Critical Geopolitics and Regional Re Con

Critical Geopolitics and Regional
(Re)Configurations
This book seeks to develop our understanding of the contemporary geopo-

litical reconfigurations of two regions of the world system with high cultural
affinity and traditional close relations: Latin America and Europe.
Relations between Latin America and Europe have been interpreted gen-
erally in the social sciences as synonyms of interstate relations. However,
although states remain the most important actor in the geopolitical
scene, they have been deeply reconfigured in recent decades, impacted by
transnational dynamics, politics and spaces. This book highlights inter-
regional relations and transnational dynamics between Latin America and
Europe from a critical geopolitics perspective, promoting a new look for
interregional relations which encompasses international cooperation and
development, global policies, borders, inequalities and social movements. It
brings attention to the relevance of interregionalism in the current geopolit-
ical reconfiguration of the world system but also argues for systematic inclu-
sion of relevant new social actors and imaginaries in this traditional sphere
of states. These social actors, particularly social movements and practices
of contestation, are developing not only “international” bonds but a new
“transnational” field, where networks defy traditional territorial orders.
This volume seeks to generate a new discussion among scholars of geopol-
itics, international relations, social theory and social movement studies by
encouraging a development of an interregional and transnational perspec-
tive of the two regions.
Heriberto Cairo is a professor in Political Sciences in the Universidad Com-

plutense de Madrid, where he has been dean of the Faculty of Political
Science and Sociology. He has published extensively in geopolitics, peace
and conflict studies and Latin American integration process.
Breno Bringel is a professor at the Institute of Social and Political Studies at

the Rio de Janeiro State University, where he coordinates the PhD Program
in Sociology. He has published extensively in social movements, transna-
tional activism and Latin American thought.
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Interregionalism and Transnationalism Between Latin America
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Heriberto Cairo and Breno Bringel
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RSGTP
Critical Geopolitics and
Regional (Re)Configurations
Interregionalism and Transnationalism
between Latin America and Europe
Edited by Heriberto Cairo

and Breno Bringel
First published 2019
by Routledge
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and by Routledge
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business
© 2019 selection and editorial matter, Heriberto Cairo and
Breno Bringel; individual chapters, the contributors
The right of Heriberto Cairo and Breno Bringel to be identified as
the authors of the editorial material, and of the authors for their
individual chapters, has been asserted in accordance with sections
77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or
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ISBN: 978-0-429-46318-1 (ebk)
Typeset in Times New Roman
by codeMantra
In memory of David Slater, colleague and friend, who began this
travel with us.
There will always be the need for a negotiation of respect
and recognition with a critical spirit that helps us avoid
essentializations of either positive or negative hue. A
meaningful ethics of intersubjectivity would include the right
to be critical and different on both sides of any ‘cultural
border’. And the future can be post-imperial; another world is
possible”
(David Slater, Geopolitics and the Post-colonial: Rethinking
North-South Relations, Oxford, Blackwell Publishing, 2004,
p. 233)
Contents
List of figures and tables x

List of contributors xi
Acknowledgements xiii
Foreword: “Latin” America and former “South/Western

Europe” in the world (dis)order 1
Walter D. M ignolo
Introduction: the geopolitics of interregionalism

and transnationalism 7
H eriberto Cairo and Breno Bringel
Part I
Latin America and Europe in the contemporary world-
system: imperiality, domination and cooperation 23
1 Interventionism, invasiveness and the geopolitics of the

imperial: in search of the pathways of power 25
David Slater
2 Social liberalism and global domination: lessons for

Latin America and Europe 49
José M aur ício D omingues
3 Euro–Latin American interregionalism in the new post-Cold

War geopolitical order 63
H eriberto Cairo
viii Contents
Part II
Geopolitical imaginaries and socio-territorial orders in
Latin America and Europe 77
4 European models, Latin American cases: Eurocentrism and the

contentious politics of state formation 79
Pe dro d o s Sa n t o s de B or ba
5 Forgotten Europes: rethinking regional entanglements

from the Caribbean 96
M a n u e l a B oat cĂ
6 Geopolitical narratives of an “accommodating” state in the

face of “low geopolitics”: the Marca España and attracting
Multilatina investment 117
Ro sa de l a F u e n t e a n d R e nat o L . P. M i r a n da
7 Beyond the “lettered border”: towards a comparative horizon

in European and Latin American border studies 131
Ol i v i e r T hom a s K r a m s c h
8 Beyond a regional gaze? Orders, borders and modern

geopolitical imaginations in Europe and Latin America 145
M a r í a L oi s
Part III
(Inter)regionalism from below: social actors, pedagogies
and transnational practices 159
9 Interregionalism from below: cultural affinity, translation and

solidarities in the Ibero-American space 161
Br e no Br i nge l a n d H e r i be rt o Ca i ro
10 The new cycle of women’s mobilizations between Latin

