of ethnographies as a privileged research methodology to flesh out the
geographies of social movements
 The article tackles two main aspects related to the interaction between social movements and digital
technologies. First, it reflects on the need to include and combine different theoretical approaches in
social movement studies so as to construct more meaningful understanding of how social movement
actors deals with digital technologies and with what outcomes in societies. In particular, the article
argues that media ecology and media practice approaches serve well to reach this objective as: they
recognize the complex multi-faceted array of media technologies, professions and contents with Movimientos
which social movement actors interact; they historicize the use of media technologies in social sociales
movements; and they highlight the agency of social movement actors in relation to media
technologies while avoiding a media-centric approach to the subject matter. Second, this article
employs a media practice perspective to explore two interrelated trends in contemporary societies
that the articles in this special issue deal with: the personalization and individualization of politics,
and the role of the grassroots in political mobilizations.
En este texto llamó la atención sobre el interés de abordar los aspectos estructurales y dinámicos de
la realidad social desde el campo de estudio de los movimientos sociales y de la participación social,
abogando por hacer sociología a través del estudio de los movimientos sociales. Yendo más allá de la
sociología delos movimientos sociales o de la sociología de la protesta. Si los académicos e Movimientos
investigadores del campode estudio de los movimientos sociales han enfatizadotradicionalmente la sociales
capacidad de agencia de estos fenómenos para impulsar cambios y transformaciones sociales, una
postura alternativa (y complementaria)enfatiza, por otro lado, que la sociología de la acción no debe
contemplarse como un área diferente al cam-po de estudio de la organización social

Considering the lack of coverage in the mass media of certain kinds of social movement activity,
many movements make use of smaller scale, independent media to publicise their struggles. From the
vantage point of social movements in South Africa, this paper addresses what Mojca Pajnik and John
Downing call 'nano-media'. Based on interviews with social movement activists and observation of
social movement activities, the paper considers demonstrations, dress, slogans, murals, songs, radio, Movimientos
dance, poetry and political theatre as forms of nano-media used by community-based movements in sociales
the process of mobilisation and claim-making. In its focus on performance, the paper borrows from
Goffman's dramaturgical approach and highlights the importance of backstage interaction for social
movements. Finally, the paper shows the significance of 'hidden transcripts' and offers some insights
into the framing process within social movements in South Africa.
La polisemia del término territorio es alta en el debate académico y en los discursos de los
movimientos sociales. En Latinoamérica y en Colombia en particular, el territorio se cons-truyó
como objeto de las reivindicaciones sociales que reclaman el “derecho al territorio” y que se oponen
a la concepción hegemónica promovida por las políticas oficialistas de ordenamiento territorial. Se Movimientos
conforman resistencias territoriales, nuevas y antiguas, sobre la base de concepciones alternativas sociales -
que tensionan el territorio estatal. En este artículo se realiza un rastreo del significado otorgado al Territorio
territorio por parte de organizaciones so-ciales colombianas del ámbito local (urbanas, campesinas,
indígenas, afrodescendientes) para entender la diversidad de prácticas y significados que surgen de
las reapropiaciones locales del concepto de territorio.
This article seeks to conceptualise the role of modern communications technologies in revolutionary
social movements starting from the jasmine revolution in Tunisia. After pointing to the limited
explanatory potential of rationalist models of resource mobilisation and political opportunity
structures in the case at hand, the article offers to investigate the extent to which the Internet
provided new, immaterial territories over which discontent could prosper. Importing Deleuze and Movimientos
Guattari’s concept of ‘territorialisation’ in the study of contentious politics, the article proposes to sociales -
apprehend social movements on the basis of the inclusiveness and thickness of their territorial Territorio
foundations and hypothesises that immaterial territories of struggle gave rise to an extremely
In the course of the 20th century, left-libertarian thought and praxis never ceased to be present in Latin America,
inclusive but fairly shallow social movement, which was only able to solve basic collective action
even during the most difficult years of competition with Marxism-Leninism and of military repression. But it was
problems. Morethecomplex
above all from forms that
1990s onwards of collective
particularlyaction were
original conducted
kinds in less
of libertarian inclusive
thought communities
and praxis began to
flourish there. Alongside more or lesswith thicker
renewed territorial
versions foundations.
of classical anarchism, new forms of praxis and analysis
emerged at the end of the 20th and beginning of the 21st century; from Mexican neo-Zapatism to a part of
Argentina's piqueteros to some expressions of Brazil's sem-teto movement, many new movements and ideas have
developed in the last two decades. These new movements are at the same time remarkably libertarian and by no
means reducible to the very honourable but somewhat too restrictive label “anarchism”. In fact, many of them are Movimientos
clearly “hybrid”, in the sense that they are products of both left-libertarian and Marxist influences. Typically,
these Latin American movements share a commitment to principles such as horizontality, self-management and sociales -
decentralism (which have never been part of Marxism's typical repertoire of practices and principles); moreover, Territorio
autonomy is a key notion for most of them. Furthermore, spatial practices, territorialisation among them, are
proving decisive for many movements and protest actions. The concept of territory is one of those “geographical”
concepts that have been intensely subjected, in recent decades, to strong attempts of redefinition and debugging.
In this paper, the territory is fundamentally seen (as a first approximation) as a space defined and delimited by
and through power relations, and it is important to see that power (both heteronomous and autonomous power) is
exerted only with reference to a territory and, very often, by means of a territory. The kind of power exerted by
emancipatory social movements does not constitute an exception to this rule.
Why does territory matter to social movements and what does it allow them to achieve? Despite the ever-apparent
centrality of territory—the appropriation and control of space through forms of power—to social movements
worldwide (e.g., protest camps, land occupations, indigenous activism, squatting, neighborhood organizing), there
has been a surprising lack of attention to this question by Anglophone geographers. This article develops
Brazilian geographer Fernandes’s notion of “socioterritorial movements” as an analytical category for social
movements that have as their central objective the appropriation of space in pursuit of their political project. It
does so by contrasting the concept of socioterritorial movement to those of social movement and sociospatial
movement and proposing four axes of analysis for socioterritorial movements. First, territory is mobilized as the Movimientos
central strategy for realizing a movement’s aims. Second, territory informs the identity of socioterritorial sociales -
movements, generating new political subjectivities. Third, territory is a site of political socialization that produces Territorio
new encounters and values. Fourth, through processes of territorialization, deterritorialization, and
reterritorialization, socioterritorial movements create new institutions. These axes are further elaborated through
the comparative analysis of two case studies: the Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra, a large peasant
movement in Brazil, and the Tupac Amaru Neighborhood Organization, an urban social movement from
Lasnorthwest
profundas Argentina. Comparisonsocio
transformaciones is deployed as an expansive
productivas, mode of analysis
específicamente aquellas to open up theal
asociadas concept
impactoof de
socioterritorial movement and indicate potential lines of enquiry for further study. Key Words: Argentina, MST,
políticas económicas de carácter global, repercuten en los llamados movimientos sociales rurales. El
social movements, socioterritorial movements, territory.
estudio se orienta en comprender los cambios que estos movimientos han experimentado, haciendo
especial énfasis en el tránsito histórico de la acción colectiva rural en este nuevo escenario. Se Movimientos
plantea la hipótesis de que la lucha por la tierra, reconfigurada esta vezdesde una óptica valórica y
simbólica, continúa siendo un factor primario entre las demandas que dan origen a estos movimientos
sociales -
sociales. La emergencia de los nuevos movimientos sociales rurales, se redefine como una disputa Territorio
por la territorialidad, es decir, la tierra cargada de significado e historia. La reflexión se centrará en
los movimientos rurales medioambientales en el marco de conflictos mineros ya que éstos vienen
justamente a problematizar temáticas referentes al territorio y la identidad.

