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Ecological Modernization and Its Critics Assessing The Past and Looking Toward The Future - 0
Ecological Modernization and Its Critics Assessing The Past and Looking Toward The Future - 0
DANA R. FISHER
Department of Sociology/Rural Sociology
University of Wisconsin-Madison
Madison, Wisconsin, USA
WILLIAM R. FREUDENBURG
Department of Rural Sociology
University of Wisconsin-Madison
Madison, Wisconsin, USA
The theory of ecological modernization has received growing attention over the
past decade, but in the process, it has been interpreted in con icting and sometimes
contradictory ways. In this article, we attempt to bring greater clarity to the discus-
sion. Reviewing the works both by the theory’s best-known proponents and by its
most outspoken critics, we note that dif culties are created not just by the combining
of theoretical predictions and policy prescriptions—a point that has already been
noted in the literature—but also by the stark and highly signi cant differences
in expectations between ecological modernization and most prevailing theories of
society–environment relationships. Perhaps in part because of these differences,
disagreements have often been expressed in stark, black-and-white terms. If the
problems are to be resolved, there will be a need for greater theoretical precision,
developed in conjunction with empirical research that is more focused, more nely
differentiated, and more rigorous.
Roughly 10 years ago, Society and Natural Resources published the rst article on the
theory of ecological modernization in the English language (Spaargaren and Mol 1992).
Since then, the arguments of ecological modernization have received growing attention,
both within the subdiscipline of environmental sociology and in broader debates over
major social theories (see, e.g., Blühdorn 2000; Buttel 2000a; 2000b; Christoff 1996;
Cohen 2000; Giddens 1998; Hajer 1995; Leroy and van Tatenhove 2000; Mol 1995;
1997; 1999; 2000a; 2000b; Mol and Spaargaren 1993; 2000; Spaargaren 1997; 2000;
701
702 D. R. Fisher and W. R. Freudenburg
Spaargaren and Mol 1992; Spaargaren and van Vliet 2000; Pellow et al. 2000). To
date, however, cumulation has been limited by inconsistencies and incompatibilities
in the interpretations of the theory that have been put forward. In this article, we
brie y summarize both the theory and the major responses to it, subsequently offering
our suggestions on the types of research offering the greatest promise for moving the
debate in a constructive direction.
are rooted in a neo-Marxist perspective, others are not; a notable example involves
Anthony Giddens (1998), who argues that “ecological modernization skirts some of
the main challenges ecological problems pose for social democratic thought” (p. 58)
and that, as a result, the theory is “too good to be true” (p. 57; see also Leroy and van
Tatenhove 2000).
Other authors provide more nuanced criticisms. Several, for example, have concl-
uded that the work is similar to Beck’s (1987) Risk Society (for a full discussion, see
Mol and Spaargaren 1993; see also Spaargaren 2000), although Mol and Spaargaren
themselves clearly disagree, stating that the Risk Society argument “seems to funda-
mentally contradict ecological modernisation theory” (1993, 431). Buttel has provided
a broader criticism, arguing that the theory of ecological modernization “lacks an iden-
ti able set of postulates” (2000a, 64; see also Buttel 2000b) and suggesting that the
work could be improved if it were rooted in broader theories of the state, such as
Evans’s embedded autonomy (1995), or Janicke’s state failure (1990).
In addition to the critical reactions to ecological modernization, however, there
have been a number of positive responses, praising ecological modernization both as a
prescription and as a theory. Praise for the prescription has come from authors such as
Christoff (1996), Rinkevicius (2000a, 2000b) and O’Neill (1998). In O’Neill’s words,
ecological modernization offers an innovative method for “understanding national envi-
ronmental policy as embedded in changing international context” (O’Neill 1998, 2),
particularly given that ecological modernization sees environmental protection not as a
burden on the economy, but as “a precondition for future sustainable growth” (Weale,
as cited in O’Neill 1998, 14). Much of the recent empirical research on ecological
modernization consists of studies where the theory provides a degree of t for the
cases (Frijns et al. 2000; Gille 2000; Jokinen 2000; Sonnenfeld 2000; see also Mol
1999). Praise for the theory has also come from theorists such as Hajer, who notes
that ecological modernization “recognizes the environmental crisis as evidence of a
fundamental omission in the workings of the institutions of modern society” (1995, 3).