America and Europe: a feminist geopolitical perspective on
interregionalism 178
A l m u de na Ca be z a s G on z á l e z a n d Ga br i e l a Pi n h e i ro
M ac h a d o Bro c h n e r
Contents ix
11 New configurations in the geopolitics of transnational
solidarities: Mexico inside Barcelona, from
Zapatistas to Indignados 197
L ivia A lcantara and Breno Bringel
Epilogue: Latin Americanization of Europe: possibilities for

a geopolitical pedagogical transformation 213
T eivo T eivainen
Index 223
Figures and tables
Figures
5.1 M
ap of the EU overseas countries and territories and
outermost regions 2015 99
5.2 E
U’s colonies on Euro banknotes 101
5.3 Map of the EU enlargement 2004 103
5.4 M
ap of the Caribbean with its European and
US-American colonial possessions 107
5.5 Europe with current Western borders in the Atlantic
Ocean and the Caribbean 110
5.6 A
nguilla’s European borders 114
10.1 Map of the places where the women’s strike of 2016 took place 183
10.4 “Utero tropical”: campaign No pasarán by Red Federica
Montseny 186
10.5 “My body, my rights: a global fight. Freedom for las 17” 187
Tables
5.1 Multiple Europes 104
Contributors
Livia Alcantara has a PhD in Sociology from the Universidade do Estado

do Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. Activist and Journalist, she works at Operação
Amazônia Nativa (OPAN), the first indigenist organization founded in
Brazil.
Manuela Boatcă is a professor of Sociology with a focus on macrosociol-
ogy at the Institut für Soziologie & Global Studies Programme, Albert-
Ludwigs-Universität Freiburg.
Pedro dos Santos de Borba has a PhD in Political Science from the Univer-
sidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro and is a researcher at the Instituto
de Estudos Sociais e Políticos (IESP), Universidade do Estado do Rio de
Janeiro, Brazil.
Breno Bringel is a professor of Sociology at the Instituto de Estudos Sociais
e Políticos (IESP), Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, Brazil.
Gabriela Pinheiro Machado Brochner has a PhD in Political Science and
Master in Latin American Studies from the Universidad Complutense
de Madrid, Spain.
Almudena Cabezas-González is a lecturer in Political Geography at the
Facultad de Ciencias Políticas y Sociología, Universidad Complutense
de Madrid, Spain.
Heriberto Cairo is a professor of Political Geography at the Facultad de
Ciencias Políticas y Sociología, Universidad Complutense de Madrid,
Spain.
José Maurício Domingues is a professor of Sociology at the Instituto de
Estudos Sociais e Políticos (IESP), Universidade do Estado do Rio de
Janeiro, Brazil.
Rosa de la Fuente is a lecturer in Political Geography, Urban Policies and
Local Governance at the Facultad de Ciencias Políticas y Sociología,
Universidad Complutense de Madrid, Spain.
xii Contributors
Olivier Thomas Kramsch is a professor of Geography and Border Studies
at the Nijmegen Centre for Border Research (NCBR), Department of
Human Geography, Radboud Universiteit, Netherlands.
María Lois is a lecturer in Political Geography at the Facultad de Ciencias
Políticas y Sociología, Universidad Complutense de Madrid, Spain.
Walter D. Mignolo is the William Hane Wannamaker Professor of Romance
Studies and Director of the Center for Global Studies and the Humanities
at Duke University, USA.
Renato L. P. Miranda is a lecturer in Public Law and Public Administration
on the Public Administration Course, Universidade Federal de Alagoas,
Brazil.
David Slater was an emeritus professor of Political Geography at the
University of Loughborough, United Kingdom.
Teivo Teivainen is a professor of World Politics at the University of Helsinki,
Finland.
Acknowledgements
The origin of this book was based on two seminars held with the financial
support of the Secretaría de Estado de Educación, Formación Profesional y
Universidades of the Spanish Ministry of Education, Culture and Sports,
and the Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nivel Superior
(CAPES) of the Brazilian Ministry of Education, under the programme of
inter-university cooperation between Brazil and Spain.
The first seminar, “Geopolitical Re-configurations and Global Moder-
nity: Latin America and Europe in comparative perspective” (Spanish
Ref. PHB2012-0032-TA and Brazilian Ref. 311/13) was held in Madrid on
16 and 17 December 2013. Few months later, on 24 and 25 April 2014, the
second one, entitled “Geopolitical Reconfigurations and Regional Trans-
formations: Dialogues between Europe and Latin America” (Spanish Ref.
PHB2012-0031-TA and Brazilian Ref. 311/13), was held in Rio de Janeiro.
Some colleagues who participated in the seminars could not, for differ-
ent reasons, write their texts for the book. Others, even though they had
not originally participated in the seminars, engaged enthusiastically in the
book proposal afterwards. We thank all of them for their contribution and
dialogue.
In more substantive terms, the project is part of a long-term cooperation
between the Research Group on Space and Power of the Faculty of Political
Science and Sociology of the Universidad Complutense de Madrid and the
Research Group on Social Theory and Latin America, based at the Insti-
tute of Political and Social Studies of the Universidade do Estado do Rio
de Janeiro. Certainly, the discussions of both groups (and between them)
are strongly present in several chapters of the book, and we want to thank
all the members of both groups for their implication and support in very
different ways.
The institutional support of the Faculty of Political Science and Sociol-
ogy of the Universidad Complutense de Madrid and the Institute of Polit-
ical and Social Studies of the Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro
has been very important for the seminars and the project of the book in
general.
xiv Acknowledgements
We would also like to thank the five anonymous readers of the proposal of
this book for their helpful comments and critiques, which have undoubtedly
improved the final product.
Lastly, a special recognition for Ella Halstead, our editorial assistant at
Routledge (Taylor & Francis), always so supportive and sympathetic. Her
assistance has been very valuable.
Foreword
“Latin” America and former
“South/Western Europe” in the
world (dis)order
Walter D. Mignolo
I
Editors and contributors to this volume explore the contemporary geopol-
itics of interregionalism and transnationalism of two regions of the world
system with “cultural affinities and traditional relations”. There are a few
points that I would like to underscore in this preface, reading the past in
the present, starting by writing modern/colonial world system and writing
“Latin” America in quotation marks. The reason is that “Latin” America