El presente artículo tiene como objetivo exponer un estudio de caso sobre el proceso de construcción
de una territorialidad campesina en el norte de Nariño y sur del Cauca por parte del movimiento
social campesino bajo la figura del territorio campesino agroalimentario. Para ello, se identifican Movimientos
unas condiciones estructurales que posibilitan el proceso de territorialización y las estrategias
concretas que despliega la organización campesina para tal cometido. La reflexión se plantea en el
sociales -
marco de una discusión más amplia sobre el derecho de las comunidades rurales campesinas de Territorio
construir territorios a propósito del abanico de posibilidades que se abre con la implementación del
Acuerdo de Paz y la reforma rural integral.

The primary objective of this article is to investigate the contribution of social media to the success
of two significant social movements in Indonesia, i.e. ‘Coins for Prita’ and ‘Support Bibit-Chandra’.
To this end, discursive opportunity structure was adopted as the main theoretical framework. In
addition, in-depth interviews with key Indonesian journalists, social media activists and media
scholars were conducted to examine the issue. The results of this study suggest that diffusion of the Movimientos
movements' messages into the public sphere, along with the politicians' supportive resonance towards sociales
the cases, were the main factors influencing the success of these two movements. Importantly, this
article argues that while the most important role in this process was played by the vast and positive
mainstream media coverage of the cases, social media also played a key role given they initiated the
movement discourse and directed it towards mainstream media.
What role does social media play in social movements and political unrest? Twitter, Facebook,
Instagram, and Google have all been cited as important components in social revolutions, including
those in Tunisia, Egypt, Iceland, Spain, and the global Occupy movement. This essay explores social
science claims about the relationship between social networking and social movements. It examines
research done on the relationship between social networking, the promotion of activism, and the Movimientos
offline participation in the streets. Can the technology of social networking help activists to achieve sociales
their goals? If so, is it just one of many tools they may use, or is the technology so powerful that the
right use will actually tip the scales in favor of the social movement? This scholarship divides into
optimistic, pessimistic, and ambivalent approaches, turning on an oft-repeated question: will the
revolution be tweeted?
This article analyzes social movements’ appropriations of social media for challenging mainstream
media systems. The study includes two recent Latin American student movements: the Mexican
movement #YoSoy132 and the Chilean student movement. A quantitative-qualitative methodology
was used to compare their appropriations of social media, which included a statistical analysis of the
Movimientos
Facebook profiles of both movements during a selected period of time and Fairclough’s critical
discourse analysis of the contents posted and interviews with participants. The findings indicate that sociales
there are some relevant specific trends in the appropriation of social media for this specific purpose,
mediated by dimensions such as the demands, goals, political communication context, online or
offline nature of the mobilization, and organizational characteristics of the movement.
Social network sites (SNSs) such as Facebook, Twitter, and YouTube are often claimed to be central
in their role as a facilitating medium for contemporary protest movements. Protestors are able to
coalesce around particular keywords such as found in the use of ‘hashtags’ on the SNS Twitter, while
sympathetic audiences across the globe are able to follow events in real time. While the role of
Twitter use in protests has been celebrated as a means of reducing the information asymmetry
between protestors and police, this article problematises this view by exploring the ways in which Movimientos
social media data are beneficial to law enforcement agencies and the state. The article examines the sociales
extent to which intelligence agencies are able to monitor activists, drawing on the Edward Snowden
revelations of widespread SNS surveillance, and the ways in which internet users are altering their
online activities as a result of the revelations. Far from challenging the state, social media use and the
data it provides offer the state a multitude of resources to extend its reach and to ensure political
order.
The aim of this article is to explore the use of 3 concepts of media studies-media practices,
mediation, and mediatization-in order to build a conceptual framework to study social movements
and the media. The article first provides a critical review of the literature about media and
movements. Secondly, it offers an understanding of social movements as processes in which activists Movimientos
perform actions according to different temporalities and connect this understanding with the use of sociales
the 3 media related concepts mentioned above. Then, the resulting conceptual framework is applied
to the Italian student movements. In the conclusion, benefits and challenges in the use of such
framework are considered and lines of inquiry on current movements are suggested.
One key marker of mass social movements transitioning to participatory democratic governance is popular media
access. This essay argues that democratic media access by public constituencies becomes a site for constructing
social revolution and simultaneously a manifest empirical measure of the extent of democratic participation in the
production, distribution, and use of communication with new cultural possibilities. The participatory production
practices (with citizens producing and hosting their own programs) and the democratic content (of oral histories,
local issues, critiques of government and business, and everyday vernacular) reflect the hegemony of emerging
‘Bolivarian’ twenty-first century socialism expressed as popular participation in media production. Bolstered by Movimientos
constitutional changes and public funding, popular social movements of civil society, indigenous, women, and sociales
working class organizations have gained revolutionary ground by securing in practice the right of media
production. Findings indicate that public and community media (that move beyond alternative sites of local
expression and concerns) provide a startling revolutionary contrast to the commercial media operations in every
nation. Popular media constructions suggest a new radically democratic cultural hegemony based on human
solidarity with collective, participatory decision-making and cooperation offering real possibilities and
experiences for increased equality and social justice
La cualidad escénica de la protesta social la hace vulnerable a la omisión o a la tergiversación
mediática. El recurso a la violencia que siempre seduce a las pantallas lleva a la criminalización y a
la represión. En este artículo se reflexiona sobre las diversas reacciones de los movimientos sociales
Movimientos
mexicanos recientes frente a la omisión mediática; se revisan algunos ejemplos de cómo los grandes
medios criminalizan o tergiversan las protestas; y se analizan algunas experiencias de comunicación sociales
alternativa de los movimientos sociales, todo ello a partir de las voces de quienes han participado
activamente en estos procesos.

