CHAPTER 6

WHAT CONGRESS AND GANDHI HAVE DONE TO

THE UNTOUCHABLES?

‘What Congress and Gandhi have done to the untouchables’ of Dr.

Babasaheb Ambedkar published on 24th June 1945 deals with the

activities of Congress, a leading political party of India which played a
major role in the freedom movement of India, and Mahatma Gandhi, a
father of Nation and a great freedom fighter, towards the untouchables, a
marginalized community of India. Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar criticizes the
role of Congress and Mahatma Gandhi for tantalizing the marginalized
sections of the society. Gail Omvedt, an American born Indian scholar,
Sociologist and human rights activitist about the book says:

The book was a bitter attack on Gandhi and on the Congress party
which won him immediate publicity not only in India but worldwide.1

She states that this book is the biiter criticize on Mahatma Gandhi
and the Congress Party. She adds that this book popularized him not only
in India but outside India. Eleanor Zelliot, an Amrican writer and retired
professor of Carleton College about the book writes:

It is a bitter book but a polemic. There is lengthy documentation, and

the basic case is made for removal of caste disabilities as political
matters, not one to be left for religious leaders alone to resolve.2

She states above that it is a bitter and controversial book. In it, it is

made fundamental to remove the caste disabilities as political matters,
and not only entrusted the responsibility of removing the caste disabilities
on the religious leaders to solve it.

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 Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar, in it, discusses the policies of the
Congress and Mahatma Gandhi and strongly states that the interest of the
marginalized is in the safeguard of constitutions. He, in the same book,
puts that the rights of the marginalized should be protected in the Indian
constitution under the British Government. He is of the opinion that this
should be done before the handover of rule of the British Government to
the Indian people. He claims that after obtaining freedom, there is no
guarantee of the emancipation of the marginalized that are more in
numbers than slaves from the clutches of the upper caste. He adds that
the marginalized should be assured that they are constitutionally safe.
Due to it, the situation of the marginalized will be vanished and they will
be the part of Indian society.

At the outset of the book, Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar highlights the

resolution passed in 1917 in the Annual session of Indian National
Congress held at Calcutta regarding the upheaval and equal treatment of
the untouchables. He points out that this resolution of the upheaval and
equal treatment to the untouchables surprises him for two things. The
first surprising thing for him is that Annie Bezant was the president of
this session of Congress and under her president ship this resolution was
passed. He surprises this because Annie Bezant possesses negative and
unpleasant remarks regarding the downtrodden people. He quotes the
article ‘The Uplift of the Depressed Classes’ appeared in the Indian Review in
February 1909 of Annie Besant in which she demonstrates that the
downtrodden are different , uncivilized and are liable to treat differently.
She vindicates the ways by which the downtrodden are treated by the
society. In her presence this resolution of the equal treatment to the
untouchables was passed is a surprising thing for him.

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 The second thing about the resolution which surprises him is that
till Congress was negative towards the social reforms which now turned
its position positively towards social position. It was keeping mum and
was keeping itself away from the social problems. He focuses the history
of Congress Party and refers the views, opinions of the Congress
Presidents from its establishment and makes his argument strong. He
refers the views, opinions of the former presidents like Mr. Dadabhai
Naoraji, Mr. Budruddin Tyabaji, Mr. W.C. Bannerji and
Mr.Surrendranath Bannerji of the Annual Conferences of Indian National
Congress held in 1886, 1887, 1892 and 1895 and points out that in these
conferences under these presidents the social issues were never discussed.
In these Annual conferences, social issues were avoided and it was
doneted that it is the duty of each caste to reform itself and it is not the
duty of the Congress to think over the social issues.

Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar states that Congress which was keeping

itself aloof from the social issues , social questions now suddenly turns its
direction toward the social issues and passed the resolutions of requesting
the people to free the untouchables from the traditions and customs which
chained them to untouchability is a wonderful thing. He claims that
Congress party which was till avoiding the issues, emphasizing that social
reform is not their aim, was stating that Congress is not the proper
platform to discuss the social issues now started to think over the social
reform, to remove untouchability. This somersault of Congress surprises
Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar and he attempts to find out the cause behind
the somersault of the Congress.

He, to find out the causes behind the altered role of Congress,
raises two questions towards the statements of the presidents of the
Congress regarding social reforms. He says:

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 First is to know what the social reform party was to which the
Presidents refers. The second is why Mr.Surrendernath Bannerji’s
address to the Congress in 1895 was the last occasion when a
Congress President found it necessary to refer to the relation of the
Congress to the problem of Social Reform and why no president after
1895thought it necessary to dwell on it.3

He states above that to know the cause of the altered role, it is

essential to know the reference of Social Party which is referred by the
Presidents of the Congress Party. He adds that it is also essential to know
the second point why the Presidents after 1895 abandon the social reform
issue. It indicates that before 1895, Congress had reffered social issues.

Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar focuses the history of Congress from its

establishment in 1885 to find out the answers of the questions raised by
him. He reveals that at the outset of the formation of Congress, it was
considered that the National movement should not be purely political but
it should handle the questions of Indian social economy, social evils and
social wrongs. It indicates that at the outset the Congress was in favour of
social issues with National issues. He claims that it was decided to form a
separate body to discuss the social reforms in the Congress Party.
Considering this decision, ‘Indian National Social Conference’
organization was formed to discuss the question of Indian social
economy. It was also decided to organize Annual National Conferences
in different parts of India for the social reforms. Provincial Sub-
committees of the Conferences were also decided to form. It was also
determined that these sub-committees would handle the different social
problems. The Social Reform Party was dissatisfied with the role of
Congress for being separated itself from the issue of social question. The
members of the party emphasized social reforms before political reforms.
Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar points out that the reference of social reforms

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in the speeches of the presidents of Congress is due to the Social Reform
Party. He writes:

The reference to social Reform in the addresses of the Congress

Presidents referred to above can now be easily understood. They are a
reply to the criticism by Social Reform Party against the Congress
disassociating itself from the problem of removing social evils.4

He states above that the presidents of the Congress referred social

reforms in their speeches because the Social Reform Party criticized the
Congress for not paying its attentions towards social evils. It indicates the
reference of the social reforms in the speeches of the presidents of
Congress is the retort to Social Reform party to the blame for not paying
the attention to social reforms and detaching itself from social issues. By
this, Congress was showing that it has not neglected the social reforms
and it is always in the favour of removing the social evils.

Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar then turns towards the second question

raised by him why no president after 1895 thought it necessary to dwell
on it. He discloses that till 1895 these two issues i.e. Social Reforms and
Political Reforms were existed in the Congress Party. But after 1895, he
claims that the ratio of the opposition towards social reforms became
strong and it was determined that Congress would put aside the question
of Social reforms. Because of the strong opposition to the social reforms
in the Congress, the congresses Presidents turn their back to the social
reforms. The strong opposition to the social reform in the Congress party
is the cause of abandoning the social reforms by the Presidents after
1895.

Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar, after discussing and inventing the

causes behind abandoning the social issues, attempts to search the reason
of taking the social issues by Congress again which was left by it and was

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insisted that each caste should solve its problem. He points out why there
is a need to the Congress Party to turn towards the question of social
reform and think it necessary to draw out the social evil, why the
Congress took the side of the marginalized and request the Upper caste to
change their mind for the removal of untouchability? He points out why
such type of resolution towards the removal of untouchability was passed
in the Annual Conference of Congress Party? He states the cause behind
the passing of such type of resolutions.

He reveals the riddle behind the passing of the resolution.He points

out that the resolution is the effect of the two separate meetings of
Depressed classes held under two different presidents in the city of
Bombay in 1917. In these meetings of Depressed Classes, he
emphasizes, resolutions towards the interest and uplift were passed which
forced Congress party to turn to the social reforms. In the first meeting of
Depressed Classes, the resolutions like the right to elect their own
representatives in the Council in proportion to their numbers, to render
compulsory and free education to the people of Depressed classes, to
request congress to pass the resolution declaring to the people of India to
remove the disabilities imposed upon Depressed classes by religion and
customs, to request the Upper caste people to come forward to remove
the blot of degradation were passed. In the second meeting, the
resolutions like the British Government should control till the Depressed
classes are not developed and be the part of administration, if the
Government has decided to give political concessions to the Indian
public, it should grant the untouchables their own representatives in the
various legislative bodies, to render the primary education compulsory
and free, to give scholarships to the students of the Depressed Classes.

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 Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar claims that the altered role of the
Congress towards the Depressed Classes is the aftermath of these
resolutions passed by Depressed Classes. He writes:

It is obvious that there is a close inter-connection between the

resolution passed by the Depressed classes at their meeting in Bombay
under the chairmanship of Sir Narayan Chandavarkar and the
Congress resolution of 1917 on the elevation of the Depressed
classes.5

He states above that it is very vivid that there is a close affinity

between the resolution passed by the Depressed Classes at their meetings
held under the chairmanship of Sir Narayan Chandavarkar and the
Congress resolution of 1917 towards the upliftment of the untouchables.

He after finding out the causes behind the altered role of Congress
Party further focuses the ambigious and deceptive role of Congress
towards untouchables.

He focuses the role of Congress towards the untouchables when the

British Government introduced the policy named “gradual development
of self-governing institutions with a view to progressive realization of
responsive government in India as an integral part of British empire” for
the changes regarding the constitution to make his argument powerful. He
asserts that leading parties of India were in anticipation of the declaration
of such policies and they prepared schemes for changes in the
constitutional structure of India. Out of these, two schemes ‘the scheme
of the Nineteen” and “the Congress-League scheme” were arrested the
attention of the public. The first scheme was prepared by 19 selected
additional members of the then Imperial Legislative Council and the
second schemes of political reforms were supported by Congress and the
League. The Congress desired to offer the scheme the status and character
of a National demand. But it was impossible without the support of the

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Depressed classes to obtain the National status and character to this
demand. The Depressed Classes were against the Congress. To receive
the support from the Depressed Classes, Congress promised Depressed
Classes that it would pass the resolution for the removal of social
disabilities of the untouchables if the Depressed classes support this
demand. It signifies that indirectly congress had made a deal with the
Depressed Classes. The deal was to support the Congress-League
scheme; in return Congress would pass the resolution of removing
untouchability. It was a bargaining of the Congress. Dr. Babasaheb
Ambedkar blames that after receiving the support from the Depressed
Classes; the Congress did not keep its word and duped the Depressed
Classes. Congress employed the Depressed Classes for its purpose and
neglected the demand of the Depressed Classes.

Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar, after pointing out this, throws light on

the resolutions passed at the meeting of Bardoli in 1922. There were eight
resolution passed in it. Out of them, Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar refers the
resolution which was related to the Depressed classes. This resolution
was:

(4) To organize the Depressed Classes for a better life, to improve

their social, mental and moral condition, to induce them to send their
children to national schools and to provide for them the ordinary
facilities which the other citizens enjoy.6

The above resolution was passed in the Bardoli meeting; the

resolution was passed to improve the condition of the Depresed classes,
to inspire them to educate their children, to provide them the facilities of
the ordinary man. It points out that by this resolution Congress had
decided to eliminate untouchability and allow the untouchables in the
main stream of the society.

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 Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkars takes the follow up of this resolution
passed by Congress in the meeting of Bardoli in 1917. He discusses in
detail what happened about the resolution of the Congress. He reveals
whether this resolution was passed only for the name, whether it is
implemented successfully or not, whether it came in reality or not,
whether it brought change in the life of untouchables or not. By this he
exposes the journey of this resolution.

While focusing the journey of the resolution, he states that a

committee consisting of Swami Shradhanadaji, Mrs. Sarojani Naidu,
Messrs. I.K Yajnik and G.B. Deshpande was formed to implement this
resolution. It was resolved that this committee would present the schemes
for the betterment of the untouchables throughout the year and inform it
in the next meeting. It was also resolved to raise the fund of two lakhs for
scheme to improve the condition of the untouchables. In the next
meeting, this resolution of the working committee was put before All-
India Congress committee. In this meeting it was decided instead of two
lakhs, the fund of five lakhs should be raised for the untouchables. Before
adopting the resolution of the working committee, Swami Shradhanad
resigned the membership of the committee. In the same meeting, another
resolution was passed. In this meeting, the letter dated 8th June, 1922 of
Swami Shradhanandji read and it is resolved to appoint Mr. Gangadhar
Rao B. Deshpande as a convener of the sub-committee and he was
requested to call a meeting and Swami Shradhanand’s letter was referred
to the committee.

Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar further points out that the reference of

this resolution is found in the proceedings of the Congress working
committee held in Bombay in July 1922. In it, the resolutions of
requesting the General Secretary to ask Swami Shradhanand to reconsider

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his resignation and ask him to withdraw his resignation and paying five
hundred rupees to the convener G.B. Deshpande for the expenses of the
Depressed classes sub-committee were passed.

During this year 1922, Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar points out,

nothing happened. In this year no steps towards the improvement of the
untouchables were occured and implemented. In this year, meetings were
held of the Congress but no strong decision towards the untouchables was
come into existence.

In the next year, Dr.Babasaheb Ambedkar exposes , 1923, in the

meeting of Gaya , as the remaining members of the Sub-committee
resigned, it is resolved to form a committee and it is resolved that Dr.
Yajnik would be the convener of it. He also focuses the happenings of
the next year i.e. May 1923. This meeting was held in Bombay. It is
resolved in it to request the All India Hindu Mahasabha to look into this
matter and do efforts to remove the evil from the Hindu society. It means
in this meeting, Congress handed over the resolution passed in the
meeting of Bardoli, in 1922 regarding the untouchables to All India
Hindu Mahasabha and ceased to think and discuss over the matters of the
untouchables.

Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar explains that in 1922, Congress resolved

to remove the social evil and to uplift the Depressed Classes. But finally
it was entrusted the responsibility of the untouchables on the shoulder of
the All India Hindu Mahasabh. The journey of the resolution was turned
towards the All India Hindu Mahasabh from Congress. Congress left the
resolution without doing anything strong to the untouchables. It did not
change the condition of the untouchables; it only discussed and passed

267
the resolution. Eventually, it escaped itself by doing nothing for the
untouchables and leaving the matter to All India Hindu Mahasabha.

Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar explores the cause of abandoning the

resolution towards the untouchables by Congress Party. He talks about
the two options of abandoning the resolution passed in the meeting of
Bardoli in 1922 by Congress. Out of these, the one is as the idea of
uplifting the untouchables is revolutionary; it might be abandoned by the
Congress. The second is as it might be abandoned due to the lack of
funds. He goes in detail to find out which option out of these two is
proper.

He searches whether the idea of improving the condition of the

untouchables, to send their children in national schools and to provide
them the ordinary facilities like other citizens is revolutionary or not. He
asserts that this idea of the Congress was not revolutionary. He makes his
argument powerful by focusing the note appended to the resolution. This
appended was approved by Congress. It was mentioned in the note that
separate schools and separate well must be maintained where the
prejudice regarding untouchables is strong.

It means if there is a strong opposition to the untouchables, for

their admission in the schools and for using the common well, separate
schools and wells must be maintained for them. Congress was not ready
to digest or face the opposition of the Upper caste people. It was not
ready to conflict with the upper caste in this regard. If it goes happily, it
would be better to the Congress. The Congress Party was not in the stance
to incur the outrage of the upper caste. It indicates that nothing
revolutionary was there in this idea of uplifting the untouchables.
Dr.Babasaheb Ambedkar writes:

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 Obviously, the Congress was not out for the abolition of
untouchability. It had accepted that the policy of separate schools and
separate wells. The resolution did no more than to undertake
amelioration of the condition of the untouchables. And even such a
timid and mild programme the Congress was unable to carry through
and which it gave up without remorse or shame.7

He asserts above that Congress did not desire to eliminate

untouchability. It was not in favour to abolish untouchability. Congress
had accepted the policy of separate schools and separate wells. By this
policy, Congress desiredto improve the condition of the untouchables. He
refers it as a mild, timid and not revolutionary programme. It was easy to
assist the untouchables to improve their condition. It mentions that
Congress did not have to fight with the upper caste for the
implementation of this policy. Congress was taking care that the feelings
of the upper caste should not be hurt by this policy. It was easy to
implement this programme. But Congress, he points out, failed to
implement the resolution and Congress did not feel any regret for
abandoning this programme abruptly without implementing it.

Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar then turns towards the second option he

has suggested. He goes in details to find out whether the second option is
proper or not because the first option of revolutionary idea went fail to
infer that due to the revolutionary nature, the idea of improving the
condition is abandoned by Congress. The second option suggested by him
is due to lack of the fund; Congress did not implement the resolution
passed at Bardoli in 1922. He attempts to find out whether the Congress
did not have fund in reality to expend on the schemes which were helpful
to improve the situation of the untouchables.

He attempts to investigate whether the Congress really had lack of

fund or not. He points out that during this period, Congress had collected
one crore and thirty lakhs rupees from public under the name of Tilak Raj
269
Fund. It signifies that Congress had a fund. It was resolved to expend this
fund on the Congress propaganda and on the constructive programme of
Congress as drafted by the working committee at Bardoli. As the
resolution passed in the meeting of Bardoli to uplift and improve the
condition of the untouchables, it was essential to expend fund on the
schemes of untouchables. He points out that in the first meeting of the
sub-committee formed for the Depressed Classes, it was resolved to
expend five laks rupees on the schemes of the untouchables and in the
second meeting the fund reduced to two lakhs. It indicates that it was
resolved to expend two lakh rupees on the schemes of the untouchables
by the sub-committee. Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar claims that out of two
lakhs only forty-three thousands and eighty one rupees were expended on
the untouchables.

It reveals that the second option of lack of fund for the

implementation on the schemes of the Depressed Classes was also not
proper. Congress had one crore and thirty lakhs rupees. It was resolved to
expend two lakhs rupees on the untouchables out of it but Congress did
not expend these rupees and expendedt only forty three thousand and
eighty one rupees only. It reveals that Congress was not interested to
expend its fund on the untouchables.

By pointing out this, Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar raises the question

about the sympathy, love of the Congress towards Depressed Classes He
says:

Can these be a grosser instance of insincerity than this? Where is the

love for the untouchables which the Congress professed for the
untouchables? Where is the desire of Congress to undertake the uplift
of the untouchables? Would it be wrong to say that the Bardoli
resolution was a fraud in so far as it related to the untouchables?8

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 He, above, raises the question on the sincerity of the Congress
towards untouchables. He raises the questions on the love of the Congress
towards untouchables. It indicates that Congress has no sympathy, love
towards untouchables. Congress is not interested to change the situation
of untouchables. He blames that it is not wrong to call the resolution
regarding the untouchables passed in the meeting of Bardoli held in 1922
was a fraud.

Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar further expresses his doubt on the role of

Mahatma Gandhi in this matter. He points out when all this was
happening, when the resolution was not implemented, when the fixed two
lakhs fund did expend on the schemes of the untouchables, Mahatma
Gandhi did not utter a single word. He blames that Mahatma Gandhi did
not see anywhere when it was happening and he did not signify any
interest in this matter. It was expected that Mahatma Gandhi should have
paid his attention in this matter and should have done justice to the
untouchables. It was also expected that Mahatma Gandhi should have
forced the Congress to implement the resolution regarding the
untouchables. But Mahatma Gandhi did not play any role in this regard.

Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar also exposes the role of Mahatma

Gandhi towards the separate electorate of the untouchables in the Second
Round Table Conference. British Government called Round Table
Conferences in London to discuss the new constitution for India. Dr.
Babasaheb Ambedkar focuses the decision in these conferences regarding
the Depressed Classes and also reveals the role played by Mahatma
Gandhi in opposing the representation of the Depressed Classes.

Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar throws light on the happenings of the

first Round Table Conference. The first Round Table Conference was

271
called on 12th November 1930 to discuss a new constitution for India. The
Indian representatives were also called to attend this conference. Dr.
Babasaheb Ambedkar and Dewan Bahadur R. Shrinivas were called as
the representative of the untouchables. He points out that the first time it
is acknowledged that the untouchables are a separate element from the
Hindus and thought that the untouchables have also right to consult in the
framing of the constitution for India. In this session, as one of the
representative of the untouchables and as a representative of the
Depressed committee, Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar put the eight demands to
sanction for the safeguard of the untouchables. On the sanction of the
demands, the untouchables were ready to place themselves under the rule
of a majority in as self-governing India. The demands of the Depressed
Classes were like equal citizenship, free enjoyment of equal rights,
protection against discrimination, adequate Representation in the
legislatures, adequate Representation in the services, redress against
prejudicial action or neglect of interests, special departmental care and
the last demand was the representation to the Depressed Classes in the
cabinet.

Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar claims with the report prepared by the

Minorities committee of the Round Table Conference that there was
unanimous in the committee towards the representation of the Depressed
Classes, Indian Christians, European, Anglo-Indians, Landlords,
Commerce and Labour. He adds that in the first Round Table Conference
the Minority sub-committee was in favour of the representation of the
untouchables. The sub-committee acknowledged the need of the
representation of the untouchables. It was also unanimously accepted that
untouchables have a separate entity for political and constitutional
purposes. He reveals that Congress did not send its representatives to

272
attend the conference as it had boycotted the conference and was busy in
civil disobedience against the Government. He points out due to the
absentee, the perspectives and views of the Congress to the decision did
not come to know.

Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar then throws light on the Second Round

Table Conference which was called on 15th September 1931. He reveals
that in this conference Congress also took participation. Congress sent
Mahatma Gandhi as its representative in the Conference. He discloses
that in this Conference, Mahatma Gandhi registered his objection against
the representation of the Depressed Classes. He strongly opposed to
acknowledge the separate representation of the Depressed Classes. Dr.
Babasaheb Ambedkar points out that Mahatma Gandhi was not properly
manifesting his role behind the opposition of the special representation of
the untouchables. Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar writes:

Mr.Gandhi himself could not give a logical and consistent defence of

his opposition to the untouchables. Inside the Round Table Conference
his defence was that the Hindus had seriously taken up the cause of the
untouchables and thattherefore there was no reason to give the
political safeguards. Outside the Round Table Conference he gave
totally different reasons.9

He states above that there was no logic behind the protest of

Mahatma Gandhi. He was only opposing the special representation of the
untouchables. He was not properly replying on which ground he is
opposing the representation of the untouchables. He was putting inside
the conference that the Hindus had taken up the cause of the untouchables
and they are struggling for the untouchables. So there is no need of
political rights to the untouchables. Outside the conference, he was
interpreting other causes for denying the representation to the Depressed
Classes.

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 Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar after describing the happenings and
pointing out the protest of Mahatma Gandhi towards the representation of
the untouchables throws light on the events happened in India after the
Second Round Table Conference and the strong opposition of Mahatma
Gandhi and his fast unto death in the opposition of the special
representation of the untouchables. After returning to India, Mahatma
Gandhi was arrested due to his threat of reviving campaign of civil
disobedience. During this period, the Communal Award by which
separate electorate were granted was declared and as determined
Mahatma Gandhi commenced his fast unto death against the Communal
Award i.e. the special representation of the Depressed Classes. He
pointed out that separate electorate would be harmful to the Depressed
Classes and Hinduism. He was of the view that separate electorate would
demolish Hinduism. As Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar was the representative
of the untouchables, without his consent, it was impossible to withdraw
or alter the Communal Award. Finally, Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar agreed
to alter the Communal Award. He writes:

I had to make a choice between two different alternatives. There was

before me the duty, which I owed as a part of common humanity, to
save Gandhi from sure death. There was before me the problem of
saving for the untouchables the political rights which the Prime
Minister had given them. I responded to the call of humanity and
saved the life of Mr. Gandhi by agreeing to alter the Communal award
in a manner satisfactory to Mr. Gandhi. This agreement is known as
the Poona Pact.10

He states above the situation faced by him during this period. He

faced the dilemma. The dilemma was to save the life of Mahatma Gandhi
or to save the political rights of the untouchables. If he desired to save the
political rights, the life of Mahatma Gandhi would have been in danger
and if he desired to save the life of Mahatma Gandhi, he would have left
the political rights. He lastly saved the life of Mahatma Gandhi by
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sacrificing the political rights of the untouchables and agreed to alter
Communal Award by Poona Pact. The untouchables had to lose their
political rights to save the life of Mahatma Gandhi. He asserted that he
responded the call of humanity and saved the life of Mahatma Gandhi and
Poona Pact was signed between them.

After revealing the attitudes of Mahatma Gandhi towards the

separate representation of the untouchables and signing the Poona Pact,
Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar further exposes the nature of Poona Pacts. He
points out that Poona Pact increased the fix quota of seats but it snatched
the right of double voting of the untouchables. He points out the
difference between Communal Award and Poona pact. He focuses how
valuable the Communal Award was to the untouchables and how harmful
the Poona Pact is for them. He asserts though the Poona Pact increased
the seats of the untouchables, it was not helpful for the untouchables but
the Communal Award was more beneficial to the untouchables. He
writes:

Today the untouchables have a few more seats than were given to them
by Communal Awards. But this all that they have. Every other member
is indifferent, if not hostile. If the Communal Award with its system of
double voting had remained the untouchables would have had a few
seats less but every other member would have been a member for the
untouchables.11

He points out above that today due to the Poona Pact; the
untouchables received a few more seats than by Communal Award. But if
the Communal Award had signed, the untouchables would have obtained
less seats but with the right of double voting. Due to this, every elected
candidate would have been connected to the untouchables.

He exposes the significance of double voting which they had to

lose by the Poona Pact and the increase of seats which are not important

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to the untouchables. Double voting was the weapon in the hands of the
untouchables by which they could elect the upper caste candidate in the
election. It means the upper caste candidate had to depend on the votes of
the untouchables. In the General election the untouchables could have
used their second right of voting. Due to this the upper caste could not
have neglected the untouchables because he would have the need of vote
of the untouchables to win the election. This right offered to them by the
Communal Award had been derived by Poona Pact. It was the irreperable
loss of the untouchables.

Dr. Babasasheb Ambedkar then focuses the effects and discusses

the result of the election declared in 1937 of Provincial Legislatures by
the Government of India Act 1935. This was the first time that the
untouchables were electing their own representatives. Congress also
contested the election and according to Poona Pact, Congress alloted 151
candidates of the untouchables its ticket. Out of these 78 candidates of the
untouchables were elected on the ticket of the Congress and 73
candidates of the untouchables were elected independently. These
candidates of the untouchables who were elected on the tickets of the
Congress were pledged to the Congress programme. It means they were
the playthings in the hands of the Congress.

Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar points out that Poona Pact benefitted

Congress because it won 78 seats. The Congress was in the position to
form its Government. He adds that in the Government Act of 1935, there
was a clause referring while appointing ministers in the Council, the
Governor should see whether the representation to the minority is given
or not. But after the election, the Congress declared that they are not
pleased to accept the Government Act of 1935. It indicates it denied to
offer an opportunity to the untouchables in the cabinet. Congress urged

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that if the candidates of the minorities are pleased to join the Congress
and sign the Congress pledge, it would include them in its cabinet.

Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar points out that it was bound to Congress

to offer representation to the untouchables by the terms of the Poona Pact.
But Congress violate the terms of Poona Pact by denying the
representation of the untouchables in the Cabinet. The second thing is that
Congress had urged that if the candidates of the minority are pleased to
accept and join the Congress, it would offer them representation in the
cabinet. As regarding to the untouchables, 78 candidates of the
untouchables were elected on the tickets of the Congress. It points out
they were the members of the Congress. On this ground; the congress
should have given the opportunity to the untouchables in the cabinet. But
Congress denied them the cabinet. Congress was not pleased to appoint
the untouchables as ministers in its cabinet. On this policy of the
Congress, Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar writes:

Why then did the Congress not include them in the Cabinet? The only
answer is that it was a part of Congress policy not to admit the right of
the untouchables to be represented in the Cabinet and that this policy
had the support of Mr. Gandhi.12

He above raises the questions on the policy of the Congree Party

for offering the cabinet to the untouchables. It indicates that Congress
was not in the favour of offering representation to the untouchables in the
cabinet. The cause behind it is stated by him is that Congress was not
pleased to admit the right of untouchables’ representation in the cabinet
and it is its policy. He claims that this policy of denying the
representation of the untouchables was also supported by Mahatma
Gandhi.

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 Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar also reveals the policy of Congress of
allocating tickets to the candidates of the untouchables who are less
educated and get them elected as the member of Legislature. It indicates
that the Congress was neglecting the well-educated candidates of the
untouchables. By doing this, he points out that Congress deprived the
executive power of the untouchables. It was indirectly informing that the
untouchables have no well qualified candidates.

He further claims that Congress had formed a rigorous of party

discipline. Due to the rigorous party discipline, the untouchables were
fully under the curb of the Congress and they were not raising their voice
against the injustice of the Congress. He focuses the condition of the
elected candidate of the untouchables as follows:

They could not ask a question which it did not like. They could not
move a resolution which it did not permit. They could not bring in
legislation to which it objected. They could not vote as they chose and
could not speak what they felt. They were there as a dumb driven
cattle.13

He asserts above that they could not ask the question which is not
in favour of Congress. It means though the decision of the Congress did
not like them, they were keeping mum and they had no option to
acknowledge the decision of the Congress. They carried mutely the
decisions of the Congress. They could not express their feelings freely.
This was the situation of the elected candidates of the untouchables in the
Congress. He compares them with the dumb driven cattle.

After focusing the situation of the elected candidates of the

untouchables in the Congress Party, Dr.Babasaheb Ambedkar also throws
light on the part of Mahatma Gandhi and Congress towards the temple
entry of the untouchables. Untouchables as a marginalized section of the
Indian society are denied the public places. Though it is considered that

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they are the part of the Hindu society, the right of worshipping the God,
to utter the Mantras of God was prohibied to them. As they were believed
polluted, they were not tolerated to enter the temple.

Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar exposes that to obtain the right of

temple entry Mahatma Gandhi and the Congress started the movement for
the temple entry for the untouchables. He points out that after 25th
September 1932; temples were thrown open to the untouchables. He
exposes that every week, during this period, a list of temples, wells and
schools were published in the ‘Harijan’, a weekly paper of Mahatma
Gandhi under the special heading “week to week” on the first page,
which were opened to the untouchables. He adds if the owner or trustee
was not pleased to open the temple for the untouchables, Satyagraha was
organized against him. It was forced to the trustee or the owner to open
the temple to the untouchables.

Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar discloses that during this period, five

temple entry bills for the untouchables were presented. He informs that
out of these the one was presented by Dr. Sobbaroyan in the Madras
Legislative council and four were presented by Mr. C.S. Ranga Iyer, Mr.
Harabilas Sarda, Mr. Lalchand Navalrai, and Mr. M.R.Jaykar in the
Central Assembly. It indicates that this movement was in full swing.
There was a favourable atmosphere towards the temple entry of
untouchables in the country.

Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar further exposes the different views of

Mahatma Gandhi on the temple entry of the untouchables. He with
quotation published in ‘Gandhi Shikshan’Vol.II. P.132 points out that
Mahatma Gandhi was against the temple entry of the untouchables. But
Mahatma Gandhi altered his role and became in the favour of the temple

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entry of the untouchables. He participated in this movement. Dr.
Babasaheb Ambedkar focuses that this movement of opening the temples,
wells and schools for the untouchables was not long last. After some
period, the movement which was in full swing became down. This
movement gradually disappeared. He adds that the reports of opening the
temples, wells and schools for the untouchables also ceased to publish in
the ‘Harijan’. He writes:

To put it briefly, after a short spurt of activity in the direction of

removing untouchability by throwing open temples and wells the
Hindu mind returned to its original state.14

It is revealed above that this movement was temporary. It was the

whim of opening the temples, wells and schools for the untouchables. As
the whim outs, the movement is ceased. The effect of the movement from
the mind of the people vanished soon .The original condition to prohibit
the temple entry was again started to come into practice. He points out
that the temples which were dilapidated, deserted and used by dogs and
donkeys were opened to the untouchables. It indicates that the temples
which were not employed by Hindus were opened to the untouchables.
The temples which were used by the Hindus were not opened to them.

Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar goes in detail to reveal the role of

Mahatma Gandhi, the supporter of this movement, in the agitation of Mr.
Kelappan who struggled to open the temple of Guruvayur in Poonnani
taluka in Malbar. He narrates the incident of the movement of this temple
in detail.

This was the temple of Lord Krishan. The Zamorin of Calicut was
the trustee of it. Mr. Kelappan commenced an agitation to open the
temple for the untouchables. The Zamorian was against to open the
temple for the untouchables. He refused to allow the untouchables in the

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temple. Against the decision of the Zamorin , Mr. Kelappan drew the
weapon of fast and started his fast in front of the temple on 20th
September,1932. He resolvednot to withdraw the fast till the Zamorin
does not alter his decision and allow the untouchables in the temple.

Mr. Zamorin, the trustee, after this contacted Mahatma Gandhi. On

the appeal of the Zamorin, Mahatma Gandhi requested Mr. Kelappan to
withdraw his fast. Mr. Kelappan on the request of Mahatma Gandhi
withdrew his fast and postponed it for three months. Mahatma Gandhi
assured Mr. Kelappan and issued the statement on 5th November, 1932
that if the temple is not opened to the untouchables, he would start his
fast on 1st January 1933 with him.

Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar exposes that in spite of this Mr. Zamorin

did not listen this and did not open the temple for the untouchables. He
did not yield the decision of Mahatma Gandhi. Mahatma Gandhi then
altered his decision of fast with Mr. Kelappan which would have
commenced from 1st January 1933. Mahatma Gandhi declared that his
role regarding the temple entry of the untouchables would be depended
on the majority of the people. If the majority of the people are in favour
of untouchables, he would start his fast for the temple entry of
untouchables.

Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar points out that to inspect the decision of

temple entry, the referendum was taken and the majority of the people
supported the movement carried by Mr.Kelappan. Dr. Babasaheb
Ambedkar reveals that after the support of majority to the temple entry,
Mahatma Gandhi again altered his decision and on 29th December 1932
declared in the press that Dr. Subboray has introduced the permissive bill
i.e. temple entry bill in the Madras Legislative Council, till the sanction

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for the introduction of the bill by Viceroy, he is going to postpone his fast
regarding the Guruvayur temple entry for the untouchables.

Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar exposes that though the Viceroy granted

to introduce the temple entry bill, Mahatma Gandhi did not start his fast
for allowing the untouchables in Guruvayur temple. It indicates that
Mahatma Gandhi altered his role time to time towards the temple entry of
the untouchables.

Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar also throws light on the altered role of

Congress and Mahatma regarding the project namely legislation for
temple entry. He points out that Dr. Subbaroya’s Temple Entry Bill in the
Madras Legislative was not sanctioned by Lord Willington but Mr. Ranga
Iyer’s untouchability Abolition bill was granted to introduce in the
Legislative Assembly.

He exposes further that this bill was first supported by Mahatma

Gandhi and Congress. Both were in the favour of the bill. It was
resolvedto circulate the bill for the purpose of eliciting public opinion by
the Government. The government wanted to know the reactions, views of
the public regarding the bill. He adds that Mahatma Gandhi called the
bill as God-send. Mr. Ranga Iyyer informally introduced the bill in the
Assembly. Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar points out that during this period the
one thing happened. The Government dissolved the Assembly and
ordered new election. Due to this, Congress altered its attitude towards
the bill and started to oppose it. Mahatma Gandhi also turned his position
and opposed the bill. Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar writes:

The Temple Entry, what one is to say of, except to describe it a strange
game of political acrobatics! Mr. Gandhi begins as an opponent of
Temple Entry. When the untouchables put forth a demand for political
rights, he changes his position and becomes a supporter of Temple
Entry. When the Hindus threaten to defeat the Congress in the
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 election, if it pursues the matter to a conclusion, Mr. Gandhi, in order
to preserve political power in the hands of the Congress, gives up
Temple Entry! 15

He states above the changing role of the Congress and Mahatma

Gandhi towards the untouchables. Mahatma Gandhi first opposed the
temple entry of the untouchables. He turned his position and supported
the temple entry when the untouchables demanded political rights. He
gave up the idea of temple entry when the Hindus threaten the Congress
in the election. Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar asserts that Mahatma Gandhi
turned his position from the temple entry of the untouchables to keep the
political power in the hands of the Congress.

Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar also expresses his view on the ‘Harijan

Sevak Sangh’ which was established in the name of assisting the
untouchables and to assist the untouchables to overcome their problems.
He focuses on the programmes and activities of the Sangh, reveals the
history of it and points out how the Sangh is harmful for the
untouchables.

He discloses that All-India Anti untouchability League was formed

in the meeting held in the Cowasjee Jehangir Hall, Bombay under the
president ship of Pandit Malviya on 30th September 1932. It was a project
of Mahatma Gandhi. The inspiration behind the formation of the League
was Mahatma Gandhi. Mahatma Gandhi renamed this League as
‘Servants Of the untouchables Society’. This name also did not like him
and he again altered it and renamed it as ‘Harijan Sevak Sangh’. Dr.
Babasaheb Ambedkar reveals that on 3rd November 1932, it was made
clear by this organization that this organization will uplift the Depressed
Classes educationally, economically and socially. It suggests that it would
help the untouchables to acquire education, to develop them economically
and to develop their social status. It is also made clear that the
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organization would not touch the reforms like abolition of the caste
system and Inter-dinning. It was also declared that the Sangh has a
limited programmes and it was cleared that itwould not cross its field.

Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar further adds that for the convience of the
function of the Sangh the province was divided into units and paid-
workers were appointed to implement the work of it. He further reveals
that Mahatma Gandhi collected fund of eight lakhs rupees for the Sangha.

Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar with Annual Reports of the Sangha

explains that the Sangha paid its attention on the education of the
untouchables, paid scholarships for the Arts, technical, professional
courses and High school students. It also maintained separate primary
schools for the untouchables. It also provided medical aids and solved the
problems of water of the untouchables. It was also resolved to expend six
lakhs per year on the programme of the development of the untouchables.

But Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar exposes with the help of the report
of the secretary, that the Sangha during the eight years spent 27, 67,307
rupees. It suggests, he claims, Sangha expended Rs. 3, 45,888 per year
and not six lakhs as per resolved.

Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar also reveals the opinions of Mahatam

Gandhi towards the governing body of the Sangha. He refers the opinion
of the writer of ‘Indian Social Reformer’ that Mahatma Gandhi was against
the representation of the Depressed Classes on the Governing body of the
Harijan Sevak Sangh. He explores that when the Sangh was formed, the
members of the Depressed Classes were there in it. He further points out
that love and law, these two things are important to implement the
programme and create animosity among the untouchables. He blames that
latter Sangh went away from its aims. It left the aims as resolved at the

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beginning of the Sangh. Sangh latter emphasized on the constructive
work because its original aim was difficult to implement. He exposes that
it is easy to speak about the removal of the untouchability but difficult to
implement it.

He blames that though Sangha initially had the intention to keep

away itself from politics. But latter started to use it to arrest the
untouchables towards it. He writes:

It may be that it was impossible to resist the temptation of using the

Harijan Sevak Sangh for bringing the untouchables into the Congress
fold, make them accept Congress politics and impress upon them
Congress ideologies, especially when the sense of gratitude for service
rendered, no matter how petty, would make them receptive for such
process.16

He states above that Congress attempted to use Sangh to bring

untouchables in the Congress Party, to adopt them Congress politics and
to influence them towards Congress doctrines. He further states that
though the services rendered to them are trivial, Congress thought that by
rendering these services, it would be easy to catch the untouchables
towards the Congress. It indicates that it was the hidden policy of the
Congress Party to aatract the untouchables towards it.

Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar also exposes the policy of Sangh to

trouble the untouchables who were not in favour of Congress. He refers
the instance of Bombay branch of Sangh to make his argument strong. He
blames that it was the policy of Bombay branch of Harijan Sevak Sangh
to make a black list of the untouchables who were anti- Congress. The
students from these communities were refused scholarships and other
educational aids. Mahar Community was the victim of it. These students
were discriminated until they prove that they are loyal to Congress. He
refers the resolution brought by Mr. Thakkar that scholarships should not

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be alloted to Mahar community as it is advanced in education and
appropriated the share of government fund which is reserved for the other
untouchables communities.

The above instance narrated by him exposes the perspective of the

Sangh towards Untochables. If the untouchables community is in favour
of Congress, it cherished the interest of that Untouchable Community and
if it is against the policies of the Congress, it was pleased to squeeze
them. It also generates suspect that it might be the policy of the Congress
to disharmonies the Untouchable communities and to break their unity.
But the policy of the Congress failed. By investigation, it came to know
that the opinion of Mr. Thakkar was wrong and Mahar community is also
backward in education. He says:

What does all this show? Does it not show that the Harijan Sevak
Sangh is a charitable organization only in name, and that its real aim
is to ensnare the untouchables, to make them the camp followers of the
Hindus and the Congress to scotch any movement by them the aim and
object of which are to free themselves from the social, religious,
economic and political domination of the Hindus? Is there any wonder
if the untouchables look upon the Harijan Sevak Sangh as an
abomination, the object of which is to kill them by kindness?17

He states above that all this show that congress is not a charitable
organization. Its aim is to trap the untouchables, to make them the
followers of Congress and Hindu. It was the aim of Harijan Sevak Sangh
to prevent the untouchables from the movements which freed them from
the domination of Hindu. He adds that if this is the aim of Harijan Sevak
Sangh, there is no surprise that the untouchables have extreme hate
towards the Congress.

Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar further exposes the fact that though

Depressed Classes are not with the Congress though it claims that

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Depressed Classes are with it. He refutes the claim of the Congress by
referring the election of 1937 contested by Congress. He comments:

It may be well to begin by asking the simple question: what do

Congressmen mean when they say that the Election of 1937 shows that
the Congress represents the untouchables? A clarification is
necessary, because quite obviously the question can have two
meanings. It may mean that those Untouchable candidates who stood
on the Congress ticket for seats reserved for the untouchables were
elected as against those Untouchable candidates who did not stand on
the Congress ticket. It may also mean that more votes were cast by the
untouchables voters in favour of those untouchables candidates who
stood on the Congress ticket than other Untouchable candidates.18

He asks two questions above when it is claimed that the

untouchables are in favour of Congress. The first question is regarding
the ratio of the Untouchable candidates who contested on the Congress
ticket and elected against the other Untouchable candidates who
contested independently. The second question is regarding the votes
casted by the untouchables to the untouchable candidates of the Congress
more than cast the votes to other Untouchable candidate.

Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar replies with the result of the elections of

the different provinces that the untouchables cast 15,86,456 votes in the
election of 1937. Out of these, 2,90,737 votes had been cast to the
congress and 1,295,719 votes to the other candidates. It indicates that out
of 1,586,456 votes of the untouchables, 1,295,719 went against the
Congress. The difference between the number of votes to the Congress
and other independent candidates exhibits that the untouchables were not
in the favour of the Congress.

The second thing which clarify that the untouchables were not with
the Congress in the election of 1937 is the number of the candidates won
in the election on the ticket of the Congress. In the election, 151 reserved

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seats were allotted to the untouchables. The Congress contested all 151
reserved seats. It contested all 151 constitutiencies with 151 candidates of
the untouchables. Out of these the Congress won 78 seats and 73 seats
were won by other parties.

Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar analyses the results of the election of

1937 and exposes the situation which assisted the Congress to win 78
seats out of 151. He claims that strange circumstances were responsible
for winning 78 seats to the Congress. He made a detailed study of 78
reserved seats won by the Congress. He explains that in reality Congress
won only 38 reserved seats. He points out that Congress won 13 reserved
seats with the help of Hindus, 8 due to many Untouchable candidates
standing against the Congress Untouchable candidates and 19 due to the
foolishness of the untouchables not taking interest in the election. It
means due to these circumstances, Congress got 40 seats extra.
Otherwise, it had only 38 seats.

The detailed information and the analysis of the election return

shows that untouchables were not with the Congress but it was against the
Congress. The number of votes cast by the untouchables to the
Untouchable candidates of the Congress is less in comparing to the
Untouchable candidates who contested the election independently. The
78 candidates of the untouchables on the reserved seats who won the
election on the ticket of Congress were won the election in the strange
situation. All this reveals that the untouchables are not with the Congress
but against the Congress.

Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar also rebuts the charge made by the

Congress to the untouchables. Congress charges that untouchables as they
do not participate in the freedom movement, they keep themselves away

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from the freedom movement; they are the tools in the hands of the British
Government. It was blamed that untouchables are the agent and supporter
of the British Government. He says:

…I think it necessary to explain the correct situation and allow no

room for such erroneous notion about the untouchables to take roots
in their mind especially when there can be no difficulty in proving that
it is a false charge against the untouchables and to prove that if
untouchables have not joined the “Fight for Freedom” it is not
because they are the tools of British Imperalism but because they fear
that freedom of India will establish Hindu domination which is sure to
close to them and forever all prospect of life, liberty and pursuit of
happiness and that they will be made the hewers of wood and drawers
of water.19

He states above that it is must to explain the outsider why the

untouchables are away from the freedom movement before their opinion
is prejudiced towards the untouchables. The untouchables do not
participate in the freedom movement because there is a feeling in the
mind of the untouchables that after the British Government, the rule of
the Hindu domination would be formed. Hindus would come in power. In
Hindu Raj, they would be dominated. Their ways of progress, liberty and
happiness would be blocked. Due to this fear, the untouchables feel
better to away from the freedom movement.

By pointing out this, Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar suggests that the

untouchables are not againt the freedom movement but they are desired to
know what would be their position in the independent India? They think
that after British, the upper caste would come in power who are in
majority and by employing power, they would make the life of the
untouchables like hell. Due to this, they prefer to aloof from freedom
movement.

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 Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar also refutes the claim of the Congress
that untouchables are not separate from Hindus. On this issue, he makes it
clear that Congress cannot prevent untouchables from constitutional
safeguard. He emphasized that untouchables are the separate element
from Hindus. He writes:

The only test which can be of use is its social sense as indicating a
member of the Hindu society. Can an Untouchable be held to be part
of the Hindu society? Is there any human tie that binds them to the
rest of Hindus? There is none. There is no connubium. There is no
commensalism. There is not even the right to touch, much less to
associate. Instead, the mere touch is enough to cause pollution to a
Hindu.20

He rises above two questions to find out whether the untouchables

are the separate element from Hindus or not. The first is can the
untouchables be considered as the part of Hindu society? And the second
is - is there any human bond which tie the untouchables with Hindu? The
answers of these questions he points out are negative. The untouchables
are not considered as the part of the Hindu society and there are no
human relations between them which tie the untouchables with Hindus.
There is no relation based on marriage between them. There are no
intermarriages between them. There is no association between them. The
untouchables have no right of touch to the caste Hindus. The touch of the
untouchables causes pollution to a Hindu. A Hindu is polluted due to the
touch of a Hindu. It points out that there is no any type of relation
between upper caste and untouchables and they are separate from each
other. Due to their seperateness, there are no healthy and amicable
relations between them.

Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar also focuses the activities, works of

Mahatma Gandhi for the untouchables. He blames that Mahatma Gandhi
did not do anything for the untouchables after returning from South

290
Africa to India in 1915. During the period 1915 to 1922, he paid his
attention towards the movements, activities of the Congress. During this
period, Bardoli programme was referred by Congress. A resolution
regarding the upliftment of the untouchables was passed in this
programme. But he emphasises that it was not the Programme of removal
of the untouchability but improve the condition of the untouchables. The
work of the development of the untouchables was lastly handed over to
Hindu Mahasabha and Congress rescued itself from the work of the
development of the untouchables. Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar blames that
Mahatma Gandhi did not show any interest in that Bardoli programme
which was related to the untouchables. When Swami Shradhhanand, the
well-wisher of the untouchables, resigned from the membership of the
sub-committee formed for the improvement of the untouchables,
Mahatma Gandhi did not take his side. On the contrary, he took the side
of the opponents, who were not in favour of the untouchables, of Swami
Shradhaanand.