is the political project of people of European descent that settled in the
sub-continent since the sixteenth century and obscured other important di-
mensions, that of Pueblos Originarios that today inhabit Abya Yala and
Afro-descendent, whom today inhabit La Gran Comarca (Mignolo, 2005).
The cultural affinities are due to the colonial histories of Western Europe
(Spain, Portugal, England, France) and significant migratory contingents
from Italy since the second half of the n ineteenth century that populated,
mainly, the Atlantic coast from Buenos Aires to New York.
However, relations (interstate, international-interregional and trans-
national) between Europe and “Latin” America imply all of the above
relations between two geopolitical (also historical and economic) “entities”.
The quotation marks around “entities” is because both Europe and “Latin”
America are not ontic land masses named as such when planet earth came
into being, but they are historical and political imaginary constructions.
What that means is that the land, people, river, trees, animals, grass, sand,
etc., that compose the materiality of the land masses so named, are indeed
mapped and appropriated in the very act of naming, but the actors, institu-
tions and languages in which they are named.
As for “Europe”, that I also write in quotation marks and I would say –
without entering into detailed argument in this prefatory observation – t aking
into account what we know about Greek mythology from where the name
was derived, that “Europe” named a sector of a vast continent also known as
“Eurasia” that previously was known as “Western Christendom”. There is a
parallel here in the historical reconfigurations of regions between Europe and
Eurasia and Latin America and America.
The coming into being of “Europe” has much to do with the coming into be-
ing of “America” (see Chapters 2 and 4). And I mean America, which includes
2 Walter D. Mignolo
the United States. They have been mutually constituted since the sixteenth
century. Both entities were entangled in the European imagination. To the
inhabitants of Anahuac, Ayiti, Tawantinsuyu, Abya Yala, Walmapu, Turtle
Island, etc., “America” meant anything. It was an entity and a continent only in
Western Christian/European imagination. What this means is that the inter-
regional and transnational (although “national” before 1750 means something
different to what it meant for the creation of ethno-bourgeois n ation-states)
relations between the constitution of Europe since 1500 and the constitution
of America since 1504 are entangled by a power differential: the epistemic and
ontological colonial power differential constitutive of the modern/colonial
world system. The modern world system without the slash highlighting the
colonial difference is only half of the story: the Euro-centred half of the story
disguising the darker side of its modernity, that is, coloniality.
In 1504, Martin Waldseemüller had the brilliant idea of ignoring the names
that the diversity of Pueblos Originarios has given to their own territory
and named the continent “America” after – as we know – Italian navigator
Américo Vespucci. But he had also the brilliant idea of ignoring what he must
have known: that for the Spanish Crown it was not “America” the territory
Europeans began to plunder, but “Indias Occidentales”. Consequently, and
from the beginning, any kind of relations between Europe and America have
been and are epistemologically founded. That is, the two entities are imag-
inary constructions upon which geopolitical relations have been built. Not
only materially (people and goods crossing the Atlantic). All material rela-
tions are packaged in well-crafted narratives making you believe that the en-
tities so named have been there always. Believing in what “there is” hides how
historically the entities “came to be”. The first is the illusion managed by the
rhetoric of modernity. The second reveals the power relations in the coming
into being of entities taken for granted in their existence, without questioning
their becoming. Which are crucial questions to understanding the constant
mobility of interregional and transnational relations in the forming and trans-
forming of the modern/colonial world system.
Hence, it should be remembered that there is no “Latin” America in
anybody’s mind until the second half of the nineteenth century. To say that
once the name “Latin” America has been introduced and accepted by the
French instigators, motivators and promoters, it “applies” retrospectively
and so it can be said, as it is not rare to read or hear, that “Columbus discov-
ered Latin America” or publishing a volume or having panels in conferences
about “Latin America Colonial History”, is nonsense embodied in every-
body’s mind, to use an oxymoronic expression.
“Latin” America is an invention of transnational relations between officers of
the secular French state, and officers of some of the Republics (or nation-states
formation) managed by the Creole elites in South America. Thus, it is in the
very name, not in the entity, that interregions are constituted and transna-
tional relations (once the modern and modern/colonial states were instituted).
In the transforming world order of the mid-nineteenth century, France noticed
the emerging rivalry of the United States moving dangerously (from France’s
The world (dis)order 3
perspective) much to the South. By the Treaty Guadalupe-Hidalgo (1848), the
United States disposed Mexico of vast territories, a region that France con-