This article focuses on the anti-apartheid movement, perhaps the most highly transnationally integrated social
movement during the post-war era, and compares it with the contemporary movement for global justice. The
article specifically analyses strategies of public communication; the formation of 'alternative media' and a
movement 'counterpublic' with global reach. The major questions addressed in the article are: What were the main
strategies of public communication of the anti-apartheid movement - and what was their impact? How did the
counter-public(s) of anti-apartheid relate to the established media dominating the global public sphere? What are Movimientos
the implications of the case of anti-apartheid for contemporary research and theorising on transnational/global sociales
public spheres and counterpublics? What are the similarities and differences between the anti-apartheid
movement and the global justice movement regarding strategies of public communication? Theoretically, it raises
the question about the concept of 'society' and its empirical referent in the context of increasing globalization. It is
This
arguedarticle
that reviews recentof
in the context literature concerningstudies,
social movement collective
theremovements,
is a need todigital
developactivism, and protest
a conceptual events.around
framework Using
data from AP-NORC Center and Pewthe Research
conceptCenter, I performed
of 'global analyses and made estimates regarding the
civil society'.
percentage of social media users who say they have publicly expressed support for campaign on social media,
contacted elected official, contributed money to campaign, attended political rally or event, attended local
government meeting, and worked or volunteered for campaign; the percentage of teens who have volunteered for
a cause they cared about, worked or cooperated with others to try to solve a problem affecting their school, city,
or neighborhood, raised money for a cause they cared about, expressed their political beliefs online, signed a Movimientos
paper or online petition, and/or taken part in a peaceful protest, march, or demonstration; the percentage of U.S.
adult social media users who say social media is at least somewhat important to them personally when it comes to sociales
finding others who share views about important topics/getting involved with political or social issues/giving them
a venue to express their political opinions; the percentage of U.S. adults who say they changed their views on a
political or social issue because of something they saw on social media in the past year; and regional median
saying it is very important that people can say what they want/media can report the news/people can use the
internet in their country. Empirical and secondary data are used to support the claim that protest organizers may
employ social media platforms to supply decisive logistical backing for participants.
 The role of social media (e.g. Facebook, YouTube, Twitter) in social movements has become the subject of
academic and media discussion. This attention can be framed as debates over whether social media use
encourages political participation, and whether the use of social media can be considered as a form of political
activism. We suggest that analysis of social media in social movements can benefit from drawing on the work of
Dorothy E. Smith. In this article we explain how paying attention to these media using an Institutional
Ethnography perspective allows for insights on the activities of social movements and recognition of the use of Movimientos
social media without sliding into technological determinism. Following D. E. Smith, we argue that understanding
contemporary social movements and their organisations in terms of the lived everyday/everynight experiences sociales
and interactions of historically situated people, texts and technologies provides a fruitful line of inquiry for further
empirical research. We demonstrate the possibilities of such an approach by presenting examples from the
Social
Occupymedia have become
Movement and theincreasingly
use of Twitterpervasive. However,
during political the literature
protests in Egypton(2011)
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movements and socialTaking
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to identify media have
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communication, ranging from
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in academic being debates
and media able to directly
over socialmobilize resources
movements andto making
social media grassroots
transnational social movements more organizationally feasible. A major gap in the literature is this lack of
understanding how social media have shaped social movement organizations (SMOs) and the organization of
social movements. This Special Issue brings together a unique collection of articles that map and comment on the
field of social media and social movements. The volume contributes to literature in this area by exploring how
social media are not only shaping social movements, advocacy, and activism from the point of view of Movimientos
organizational communication but also changing the ways in which activists and SMOs interact with each other. sociales
The volume leverages a diverse array of interdisciplinary methods and covers a broad terrain ranging from
analyses of knowledge transfer between grassroot activists via social media to large SMOs. The Issue is broadly
divided into two parts. Part 1 is focused around trends and interventions in social media, activism, and
Since the 2010s,
organizations we witness
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paradigm and assess how it has influenced communication
disciplines but severelystudies. The rise of the globalization theory coincides
underresearched.
with key advancements in the post-Cold War world, such as the growth of international trade, the global
movement of people, the increase in the number of international laws and forums, economic liberalism, as well as
the rise of the internet and global digital communication networks. But while the global era denotes a Movimientos
cosmopolitan vision, economic insecurity, growing inequality in wealth distribution, as well as cultural change
and shifts in traditional values and norms have brought about a broader concern that globalization is associated sociales
with a shift of power to transnational elites, whose impact upon common people’s life and experiences is not fully
acknowledged. Contemporary populism has been associated with nationalism, but also with the active use of
social media platforms as alternative communication sites to mainstream media which is seen as having been
captured by elite consensus politics. This complicates the relationship between truth and free expression in an age
of This
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media, to explain
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networks and the rationalist perspectives on individual engagement by means of survey data on members of a
major organization of the Swiss solidarity movement. Both perspectives find empirical support: the intensity of
participation depends both on the embeddedness in social networks and on the individual perceptions of
participation, that is, the evaluation of a number of cognitive parameters related to engagement. In particular, to Movimientos
be recruited by an activist and the perceived effectiveness of one's own potential contribution are the best sociales
predictors of differential participation. We specify the role of networks for social movements by looking at the
nature and content of networks and by distinguishing between three basic functions of networks: structurally
As the Internet
connecting becomes
prospective ubiquitous,
participants to anitopportunity
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relationships between significantly
real-world affects the individual
phenomena perceptions
and their virtualofrepresentations.
participation. One such area of
emerging research seeks to study relationships between real-world and virtual activism of social
movement organization ( SMOs). In particular, SMOs holding extreme social perspectives are often
studied due to their tendency to have robust virtual presences to circumvent real-world social barriers
preventing information dissemination. However, many previous studies have been limited in scope
Movimientos
because they utilize manual data-collection and analysis methods. They also often have failed to
consider the real-world aspects of groups that partake in virtual activism. We utilize automated data- sociales
collection and analysis methods to identify significant relationships between aspects of SMO virtual
communities and their respective real-world locations and ideological perspectives. Our results also
demonstrate that the interconnectedness of SMO virtual communities is affected specifically by
aspects of the real world. These observations provide insight into the behaviors of SMOs within
virtual environments,
Desde su uso comosuggesting that
herramienta the virtualde
innovadora communities
campaña porofparte
SMOs deare strongly
Barack affected
Obama y su by
aspects of the
protagonismo en las movilizaciones ciudadanas de real world. Árabe, los medios sociales se han
la Primavera
situado en el centro del debate social, político y académico. ¿Hasta que punto son capaces estas
tecnologías digitales de impulsar y favorecer el cambio social y político? ¿Cuáles son sus límites para
Movimientos
propiciar este tipo de transformaciones? Este artículo, introductorio del cuaderno central de este
número de Icono 14, tiene como objetivo propio reflexionar, desde una perspectiva teórica, en torno sociales
de las potencialidades de los medios digitales para propiciar novedades en la organización,
movilización e información políticas. Se plantean, así, sus contribuciones y sus constreñimientos a la
hora de reconfigurar el campo de la comunicación política.
The uprisings in Tunisia, Egypt, and elsewhere have been credited in part to the creative use of social
media platforms such as Facebook and Twitter. Yet the information policies of the firms behind
social media can inhibit activists and empower authoritarian regimes. Analysis of Facebook's
response to Egypt's “We Are All Khaled Said” group, YouTube's policy exemption for videos
Movimientos
coming from Syria, Moroccan loyalist response to the online presence of atheists, and the activities
of the Syrian Electronic Army illustrate how prohibitions on anonymity, community policing sociales
practices, campaigns from regime loyalists, and counterinsurgency tactics work against democracy
advocates. These problems arise from the design and governance challenges facing large-scale,
revenue-seeking social media enterprises.

Social movements matter the constructive ones, the dangerous ones, and the confused ones. Their
study has taken on considerable life over the past 20–25 years, beginning with the “resource
mobilization/rational actor” and the “New Social Movements” schools, and continuing on with the
current “Contentious Politics” network, along with studies of solidarity movements (Giugni & Passy, Movimientos
2001), social networks and movements (Diani & McAdam, 2003), and transnational social sociales
movements (Keck & Sikkink, 1998). The journals Social Movement Studies and Mobilization are
significant though not exclusive fora for debate on these issues. The global social justice movement
and religious revival movements have been two major contemporary spurs to these analyses.