Figure 1 offers a simple graphical illustration of the views that have been expressed,
with interpretations of ecological modernization as being theory and/or praxis depicted
on the y axis, while the varying evaluations, from approval to dismissal, are shown on
the x axis. As the gure makes clear, responses are quite diverse; the obvious question,
accordingly, is, what can be done to bring greater clarity to the debates?
to take place, examining the potential importance of factors such as institutional struc-
ture, economic organization, and especially culture (see also Cohen 2000). Cohen’s
work leads him to the conclusion that a powerful public commitment to science and a
strong environmental consciousness are among the most important cultural character-
istics shaping individual countries’ abilities to embrace the components of ecological
modernization. This work, however, is only the rst step in identifying potentially rele-
vant conditions for ecological modernization. For the debates to move further toward
resolution, this promising approach needs to be extended in two ways. First, even in
cases where the focus of research is at the macro level of the nation-state, there is a
clear need to expand the number of cases being considered. Second, there may also be
a need to look more closely at the dynamics at work within countries.
At the same time, there is also a need for greater attention to the factors in uencing
the accuracy/inaccuracy of the theory’s predictions within a given nation-state. In our
own view, in other words, we expect that ecological modernization is ultimately likely
to prove neither completely correct nor completely incorrect; instead, the ultimate
verdict is likely to be, “it depends.” If that is indeed the case, then it would be highly
bene cial to devote a signi cantly larger fraction of our effort to studying the more
speci c factors upon which it depends.
Perhaps a pair of speci c examples can help to illustrate this point. First, one
possibility that has been noted in the literature is that ecological modernization logic
may apply only for “developed” countries (for a full discussion, see Frijns et al. 2000).
Even the consideration of such a possibility, of course, can be seen as offering some
progress toward more focused and rigorous analysis, particularly in comparison to
arguments over whether the theory applies at all. In addition, however, we may nd it
helpful to recognize that a concept as ill-de ned as “development” inherently involves
a number of important factors, many of which can readily be translated into more ne-
grained if not interval-level constructs, such as level of national income or strength of
democratic institutions. Accordingly, we might well nd that it is possible to achieve
clearer insights through empirical comparisons that show whether the theory’s predic-
tions appear to have greater or lesser accuracy. Some examples are the differences in
nations’ levels of inequality (see Boyce 1994), as well as in levels of prosperity and
state repression.
Alternatively, as a second example, it is also possible to examine more closely
the kinds of institutional changes that have been identi ed by the theory’s proponents
as leading to improved ecological outcomes. In particular, some research has pointed
to the role of nongovernmental organizations and the strength of “civil society” as
a major predictor of ecological modernization outcomes —where the notion of “civil
society” is generally de ned as involving a “self-organized citizenry” (Emirbayer and
Sheller 1999, 146; for a complete discussion see Cohen and Arato 1994; see also
Hann and Dunn 1996). If we return to the case of Japan, however, such an expectation
might well need to be called into question. Even though Japan may come much closer
to matching the predictions of ecological modernization than does the United States,
the relatively progressive environmental policies of Japan have been developed in a
national context that has been reported to have a virtual absence of “civil society” that
informed observers have found to be remarkable (Fisher 1999; see also Knight 1996).
In sum, the theory of ecological modernization has generated a good deal of intel-
lectual interchange and excitement to date, but much of the discussion has involved
relatively generic or black-and-white disagreements. It is entirely possible to go beyond
a mere repetition of such arguments, and instead to examine the theory in a way
that helps us to understand the world better. To do so, however, it will be neces-
sary to study ecological modernization in a more systematic, careful, and rigorous
manner. The examples listed in this article, to repeat our warning one last time, are
not intended either to “prove” or “disprove” the validity of ecological modernization;
Ecological Modernization and Its Critics 707
instead, they are intended simply to be examples, illustrating the need for further theo-
retical development to take place in tandem with further research. A theory that has
already proved as in uential as this one, after all, surely deserves no less.
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