sidered part of its “Latinity” after taking over the geopolitical configuration
of Indias Occidentales (Spanish possessions) and Brazil (Portugal possessions)
implanted over the territories expropriated to the First Nations.
II
From 1500 to 1800, the Americas (including the United States) have been
demographically formed by three large and diverse ethnic configurations.
The First Nations, from today’s South of Chile and Argentina to Alaska and
Canada; the non-invited migrants settled across the continent, from Western
Europe, from the Southern Europe (Spain, Portugal) to Western Europe
(France, England, Holland) (see Chapter 1). And third, the forced migrations
of enslaved human beings from West Africa. When the legal end of enslaved
trade that converted human lives into commodities arrived to its legal closure,
indentured labour began to attract a population from China and India since
the first half of the nineteenth century. The Industrial Revolution changed
the means of navigation from ships propelled by the wind to the steamboat
propelled by extracted “natural resources”. Of larger capacity, the steamboat
accelerated people’s mobility. Ports were the points of arrival and departure
while the railroad and the locomotive transported people inside the conti-
nent. So that in the second half of the nineteenth century, France lobbied the
local Creole elites who were building nations-states (republics) over the ruins
of former Spanish Viceroyalties to name themselves “Latin” Americans, the
geopolitics of regionalism and transnationalism was operating on the trans-
formation of the imperial and colonial differences.
In Europe, state politics in France was securing the leadership of the
Southern, the Latin Europe (Portugal, Spain, Italy) and, in the Americas,
France was securing the management and ascendency of former Iberian
colonies: now “Latin” America and no longer “Spanish/Luso America” (see
Chapter 2). Simultaneously, France was securing the imperial difference
with the South of Europe and the colonial difference with the South of the
Rio Grande: Latin America in the South and Anglo America in the North
(United States and part of Canada). While France was managing the politics
of naming and identification, England was quietly managing the economy by
the power of the sea (steamboat) and the power of the land (railroad) trans-
porting natural resources from inland to the ports and from there to London.
The re-ordering of Europe after the Great Revolution (1688) and the French
Revolution (1789) redefined the geopolitics of regionalism and transnational-
ism. As a matter of fact, there is no “nationalism” properly speaking until the
leadership of the emerging bourgeoisie in the North/West region of Europe
and the advent of the nation-state replacing the monarchic states.
It all began to change towards the end of the nineteenth and the beginning
of the twentieth centuries. On the one hand, the consolidation of the idea
(for it is nothing more than an idea with legal/political backing it up) of the
4 Walter D. Mignolo
Western Hemisphere mean the consolidation of the United States and, on
the other hand, the defeat of the Hispano-American War in 1898, secured
the conditions of the (Anglo, United States) Western Hemisphere moving
South (see Chapter 4). The Hispano-American War was a turning point in
the geopolitics of the world (dis) order, interregionalism and transnational-
ism. It was a signpost of the entrance of the United States as a new strong
world player in the North Atlantic and in the reconfiguration of “Latin”
American states. For the United States after dispossessing Mexico of vast
territory, moved decisively into the Caribbean and Central America and in
Argentina, displaced the economic hegemony that England enjoyed until
the first decades of the twenties centuries.
The Hispano-American War triangulated decisively the regionalism and
transnationalism in the Atlantic, North and South. The South of Europe, out-
lined by Kant and Hegel in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries,
consolidated the South of the North, that is still at work in the constitution of
the European Union: Portugal, Spain, Italy are the lesser members of the fam-
ily. Greece was added to the geopolitics of the South of the North, although it
was not among the “Latin” countries. On its part, the South of the Americas
became a “double South”: the poor member of the South of Europe’s former
imperial family (Spain and Portugal) and “Latin” America, increasingly un-
der the political, economic and cultural insertion of “Anglo” America.
Relevant for the theme of this book is the following: Global South is a sub-
stitute for Third World after the end of the Cold War (see Chapters 3 and 8).
With one addition, the South of Europe was not part of the Third World but
it is of the Global South. So that Spain and Portugal, members of the Global
South benefit from imperial memories that do not have the rest of the Global
South regions. On the other hand, Brazil was the Portugal Royal House dur-
ing the nineteenth century. However, contrary to Portugal, Brazil was counted
as one of the Third World countries. After the end of the Cold War, Brazil was
for a while a powerful member of BRICS country, a privilege that vanished
after the judicial coup to remove Dilma Rousseff from the presidency.
III
H. Cairo and B. Bringel open the introduction with this statement:
This book aims at understanding the contemporary geopolitical recon-