This paper explores the relationship between social movements, social justice and social work. It
examines the role of social movements in promoting social justice and considers the influences of
such movements in the development of emancipatory forms of social work practice. It also considers Movimientos
the question of whether social work can be viewed as a form of social movement in its own right. A sociales
central theme of the paper is the fundamental tension between social work as a force for social
regulation and as a force for social development and emancipation.
What is the relationship between social class and online participation in social movements? Scholars
suggest that low costs to digital activism broaden participation and challenge conventional collective
action theories, but given the digital divide, little is known about cost variation across social
movement organizations from different social classes. A focus on high levels of digital engagement
and extraordinary events leaves scant information about the effect of social class on digital
mobilization patterns and everyday practices within and across organizations. This study takes a
field-level approach to incorporate all groups involved in one statewide political issue, thereby
Movimientos
including organizations with different social class compositions, from Tea Parties to labor unions.
Data collection spans online and off-line digital activism practices. With an index to measure digital sociales
engagement from an original data set of over 90,000 online posts, findings show deep digital
activism inequalities between working-class and middle/upper-class groups. In-depth interviews and
ethnographic observations reveal that the mechanisms of this digital activism gap are organizational
resources, along with individual disparities in access, skills, empowerment and time. These factors
create high costs of online participation for working-class groups. Rather than reduced costs
equalizing online participation, substantial costs contribute to digital activism inequality.
Considering the debate over U.S. immigration reform and the way digital communication
technologies increasingly are being used to spark protests, this qualitative study examines focus
group discourse of immigration activists to explore how digital media are transforming the Movimientos
definitions of “activism” and “activist.” Analysis suggests technologies are perhaps pacifying would- sociales
be activists, convincing them they are contributing more than they actually are. Thus, “slacktivism,”
or “clicktivism” that takes just a mouse click is potentially diluting “real” activism.
This article presents the results of a quantitative analysis of two Romanian Facebook communities' self-
presentations during the online and offline anti-fracking protests in Romania. In 2013 Romanians started to
protest against the gas exploration of the US giant Chevron in the village of Pungeşti. The online and offline
Pungeşti Resistance Movement turned within one month from a rural to a national mobilization tool meant to help
the Romanian peasants affected by the proposed shale gas exploration operations of Chevron. Since the online
engagement desired to finally turn into an offline participation is highly dependent on the informing practice, we
consider that a framing analysis of the Facebook posts will reflect whether they are culturally compatible and Movimientos
relevant for the protesters. Using the framing theory in social movements as our theoretical background, we sociales
provided a comparative content analysis of two Romanian Facebook communities' postings (October, 2013 -
February, 2014). We focused on identifying the verbal and visual framing devices and the main collective action
frames used for the shaping of the online communities' collective identity. The findings revealed a dominance of
«land struggle» as a collective action frame followed by «conflict» and «solidarity» and a salience of photos and
video files used as framing devices of cultural relevance for Romanian protesters and of evidence of offline anti-
fracking activism in Romania.
 Este artículo analiza las relaciones entre comunicación y activismo en la era digital. Se analizan dos casos -el
15M español y su secuela estadounidense: el movimiento Occupy Wall Street- porque ambos coindicen en el
tiempo y se producen en países democráticos con medios de comunicación libres. Para entender el diferencial que Movimientos
ha supuesto el paso de lo analógico a lo digital se les compara con el movimiento por los derechos de los
afroamericanos en EEUU en los 60. El artículo se ha construido con declaraciones en medios de comunicación, sociales
libros y trabajos académicos de protagonistas y analistas. La conclusión es que las redes sociales pueden facilitar
los movimientos que no atacan al sistema, pero pueden perjudicar a aquellos que pretenden un cambio real.

Desde su uso como herramienta innovadora de campaña por parte de Barack Obama y su protagonismo en las
movilizaciones ciudadanas de la Primavera Árabe, los medios sociales se han situado en el centro del debate
social, político y académico. ¿Hasta que punto son capaces estas tecnologías digitales de impulsar y favorecer el
cambio social y político? ¿Cuáles son sus límites para propiciar este tipo de transformaciones? Este artículo, Movimientos
introductorio del cuaderno central de este número de Icono 14, tiene como objetivo propio reflexionar, desde una sociales
perspectiva teórica, en torno de las potencialidades de los medios digitales para propiciar novedades en la
organización, movilización e información políticas. Se plantean, así, sus contribuciones y sus constreñimientos a
la hora de reconfigurar el campo de la comunicación política.
En la última década se ha venido analizando el modo como la participación política y la movilización
ciudadana sustentan su organización en el uso de los social media. Se enfocan en la creciente
interactividad que facilitan plataformas como Facebook, YouTube o Twitter, y en los activismos y
protestas masivas que surgen con ellos, retroalimentados con marchas y tomas de espacios públicos.
Se trata de activismos episódicos, centrados en causas puntuales, sin militancia de sus participantes
en partidos formales, que ejercen reclamos por derechos básicos o protestas contra arbitrariedades de Movimientos
poderes nacionales o locales. ¿Pueden estas movilizaciones y sus repertorios expresivos --activismo sociales
digital, performances en calles y plazas y eficientes estrategias mediáticas-- calificarse como
prácticas poplíticas? El presente artículo propone englobarlos en este concepto, postulando un
modelo interpretativo a partir del análisis de dos casos peruanos: Meme No y Alerta de policías con
cámaras de velocidad, mediante el estudio de las narrativas personales de sus activistas y el análisis
de contenido de los recursos utilizados, en particular de sus memes y su despliegue viral.

This paper discusses digital communication, activism and political system in Spain from a critical-
historical perspective. The results of combined empirical and analytical research indicate that a
critical digital public sphere emerged in 2004 affecting the evolution of the political sphere to this Movimientos
day. Traditional parties had a slow and instrumental approach to the digital realm. Conversely, cyber- sociales
activism unfolded new options of political action, both in the short and long term, transforming the
bipartisan system.

Geographers have long wrestled with the spatial characteristics of digital mediation. In this regard,
‘the virtual’ as somehow other and immaterial has proven a persistent trope. The aim here is to argue
for a greater attention to the material conditions of the digital. This article revisits the articulation of
‘virtual’ geographies and reviews recent discussion of digitally mediated activity. To materially Virtualización
address ‘the virtual’, the fundamental relationship between humans and technology is investigated as
‘technics’, using recent work in the geographies and philosophy of technology. Observations are
made about how this may inform broader understandings of spatiality and culture.