Dr.Babasaheb Ambedkar further asserts that there was an

opportunity to Mahatma Gandhi to abolish the untouchability from India
but he did not grap it. He, to make his argument clear, focuses the
reformation of the Congress by Mahatma Gandhi. He points out that to
assuage the revolt of the party members on the resolution of non-co-
operation passed in Calcutta in September, 1920, Mahatma Gandhi after
released from the jail in 1924 reformed the conditions to become the
members of the Congress. The first was to tender 2,000 yards of hand
spun and self-spun yarn, the second was to boycott on foreign clothes,
Government Law Courts, Schools, Colleges and titles offered by the
Government. The person who desired to become the member of the
Congress had to fulfill these conditions. If he fails to fulfill these

291
conditions, he would automatically disqualify as the member of the
Congress. Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar points out that; here Mahatma
Gandhi has an opportunity to implement his mission of removing the
untouchability from the Society. Mahatma Gandhi could have added the
condition that to become the member of the Congress, it is must not to
observe untouchability and to employ an Untouchable as a household. If
he had added this condition, there would have an opportunity to remove
the untouchability from the society. He blames that Mahatma Gandhi by
not adding this condition lost the chance of eliminating untouchability.

Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar further blames that Mahatma Gandhi did

not support the Satygraha launched the untouchables for their
emancipation. He points out that during 1922 to 1930 movement of the
untouchables were occured to establish their right of taking water from
the wells and temples. The untouchables started satygraha movements at
Mahad for taking the water, at Kala Ram temple at Nashik and other
movements. But Mahatma Gandhi did not support these movements but
strongly opposed these satygraha. He points out that Mahatma Gandhi
who employs Satygraha as a weapon against British Government, never
employed this weapon against the upper caste to throw open wells and
temples to the untouchables. He also reveals that Mahatma Gandhi had
observed 21 fasts for different reasons but he did not observed a single
fast to the removal of the untouchability from the society.

He further discloses the role of Mahatma Gabdhi in the Second

Round Table Conference on the demand of the special representation of
the untouchables. He reveals that in the Round Table Conference in 1931,
Mahatma Gandhi stood against the constitutional safeguard of the
untouchables. He reveals that the representative of other minority groups
consented to offer the untouchables political protection like them. He

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refers that here was an opportunity to Mahatma Gandhi to show the
sympathy towards the untouchables by consenting the demand of the
untouchables. But instead of it, he opposed the demand of the
untouchables. He started his fast unto death against the decision of the
British Government of offering the political protection like Muslims and
other minority communities to the untouchables. He forced to sign the
Poona Pact and to withdraw Communal Award. By doing this he grabbed
the political rights of the untouchables. Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar also
ablames that Mahatma Gandhi made the Poona Pact futile by seducing
the Congress to employ foul electioneering.

Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar also focuses the movements started by

Mahatma Gandhi for the upliftment of the untouchables. He blames that
the two movement of Mahatma Gandhi started for the untouchables were
left abruptly. He took the personal responsibility of these two movements.
The first was the temple entry movement and the second was the temple
entry bill. He stated that Mahatam Gandhi declard that he would observe
fast if the Gurvayur temple of Lord Krishna is not opened to the
untouchables. But Mahatma Gandhi did not go on fast and the temple did
not open for the untouchables. It was still closed. It points out that
Mahatma Gandhi left the movement of the Guruvayur temple entry and
forgot his movement. The second matter is related to the temple entry
bill. At the beginning Mahatma Gandhi was with the temple entry bill.
But as the elections were declared, he withdrew his support from the bill.
It means Mahatma Gandhi turned from his position declared before the
election and started to oppose the bill. Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar, by
pointing out this, attempts to indicate that Mahatma Gandhi was not in
favour of the untouchables but he was in the favour of upper caste.

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 Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar further exposes the policies of Harijan
Sevak Sangh which was formed by Mahatama Gandhi to uplift the
untouchables. It was formed to make contribution to the untouchables by
Hindu, to help the untouchables to overcome their difficulties and to
increase their confidence. Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar reveals that Sangh
failed to arrest the attention of the untouchables and their confidence
towards it. Gradually, the branches of the Sangh were being closed
everywhere. Hindus also lost interest in the Sangha. He points out that
there was also an opportunity to Mahatma Gandhi to bridge the gap
between Hindu and untouchables by improving the programme of work
of the Sangha and allowing the untouchables to participate in its working.
But, he blames, Mahatma Gandhi did not activate the Harijan Sevak
Sangh.

It reveals that the role of Mahatma Gandhi towards the

untouchables was ambiguous. He did not utter a word against not
implementing the resolution properly by the Congress regarding the
untouchables. By opposing the Mahad Satygraha and Kala Ram temple
satygraha and by opposing the demand of the untouchables in Round
Table Conference, he disclosed that he was not with the untouchables. He
did not show the sympathy towards the untouchables. His
unaccomplished movement of Guruvayur temple entry and his withdrew
the support from the temple entry bill showed that he was not seriously
interested in the movements of the untouchables. He also did not pay his
attention towards Harijan Sevak Sangh. He did not guide the Sangh
properly when it was dying. It indicates that he was not serious towards
untouchables.

Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar, in this book, takes review of the work of

the Congress and Mahatma Gandhi for the upliftment of the marginalized

294
section of the Indian society. Congress and Mahatma Gandhi claimed that
they have been doing the work of uplifting the untouchables. They have
been doing the work of removing untouchability from the society. They
have been struggling to help them to overcome their difficulties, doing
the work of increasing their confidence and striving to bridge the rift
between untouchables and Hindu which is created by untouchability. This
book of Babasaheb Ambedkar verifies the validity of the claims of the
Congress and Mahatma Gandhi. It also helps the marginalized sections of
the Indian society to beware of the policies which are helpful for them
and which will uplift them and remove their marginality.

295
Works Cited

1. Zelliot, Eleanor. “Congress and the untouchables”Congress and

Indian Nationalism: The pre-independence phase,Ed.Richord Sisson and

Stanley Wolpert, University of California Press, 1988, P. 193.

2. Omvedt, Gail, AmbedkarTowards an Enlightened India, Penguin Book,
2004, P.108.
3. Ambedkar, B.R. What Congress and Gandhi have done to the
untouchables. Dr.Babasaheb Ambedkar Writings And Speeches, vol.

9., Education Department Government Of Maharashtra, 1990,P.10

4. Ibid, p.12
5. Ibid, P.16
6. Ibid, P.20
7. Ibid, P.24
8. Ibid, P.36
9. Ibid, P.70
10. Ibid, P.88
11. Ibid, P.90
12. Ibid, P.98
13. Ibid, P102
14. Ibid, P.114
15. Ibid, P.125
16. Ibid, P.143
17. Ibid, P.145
18. Ibid, P.155
19. Ibid, P.168
20. Ibid, P.184.

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