figurations of two regions of the world system with high cultural affinity
and traditional close relations: Latin America and Europe.
My prefatory comments intended to outline the long-lasting histories un-

derlying the current and “contemporary geopolitical configurations” of two
regions of the world system. Contemporary reconfigurations, analysed in
detail in the chapters composing the book, are better understood if we look
into the past in the present and above all, if we pay attention to two decisive
The world (dis)order 5
strategies in the constitution of the modern/colonial world system: imperial
and colonial differences. Neither of them existed, having been created by
some non-human designs and forces that human discovered. Imperial and
colonial differences were “made”. Their making did not require physical
labour, but intellectual labour: they were and still are the consequences of
epistemic world making of actors, institutions and languages that are in a
position to create and manage knowledge. “Latin” American actors and in-
stitutions were complicit with their sub-continental identification, but it was
neither their idea nor their design. The colonial difference was already there
when the United States redefined it: “Latin” America became a sector of
underdeveloped countries under Harry Truman’s idea and ideology of de-
velopment. On the other hand, the contemporary geopolitical configuration
of the EU has been built on the already existing intramural imperial differ-
ence: the former empires of the North (France and England) looking down
to the former empires of the South (Spain and Portugal).
Relevant to the contemporary configuration of the two regions are the
increasing presence of the emerging “global political society” (social move-
ments in the terminology of the social sciences), analysed in the last part
of this book. The global political society emerges from the civil society but
supersedes it. It is constituted by hundreds of visible and invisible politi-
cal organizations at the margin of state politics and with its back to it. The
Zapatistas (see Chapter 11) are an early example, but today, the two major
ethnic demographic constituency of “Latin” America are up in epistemic
arms redefining themselves and redefining their territoriality: Abya Yala, in
the language and epistemology of the First Nations and La Gran Comarca,
has been reducing “Latin” America to size and indirectly evincing the
“Latin” America is not a sub-continent but the political project of the Creole
elite in complicity with France in the second half of the nineteenth century.
The ethno-racial configurations implicit in the making of colonial differ-
ences and in the identification of First Nations and Afro-descendent is a con-
figuration made in Europe, reproduced in the United States, and accepted
with advantages by the governing population of European descent. Racism, in
other words, works at two levels: the Euro-American racialization of “Latin”
America and the racialization of “Latin” American themselves projected over
the First Nations and Afro-descendent. The colonial difference is at work in
the emergence of “feminismo comunitario” (Cabnal, 2010) in the Andes and
Southern Mexico/Guatemala, of Afro-feminismo (Montaño Ortiz, 2018) and
feminismo decolonial (Montanaro Mena, 2017) (see Chapter 10). Last but not
least, the increasing presence of LatinX (Hispanics, Latinxs and Chicanxs)
in the United States collapses the interstate geopolitical division between the
Latin South of Bolivar and the Anglo North of Jefferson (see Chapter 6).
Dialogues between European feminisms and South American feminisms
proved to be difficult from radical differential histories charged with racial
differentials and local histories: the embedded memories of imperial Europe
and embedded memories of colonial histories in South America cannot be
6 Walter D. Mignolo
brought together under the pretence of “universal feminism”. The imperial/
colonial differences have to be undone, which is not an easy task. Emotions
do not correspond, most of the time, with public policies.
The crossing of race and sexuality has been expanded to the growing man-
ifestations in words and deeds of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and
queer (LGBTQ) people. The political society is not operating as a branch of
the state, sometimes, not even addressing the state, but their goals are dom-
inated by the force and desire of re-existing more than in resisting; in learn-
ing to be and, in the First Nations vocabulary, healing the wounds inflicted
by the colonial difference. The “cultural affinities” with Europe of these re-
gional unfolding would have to be mapped. Perhaps the emerging immigrant
cultures and consciousness, in Europe, would find “cultural affinities” with
the unfolding of the emerging political society activated in the territories of
Pueblos Originarios and Afro-South American, neither of them properly
“Latin”. And neither the Native Americas nor the First Nations in Canada are
in the Global South. However, their horizons of living, be it Sumak Kawsay
and Suma Qamaña in the Andes (see Huanacuni Mamani, 2011) or Mino
Bimaadiziwin in the Nishnaabeg in Canada (see Simpson, 2011). Further-
more, the Afro-reconceptualization of their territoriality in South America
as “La Gran Comarca” further reduces “Latin” America to size, limiting it to
the population of European descent (Walsh and García Zalazar, 2015).
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Notes