The internet and its surrounding technologies hold the promise of reviving the public sphere; however, several
aspects of these new technologies simultaneously curtail and augment that potential. First, the data storage and
retrieval capabilities of internet-based technologies infuse political discussion with information otherwise
unavailable. At the same time, information access inequalities and new media literacy compromise the
representativeness of the virtual sphere. Second, internet-based technologies enable discussion between people on Virtualización
far sides of the globe, but also frequently fragmentize political discourse. Third, given the patterns of global
capitalism, it is possible that internet-based technologies will adapt themselves to the current political culture,
rather than create a new one. The internet and related technologies have created a new public space for politically
oriented conversation; whether this public space transcends to a public sphere is not up to the technology itself.
 El presente artículo, da cuenta de los resultados de un proyecto de investigación denominado: “El sentido de lo
común, de las redes sociales a las redes virtuales en educación”. El objetivo de este proyecto es comprender qué
tipo de ciudadanía se configura a partir de las relaciones que adolescentes entre los 12 y los 18 años mantienen en
las redes sociales virtuales (Online Social Networks, OLSN). De esta problemática, surgen dos líneas teóricas que
fundamentan este propósito. En primer lugar, el concepto de ciudadanía, comprendido como un espacio social de
convivencia y político de pertenencia. En segundo lugar, la gran presencia y despliegue del mundo virtual en la
vida de los sujetos, como otro espacio de relaciones que podría articular formas distintas de construcción de lo Virtualización
político y la ciudadanía. El enfoque metodológico ha integrado distintas técnicas cualitativas: entrevistas
etnográficas, grupos focales y análisis de contenido en las redes virtuales (social networks). Este artículo sólo da
cuenta de los resultados centrados en las entrevistas etnográficas semiestructuradas y en los grupos focales. Los
resultados analíticos de los discursos han generado dos grandes categorías que se vinculan con: 1. La ausencia de
ciudadanía como territorio de lo común en las redes sociales virtuales y 2. La diferencia como exclusión y la
anulación
En este artículo se presenta del conflicto:
un análisis lo políticosobre
bibliográfico versuslalaevolución
política. del concepto y de las
metodologías de investigación aplicadas en los escenarios virtuales conocidas como Etnografía
Virtual, etnografía del ciberespacio o etnografía de internet. Se recogen sincrónicamente avances de
investigación de los últimos 10 años, con ello se tomaron aportes de 25 artículos de investigación
aplicada en campo y publicada en medio magnético con el fin de teorizar y buscar metodologías que
Virtualización
puedan ser aplicadas para la investigación en etnografía e-learning de una población especifica 1. En
una primera instancia se describen conceptos como etnografía, virtual, virtualidad, etnografía virtual
y etnografía de internet, luego se marca la diferencia entre Etnografía virtual y Etnografía de la
Virtualidad y finalmente se exponen las propuestas y avances metodológicos de experiencias que
busquen examinar etnográficamente las vivencias de los sujetos que interactúan en la virtualidad.
Since 2003, UNESCO has promoted and protected the function and values of intangible heritage. A
method of safeguarding employed by UNESCO is the storage of videos of immaterial heritage on
YouTube. Individuals have also been producing videos of the very practices sanctioned by UNESCO
and uploading them to this website. The combining of UNESCO and user-generated heritage videos
is producing informal archives of digital heritage. This exploration of YouTube as an archive of
intangible heritage examines whether social archiving has the potential to counter official heritage Virtualización
narratives that can reproduce distinctions based upon gender. The capacity of social archiving to
challenge gendered divisions is examined through the Mevlevi Sema (or whirling dervish) ceremony
of Turkey, safeguarded by UNESCO in 2005. This research, which integrates social media and
archive studies with actual and virtual ethnography, considers technical aspects including algorithms
as well as social and cultural facets of digital media.
Asiduos de prácticas profanas y malditas socialmente se dan cita en el mundo online, formando comunidades que
difícilmente hubiesen surgido fuera de la red. Mediante la etnografía virtual se puede obtener un conocimiento
único acerca de estos fenómenos. Sin embargo, las peculiaridades de dichos fenómenos, así como las de la
etnografía virtual hacen necesaria una reflexión metodológica. En el presente artículo se examinan diversas
cuestiones como el campo de observación, la lógica etnográfica, el debate entre revisión documental y etnografía Virtualización
digital y la autenticidad de los resultados. Queda patente la idoneidad de la etnografía para el tipo de objeto de
investigación descrito y también la necesidad de mantener una prudente vigilancia epistemológica, así como una
reflexión constante sobre el papel del investigador y las cuestiones éticas. La red no sólo es un nuevo escenario en
el que aplicar el método etnográfico, también constituye una excelente oportunidad para repensar la etnografía.

In this article we engage the nature and role of the Internet in ethnographic research and reflect on
how ethnographic methodologies may be adapted when researching digital forms of communication.
We further consider how recent shifts in both the production and dissemination of textual discourse
in networked media environments complicates conventional approaches to digital ethnography.
Virtualización
Drawing on examples from our field research, our principal objective is to apply a Foucauldian
structural perspective to David Altheide’s ethnographic content analysis to better contextualize the
study of digital communiqué in a cultural moment where discourses are increasingly surveilled,
modified, censored and weaponized.
This article situates the discussion of virtual ethnography within the larger political/economic
changes of twenty-first century consumer capitalism and suggests that increasingly our entire social
world is a virtual world and that there were very particular utopian and dystopian framings of virtual
community growing out of that history. The article also situates the discussion of virtual ethnography
within the anthropological ‘crisis of representation’ discussion to suggest there are many parallels
between the two discussions. These discussions suggest that while ethnographers have recognised Virtualización
that all societies are virtual except, maybe the smallest, new information technologies, and
particularly, the Internet create a persistent virtual space that transforms earlier notions of the
imagined society. Finally, the article suggests that educational ethnographers are in a position to
discuss the new pedagogical issues that arise when attempting to do ethnography in our
contemporary virtual world.
 Pertinencia Importancia

Hace referencia a la realción entre el

territorio y la guerra en términos de
I
territorios nacionales y de las disputas entre
Estados por el dominio de ciertos espacios

Este artículo permite un acercamiento teórico

al concepto de territorio y al entendimiento I
de las categorías que lo componen

Este artículo hace referencia a los conceptos

de territorio y territorialidad y la manera en la
IV
que se construye colectivamente la idea de
territorio

Este artículo trae a colación al relación que se

da entre la defensa del territorio y el IV
surgimiento de guerras o conflicto armados

Es pertinente porque habla de la manera en

que las tecnologías de la información y la
comunicación ha modificado la forma en que V
el territorio y el espacio son entendidos por la
población

Menciona procesos de resistencia y defensa

del territorio ante procesos extractivistas, así
como la manera en la que la población IV
establece y mantiene su relación con el
espacio
 Acercamiento teórico al concepto de
territorio y territorialidad en el que se tienen
II
en cuente elementos de ciecnias sociales y de
ciencias naturales

Hace referencia a la idea de que el arraigo de

los individuos a un territorio específico
III
conlleva a que aumente su voluntad de pelear
en defensa del mismo

Este artículo trata de la forma en que se

contruye el paisaje de Bogotá y como es I
entendido por su población

Acercamiento teórico al concepto de

territorio y territorialidad, en el que se
IV
menciona la importancia de la
transformación social

Artículo que parte del análisis de caso de

los indios Hopi en Arizona, Estados
Unidos, para llegar a un concepto
empírico de territorio y una explicación
IV
de las dinámicas de formación del
mismo, así como la manera en la que se
forja una identidad en relación con el
espacio habitado

Análisis de caso que permite analizar la

desterritorialización y la construcción de II
identidades nacionales
 Artículo que aborda el rol de las
organizaciones civiles y movimientos
Iv
sociales en la consfrontación del
conflicto aramado en Colombia

Artículo que hace referencia a la

importancia del territorio en la II
formación de Estado

Artículos que analiza las dinámicas de

relación entre las regiones en Europa y
I
sus roles pasivos o activos en el cambio
político

Artículo que hace referencia a la

posibilidad de construir procesos
I
democráticos que vayan más allá del
territorio del Estado