1 For two complementary texts that deal with “liberal imperialism”, the reader
might consult Mehta (1999) and Pitts (2005). For a well-thought out discussion of
the relations between liberalism, empire and human rights, see Dahbour (2007).
Finally, see Parekh (1997).
2 For Iran and Guatemala, see, for example, Gaddis (2005: 162–171). In addition,
for an excellent overview of the geopolitical situation in the Southern Cone coun-
tries during the 1970s, see, for example, Corradi, Fagen and Garretón (1992).
3 Here, it can be noted that shortly after the Second World War, the US Secretary
of Agriculture, when addressing a Congressional Committee, remarked that
“some people are going to have to starve” (Berlan, 1952: 9).
4 I do not want to stress this point too much since obviously the United States
remained an imperial power, but in the 1930s there were certain flexibilities, and
overall a less authoritarian foreign policy.
5 For an up-to-date overview of the United States, as a “rogue state”, see Chomsky
and Vltchek (2013).
6 Anderson (2013: 55–56) makes a useful distinction between force and covert vi-
olence, and for the latter he lists, inter alia, renting crowds in Iran, subsidies for
Afghan warlords or Polish dissidents. Furthermore, he notes that the United
States has developed a wide range of methods for enforcing its will, including
aerial bombardment, economic sanction, missile attack, naval blockade, torture
and assassination. Anderson further observes that “the widespread consent on
which American imperial power could rely in the First World was missing in the
Third” (ibid.).
7 Williams (1972), in his classic text on American diplomacy, suggests that in
the realm of ideas and ideals American policy is guided by three conceptions:
(a) first the humanitarian impulse to help other people; (b) the application of
the principle of self-determination at the international level and (c) the idea that
other people cannot really solve their problems and improve their lives unless
they go about it in the same way as the United States, thus leading to oft uncrit-
ical support for Americanization (Williams, 1972: 13).
8 It is sensible to remember that the Latin American Left has had a vibrant history
with many achievements of profound political significance, including the Cuban
Revolution, the government of Salvador Allende, the Sandinista victory, the
post-neo-liberal governments in Venezuela, Bolivia and Ecuador, the building
of local and regional power, as in Chiapas and the experiments with participa-
tory budgets, of which the most important were developed in the city of Porto
Alegre For a stimulating survey of key aspects of the Left in Latin America, see
Sader (2011).
9 In the specific case of Iraq, the occupation has generated new forms of disorder
which continue to plague that country. Whyte (2007), in his timely analysis of
the crimes of neoliberal rule in occupied Iraq, notes that an unknown propor-
tion of Iraqi oil revenue has disappeared into the pockets of contractors and
fixers in the form of bribery, over-charging, embezzlement, product substitution,
bid rigging and false claims. At least, $12 billion disappeared. In addition, the
occupation laid the ground for political disunity and a growing space for the ter-
rorist activities of Al Qaeda linked groups. For a general and thought-provoking
examination of the relations between empire and chaos, see Joxe (2002).
10 It is a fact of academic life that whist most authors will hesitantly agree that the
United States has used violence to pursue its aims in most parts of the world,
there is an implicit reluctance to go with the theme of state terror. For a useful
although somewhat neglected text, see Gareau (2004), and any of Chomsky’s
contributions to the theme, for example Chomsky and Vltchek (2013).
11 There are many citations one can take from Said, but the following seems par-
ticularly apposite:
There is no way that I know of apprehending the world from within American
culture….without also apprehending the imperial contest itself. This, I would
say, is a cultural fact of extraordinary political as well as interpretative im-
portance, yet it has not been recognized as such in cultural and literary the-
ory and is routinely circumvented or occluded in cultural discourses.
(Said, 1993: 66)
12 With respect to military power, it can be noted that in the context of expendi-
ture, by 2007 US defence spending came to 45% of the world total, whereas in
1986 it was 28.2% (Golub, 2010: 84). As far as economic prowess is concerned, it
may be noted that as of 2010 US manufacturing output accounted for a fifth of
global output; also of the world’s 500 largest corporations 132 are headquartered
in the United States, twice that of any other country – see Wikipedia, The Econ-
omy of the United States, 2014.
13 The main difference between the neoconservative and neoliberal approaches
concerns the fact that neoliberals place the key focus of their perspective on the
market and possessive individualism. In contrast, the neo-cons prioritise ques-
tions of defence, security and traditional culture and exhibit a stronger emphasis
on US nationalism.
1 See the panorama and the arguments weaved in Ferreira et al. (2009). This World
Bank “research report” offers detailed data and social liberal arguments in fa-
vour of targeted policies against poverty, as well as its links with “human cap-
ital”, health and education. It serves as backdrop of several moments of this