Artículo que aborda el interrogante de si

es posible sustraer a la democracia de su
conexión con las barreras del territorio y
II
las fronteras, para lo cual se mencionan
distintas perspectivas teóricas que
abarcan la relación territorio-democracia

Artículo que invita a discutir la relación

II
entre territorio y justicia ocupacional
 Artículo que permite un acercamiento
teórico a la idea de territorio como un
III
conjunto de ideas, prácticas y
tecnologías

Artículo que busca estudiar la relación

entre la cultura y el territorio desde la III
geografía cultural

Artículo que permite un acercamiento

teórico a la idea de territorialidad y
IV
realiza una propuesta conceptual del
mismo

Artículo que permite un acercamiento

teórico a la idea de territorio, a partir de IV
sus dimensiones tangibles e intangibles

Este artículo ofrece un acercamiento

conceptual sobre los despojos. Presenta
un panorama de las formas de resistencia
que comunidades locales y frentes de V
defensa que abren paso a la
construcciones de identidadesa rraigadas
al territorio

Artículo que parte de la psicología social

para explicar los procesos de migración I
de un territorio a otro
 Habla de territorialidad y de las
dinámicas que se ven reflejadas en las
luchas de los grupos indígenas y su II
construcción de identidad al enconetrarse
ubicadas en varios países a la vez

Análisis de caso que permite analizar los

conflictos que se dan por la presencia de IV
actividades extrativas en los territorios

Muestra la realción entre la defensa del

territorio y el surgimiento de los V
movimiento sociales

Hace referencia a las distintas maneras

de entender el paisaje, entre las que se
I
encuentra el arte, la geografía, la
ecología y la sociología

Este artículo habla de la asociación del

territorio con la identidad, es decir, de la
I
subjetividad como producto de la
territorialización

Acercamiento teórico al concepto de

IV
territorio
Acercamineto al estudio de las relaciones
de poder en los territorios forestales de
Chile. Se evidencia de las prácticas de
hegemonía territorial por parte de las IV
grandes empresas y los mecanismos
de resistencia a ello por parte de
algunos grupos sociales

Este artículo realiza un recorrido teórico

para explicar la tendencia del hombre a
dividir el espacio y la importancia de
esta dinámica en la conformación del
Estado

Este artículo se enfoca en el concepto de

innovación social y en su importancia en
II
el nacimiento y desarrollo de una
identidad araigada al territorio

Menciona la importancia de la
participación de los ciudadanos en la
planeación e intervención del territorio,
tanto a nivel urbano como rural; y el rol IV
de las tecnologías de la información y la
comunicación como facilitador de estas
dinámicas

Artículo que analiza los factores que

conllevan a que la población se apropie
III
de un espacio sin necesidad de habitar en
el

Este artículo habla de la importancia de

la planeación territorial como pieza clave
en la transformación social y en la
creación de estartegias que permitan
III
hacer frente a circunstancias que afectan
la calidad de vida de los habitantes y
modifican su relación con el espacio en
el que viven
Relación entre la participación política y
IV
las redes sociales

Relación entre las estrategias y la

III
identidad organizacional

Artículo que analiza cómo perciben los

actores locales políticamente relevantes
la naturaleza y los orígenes de la II
violencia sexual relacionada con el
conflicto

Artículo que analiza el uso crítico y

emancipador de las herramientas
I
digitales. como motor de la
movilización social

El artículo plantea una discusión sobre lo

tropical se enmarca en tres ejes: la
III
naturaleza, las enfermedades y la
población

Analiza la relación entre la noción de la

presencia campesina y la conservación III
de ecosistemas como incompatible
Relación que existe entre las condiciones
del ejercicio político con la historia del V
proceso de apropiación territorial

Artículo sobre las prácticas y

expresiones de ciudadanía con el
objetivo de comprender las
III
construcciones que sobre estas se han
constituido en escenarios juveniles de
Bogotá

Artículos acerca de movimientos

masivos de migrantes colombianos a
territorio español y colectivos que surgen
III
para la defensa y exigencia de derechos
que han adquiero por su condición de ser
humano en España

Estrategias de defensa de las zonas de

reserva natural en Colombia antes y III
después de la firma del Acuerdo de Paz

Estrategias de defensa no violenta del

territorio por parte de la guardia indígena III
del Norte del Cauca

Narrativas de las regiones para influir en

II
la percepción de las 'geografías públicas'
 Artículo enfocado en estudiar las
narrativas que normalmente no están III
incluídas en las agendas de investigación

Análisis de las acciones particulares de

ciudadanías comunicativas de la
sociedad civil y sus maniobras en medio
de la contienda por la apropiación del III
espacio público en zonas urbanas que
han padecido altos índices de violencia
en la ciudad de Medellín

Artículo que revisa las narrativas de

inmigrantes con identidad queer en I
Estados Unidos

Narrativas dertivadas de personas con

I
discapacidad

Artículo que descompone las narrativas

en procesos psicológicos distintos y I
cuantificables

Las narrativas como estrategias de

implementación del soft power en la III
política internacional
 Artículo enfocado en cómo algunas
narraciones maestras pueden movilizarse
explícitamente cuando las identidades
predeterminadas están en juego. En II
particular, investigan entrevistas con
mujeres profesionales exitosas de
diversos contextos geográficos

Este artículo explora algunas de las

formas en que las estrategias analíticas
desarrolladas dentro de la teoría narrativa
IV
podrían combinarse con la geografía
literaria en el estudio del entorno y el
espacio narrativo

Narrativa de las emociones II

La influencia de las narrativas

institucionales en las narrativas II
personales

Se enfoca en la importancia de las

narrativas o las historias como claves
III
para establecer diferencias entre grupos
asimétricos en conflicto

Artículo que aplica la gramática digital

III
de la historia como metodología
 Artículo de investigación empírica
permite establecer la relación entre las
II
geografías históricas que conducen a la
producción y reproducción de la nación

Narrativas de integración de la Unión

III
Europea

Análisis de las narrativas visuales

aplicadas por las empresas en redes II
sociales

Analiza el aporte de las migraciones y

los desplazamientos en la ficción IV
narrativa en Colombia

Analiza las narrativas regionales

III
impiestas por las instituciones

Aproximación teórica al concepto de

IV
élite
 Analiza las percepciones de pobreza,
desigualdad y política social que deriva III
de las élites de Brasil y Uruguay

Las élites y sus dinámicas con los

II
procesos de financiación

Análisis comparativo. Este artículo

analiza, compara y explica las redes
corporativas de élite para comprender
IV
por qué las élites corporativas están
interconectadas por redes cohesivas en
algunos países y no en otros.

Las élites son analizadas desde una

II
perspectiva económica

Este artículo examina el efecto de la

delincuencia en el apoyo a los sistemas
de justicia penal en América Latina. Se
muestra empíricamente un fuerte efecto II
negativo de la delincuencia en el apoyo a
las instituciones y la satisfacción con la
democracia

Artículo que explora la participación de

IV
las élites en las guerra civil en Colombia
 Resultados de investigación realizada
por universidades colombianas y el
Observatorio de Restitución y IV
Regulación de Derechos de Propiedad
Agraria

El artículo examina un período de

violencia en Colombia que tuvo lugar a
mediados del siglo XX, con especial
atención a las formas en que el cuerpo I
ofrece una lente útil para estudiar este
período.

Análisis de los diferentes períodos de

violencia política y las instancias de
construcción de paz en los que se han
visto involucrados procesos políticos de
IV
negociaciones en los diferentes períodos
de posconflictos en Colombia, y de la
posibilidad que representa el acuerdo de
paz

Este artículo aborda la incapacidad de la

élite para establecer su visión
hegemónica sobre los demás y, por lo IV
tanto, para pacificar el sistema de
gobierno

Este artículo analiza comparativamente

las promulgaciones de ciudadanía en dos
escuelas en Bogotá: una institución de
II
élite privada y una escuela de asociación
público-privada de las afueras de la
ciudad

Artículo que toma 31 estudios de caso y

entrevistas de élite realizadas en
Colombia, Chipre, Timor Oriental,
Indonesia y Sudán del Sur, para elaborar
un marco analítico para el uso de los II
referéndums en los procesos de paz e
identifica beneficios y riesgos
específicos asociados con diferentes
tipos
 Se analiza como las decisiones que
reversan los procesos de paz disminuyen
I
la confianza de los ex-combatientes en
las promesas del Estado

Diferentes formas de entender el alcance

y sentido de la paz territorial en III
Colombia

Análisis del discurso del uribismo y su

II
influencia en el cambio político

Revisión crítica de diferentes líneas de

literatura sobre el cambio y el desarrollo
institucional para comprender el desarrollo
económico subnacional, al alejarse de las
explicaciones de 'buen gobierno' en las que
II
los análisis específicos de la geografía de las
estructuras de poder y los intereses de la élite
están ausentes

Recorrido histórico de la geografía

V
humana a nivel teórico

Artículo que abarca las metodologías

usadas en el estudio y la aplicación de la IV
geografía humana
 Artículo que hace referencia a los
estudios sobre la resistencia dentro de la
geografía. Su argumento es que las
conceptualizaciones de resistencia se
III
caracterizan por una predeterminación de
forma que las acciones o actores
particulares deben asumir para constituir
resistencia

Muestra cómo la distribución espacio-

temporal de las intensidades de uso de
las redes sociales pueden usarse
II
efectivamente para modelar los patrones
geográficos de la actividad humana a
escalas finas

Artículos que hace referencia al

surgimiento del place branding como
I
campo de estudio dentro de la geografía
humana

Analiza la geografía humana desde una

I
perspectiva educativa

Analiza la geografía humana y su

I
relación con la geografía política

Artículo acerca de la geografía de la

representación y su relación con la I
geografía humana
 Artículo que cuestiona el paradigma de
la representación que se ha presentado en
I
el estudio de la geografía desde la
Ilustración

Artículo acerca de la conceptualización

de la voluntad política desde la
perspectiva de la teoría no- II
representacional, la post-política y las
geografías Gramscianas

Este artículo en el que se analiza el rol de

la sorpresa en el estudio de la geografía IV
del cambio social

Artículo que realiza una crítica a los

III
métodos utilizados por la geografía

Artículo que aborda la relación entre las

nuevas tecnologías de la información y
la geografía humana, en especial, la IV
influencia de dichas tecnologías en la
concepción del espacio y del lugar

Este artículo habla acerca de la

efectividad y la pertinencia de las
III
metodologías de la geografí humana en
la investigación social
 Artículo que parte de las geografías
relacionales y fenomenológicas para
analizar el espacio en términos de
comprensión y forma de las entidades. III
Al hacerlo, define el espacio como un
proceso dual de diferenciación y
distanciamiento

Análisis de las iniciativas de

responsabilidad social de las empresas
desde un punto de vista geográfico que
I
evidencia la relación entre las
coporaciones y los espacios en los que se
localizan

Artículoq ue analiza la relación entre los

movimientos sociales y las redes sociales
corporativas. También estudia los V
efectos de redes como Facebook y
Twitter en movimientos sociales

Análisis de caso en el que se evidencia

como un movimiento social surgió en
Facebook y se convirtió en un V
movimiento offline que conllevó a
grandes protestas en busca de justicia

Artículo que estudia el rol de los medios

digitales en movilizaciones políticas en
Colombia, así como su influencia en el
crecimiento y fortalecimiento de
V
organizaciones civiles encargadas de
promover expresiones de inconformidad
ante los proyectos extractivos que se dan
en las regiones

Artículo que analiza la relación entre los

movimientos sociales y las redes sociales IV
corporativas
Artículo que realiza un recorrido teórico
de los movimientos sociales, las acciones
V
colectivas y la construcción de identidad
a partir de los mismos

Artículo en el que se considera que es

necesario cambiar la expresión
IV
'movimientos sociales' por 'movimientos
culturales'

Artículo que estudia la relación entre los

movimientos sociales, la sociedad civil y IV
las corporaciones

Análisis de las nuevas teorías de

movimientos sociales en las que se
afirma que las inciativas actuales están III
dirigidas a la transformación social
radical a través de medios culturales

El rol de los movimientos sociales en

Latinoamérica y sus efectos el contexto III
político

Este artículo trata la relación

interdependiente entre los grupos II
identitarios y los movimientos sociales
 El artículo revisa de forma crítica las
principales interpretaciones de los
movimientos sociales contemporáneos,
incluidos los movimientos fascistas, los I
movimientos de Solidaridad Polaca y
Western Green (eco-pax) desde una
perspectiva post-marxista

Hace referencia a aquellos movimientos

que nacen del descontento colectivo
IV
derivado de la inquidad propia del
desarrollo económico

Artículo dirigido a explicar los

movimientos sociales urbanos y a
desarrollar un marco teórico y III
metodológico alrededor de este tipo de
acciones colectivas

El artículo se enfoca en analizar los

movimientos sociales en Latinoamérica
y su impacto en el poder político. Se
plantea la necesidad de renovar la IV
manera en la que se implementan los
mopvimientos en búsqueda de la justicia
social y del poder popular

Origenes de los movimientos sociales.

Se estudia el rol de la inequidad, la
V
exclusión y la injusticia como
catalizadores de las acciones colectivas

Análisis del caso Black Lives Matter,

que explica la influencia de las redes
V
sociales en los movimientos sociales,
teniendo un base teórica
Analiza como los movimientos sociales
dirigido a la defensa del medio ambiente
se ven influenciados por las redes
sociales. Este artículo realiza un análisis
de caso de la influencia de Twitter en los V
movimientos anti-fracking y la
diferencia entre esta plataforma y otras
estrategias que pueden ser aplicadas
como el email

Explora la dimensión visual del uso de

las redes sociales como Twitter para
V
fortalecer y promover movimientos
sociales

Análisis de caso en el que se critica el rol

de las redes sociales en los movimientos
colectivos, tomando como ejemplos los IV
disturbios de 2011 en Inglaterra y la
Primavera Árabe

Análisis de casode los movimientos

sociales en Niger Delta y sus orígenes en
III
la privación, negación de los derechos y
la injusticia social

El artículo analiza cómo la geografía

afecta los diferentes tipos de redes que
subyacen a los movimientos sociales. El
argumento principal del artículo es que
IV
las redes forjadas en lugares particulares
desempeñan funciones distintivas pero
complementarias con otros movimientos
sociales

Recorrido histórico y nuevas propuestas

de realizar investigación de los
II
movimientos sociales en relación con las
empresas de servicios humanos
 Hace referencia a bases conceptuales de
los movimientos sociales y realiza un
análisis de caso comparativo que permite V
evidenciar la capacidad de la acción
colectiva para la transformación social

Hace referencia a las metodologías y las

tendencias de investigación acerca de
movimientos sociales, se menciona la IV
evolución de los marcos teóricos que son
aplicados

Análisis de caso en el que se hace

referencia al rol de las redes sociales en IV
los movimientos colectivos

Utilizando el trabajo realizado en los

Estados Unidos en los movimientos de
autoayuda de las mujeres, este artículo
muestra cómo los movimientos que son IV
en gran parte culturales pueden cambiar
la política social al plantear desafíos
simbólicos

Análisis de caso en el que se hace

referencia al rol de las redes sociales en V
los movimientos colectivos

Artículo que trata el rol del espacio y el

lugar, no solo como los aspectos físicos
de las movilizaciones, sino como V
aspectos constitutivos del movimiento
social
 El artículo aborda dos aspectos principales
relacionados con la interacción entre los
movimientos sociales y las tecnologías
digitales. Primero, reflexiona sobre la
necesidad de incluir y combinar diferentes
enfoques teóricos en los estudios de
IV
movimiento social y segundo, emplea una
perspectiva de práctica mediática para
explorar la personalización e
individualización de la política

Artículo acerca de aspectos estructurales

y dinámicos de la realidad social desde
III
el campo de estudio de los movimientos
sociales y de la participación social

Análisis de caso en el que se evidencia la

importancia de la utilización de medios
IV
independientes para publicitar sus causas
de lucha

Artículo acerca del territorio como

objeto de las reivindicaciones sociales en
V
Latinoamércia, en específico en
Colombia

Análisis de caso en el que se estudia la

influencia de las tecnologías de la
IV
información y la comunicación en los
movimientos sociales revolucionarios

Análisis de caso en el que se estudia la

influencia de las tecnologías de la
IV
información y la comunicación en los
movimientos sociales revolucionarios
Artículo acerca del dominio del territorio
como objeto de las reivindicaciones IV
sociales a nivel mundia

Artículo en el que se estudian los

cambios han experimentado los
movimientos rurales debido a las
políticas económicas de carácter global, V
haciendo especial énfasis en el tránsito
histórico de la acción colectiva rural en
este escenario

Artículo en el que se expone un estudio

de caso sobre el proceso de construcción
de una territorialidad campesina en el
norte de Nariño y sur del Cauca por parte IV
del movimiento social campesino bajo la
figura del territorio campesino
agroalimentario

Este artículo investiga la contribución de

las redes sociales al éxito de dos
III
movimientos sociales importantes en
Indonesia

El artículo estudia como las ciencias

sociales han abordado la relación entre
las redes sociales como Twitter, V
Facebook, Instagram, y Google; y los
movimientos sociales

Este artículo analiza la manera en la que

los movimientos sociales se apropian de
V
las redes sociales para desafiar los
sistemas de medios convencionales
 El artículo analiza la relación entre las
redes sociales como Twitter, Facebook y
V
YouTube; y los movimientos sociales
contemporáneos

El objetivo de este artículo es explorar el

uso de 3 conceptos de estudios de
medios: prácticas de medios, mediación
V
y mediatización, a fin de construir un
marco conceptual para estudiar los
movimientos sociales y los medios

Un factor clave de los movimientos

sociales en transición hacia una
gobernanza democrática participativa es
el acceso popular a los medios. Este
IV
ensayo argumenta que el acceso
democrático a los medios de
comunicación es relevante para construir
la revolución social

Análisis de caso en el que se reflexiona

sobre las diversas reacciones de los
III
movimientos sociales mexicanos
recientes frente a la omisión mediática

Análisis de caso en el que se compara el

movimento social del movimiento anti-
III
apartheid con los movimientos
contemporáneos por justicia social

El artículo revisa la literatura reciente

sobre movimientos colectivos, activismo V
digital y eventos de protesta
El artículo analiza como el papel de las
redes sociales (Facebook, YouTube,
Twitter) en los movimientos sociales se
ha convertido en tema de discusión
IV
académica y mediática. En este artículo
explica la pertinencia de aplicar una
perspectiva de Etnografía Institucional
para el estudio de este tema

El artículo analiza como el papel de las

redes sociales (Facebook, YouTube,
Twitter) en los movimientos sociales se V
ha convertido en tema de discusión
académica

Este artículo busca explicar el auge del

populismo y el nacionalismo y su III
relación con las redes sociales

El artículo busca explicar la

participación diferencial en los
movimientos sociales, a través del III
análisis de perspectivas estructurales e
individuales

Artículo que busca estudiar las

relaciones entre el mundo real y el
III
activismo virtual de las organizaciones
de movimientos sociales

Artículo que busca reflexionar, desde

una perspectiva teórica, en torno de las
potencialidades de los medios digitales
V
para propiciar novedades en la
organización, movilización e
información políticas
El artículo analiza como el papel de las
redes sociales en los movimientos
V
sociales se ha convertido en tema de
discusión académica

Artículo que busca hacer una crítica a las

teorías de los movimientos sociales y el
III
rol de los medios alternativos en el
desarrollo de los mismos

Examina el papel de los movimientos

sociales en la promoción de la justicia
social y considera las influencias de
II
dichos movimientos en el desarrollo de
formas emancipadoras de la práctica del
trabajo social

Artículo que busca estudiar la relación

entre la clase social y la participación en
III
línea en los movimientos sociales y en el
activismo digital

Estudio cualitativo que examina el

discurso de grupos de activistas de
inmigración para explorar cómo los V
medios digitales están transformando las
definiciones de "activismo" y "activista"

Análisis de caso que estudia el rol de

Facebook en movimientos sociales anti- IV
fracking en Rumania
 Analiza las relaciones entre
comunicación y activismo en la era IV
digital a través del estudio de caso

Artículo que reflexiona hasta que punto

son capaces estas tecnologías digitales
II
de impulsar y favorecer el cambio social
y político

Analiza como la participación política y

la movilización ciudadana sustentan su
V
organización en el uso de los social
media

Analiza la relación entre la

comunicación digital, activismo y el IV
sistema político

Este artículo revisa la articulación de

geografías "virtuales" y revisa la
V
discusión reciente de la actividad
mediada digitalmente

Artículo que discute como el internet y

las tecnologías relacionadas han creado
IV
un nuevo espacio público para la
conversación orientada políticamente
Artículo que busca comprender qué tipo
de ciudadanía se configura a partir de las
relaciones que adolescentes entre los 12 I
y los 18 años mantienen en las redes
sociales virtuales

Análisis bibliográfico sobre la evolución

del concepto y de las metodologías de
investigación aplicadas en los escenarios III
virtuales conocidas como Etnografía
Virtual o etnografía de internet

Artículo orientado a la exploración de

YouTube como un archivo del II
patrimonio inmaterial de la UNESCO

Artículo que abarca la etnografía virtual

IV
desde una perspectiva teórica

Artículo que abarca la etnografía virtual

desde una perspectiva teórica y su
IV
relación con los medios digitales de
comunicación

Artículo que abarca la etnografía virtual

III
desde una perspectiva teórica
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