article. For an opposite and critical view, see Lavinas (2013). Rodríguez Ortiz
(2014) analysed in detail the World Bank’s position on this theme and Latin
American cases, as well as the cash transfer programmes in the United States,
India and China.
2 What this means in terms of “petty commodity production” and self- exploitation
can be seen, with reference to Africa and south Asia – while this is a very well-
known phenomenon also in Latin America – in Harriss-White (2012).
3 By the end of 2010 direct cash transfer programmes in Latin America reached
113 million people, that is to say, 19% of the region’s population, an extraordi-
nary number from any angle, although the transferred values are by and large
very small and its pull on the gross domestic product (GDP) is also very modest
(e.g. 0.50 in the case of Brazil) (CEPAL, 2010).
4 Although Foucault (e.g. [1978–1979] 2004) had timely shown that the state, in
some crucial aspects of social life, was already busy with that through “govern-
mentality” mechanisms since the nineteenth century.
1 However, it is worth noting that in the face of this latter tendency, a discourse
has been emerging, mainly from the ultraconservative right, which despises a
“Venusian” EU, permissive towards crime and terrorism, vis à vis a “Martian”
USA, which would have to be responsible for the security of the whole planet.
2 Latin America/Caribbean/European Union: First Summit/Declaration of Rio de
Janeiro, 29 June 1999. [Online. Available at: www.europarl.europa.eu/delegations/
noneurope/idel/d12/docs/cumbrederio/declaracionfinalen.htm. Accessed on: 2
May 2018].
3 European Union – Latin America and Caribbean Summit, Political Declara-
tion, Madrid, 17 May 2002 [Available at: http://ue.eu.int/Newsroom. Accessed
on: 4 May 2018].
4 Ibidem.
5 VI European Union-Latin America and Caribbean Summit, Madrid Declara-
tion, Madrid, 18 May, 2010 [Available at: https://eulacfoundation.org/en/system/
files/VI%20European%20Union-Latin%20America%20and%20Caribbean%20
Summit%2C%20Madrid%20Declaration%2C%20Madrid%2C%2018%20
May%202010.pdf. Accessed on: 13 February, 2018].
6 EU-LAC web page [Available at: https://eulacfoundation.org/en/about-us. Ac-
cessed on: 21 January 2018].
7 The information in relation to the Santiago Summit can be found is available at:
http://www.celac2015.go.cr/category/cumbre/documentos/page/3/. Accessed on:
23 February 2016].
8 The basic argumentation of this section is contained in Cairo and Bringel (2010).
9 Article 2 of the Act that created the Consejo de la Hispanidad (published in the
Boletín Oficial del Estado [official state gazette], 7 September 1940).
10 For example, in the words of Fernando Morán, the first Foreign Minister in the
socialist governments of the 1980s, “Spain is a medium power in the interna-
tional system, although in the regional arena it could be considered a power of
some importance” (Morán, 1984: 8). See Morales Lezcano (1991).
1 This problem has been detected by Charles Tilly (1975) in his seminal essay and
was restated more cogently by Wolfgang Knöbl (2013).
2 In the line of thought presently developed, it is secondary to remind the histori-
cal inaccuracies around the foundational mythology of the Treaty of Westphalia
signed in 1648.
3 The most common ways to present these assumptions are in terms of contrasting
“initial conditions” for early modern Europe and postcolonial or Third World
state-building processes, as well as path-dependent “sequencing” between them.
4 To pick one example, Habermas states plain and simple:
the historical type of that state which first appeared with the French and
American revolutions has spread world-wide. […] After World War II a third
generation of nation-states emerged from the processes of decolonization.
The trend continues since the implosion of the Soviet empire.
(Habermas, 1996: 281)
* This article was translated by Gerard Mc Donagh thanks to the support of
the Faculty of Sociology and Political Science, at Complutense University of
Madrid.
1 The Cultural Political Economy approach – mainly developed by Sum and Jessop
(2013) – analyses the mechanisms which define the co-evolution of the semiotic
and extra-semiotic aspects of economic policy.
2 However, the origin of the country risk concept predates this moment
country risk assessment started at the beginning of the 20th Century follow-
ing a private initiative related to the issuing of reports on railway companies
that issued bonds in the USA. Poor’s Publishing Co. and Standard Statistics
Bureau were established years later.
(Gorfinkiel and Lapitz, 2005: 2)
3 In Latin America, there was a general perception that for the first time Europe
was in crisis and this new scenario was apparent in different ways. For instance,
Dilma Rousseff, when on an official trip and in a press conference with European
authorities in the framework of the Brazil-EU Summit, stated “the EU ‘can
count on’ Brazil to emerge from the crisis, and explained to Europeans that
‘from our own experience’, an increase in austerity measures results in higher
unemployment and social inequality” (“Brasil ofrece ayuda a la UE para salir
de la Crisis.” El País (Montevideo, Uruguay), 4 October 2011 [Online. Available
at: http://historico.elpais.com.uy/111004/ultmo-597497/ultimomomento/brasil-
ofrece-ayuda-a-la-ue-para-salir-de-la-crisis/. Accessed on: 20 June 2018]).
4 A financial analysis agency defines these terms in the following way,
debt rating measures the capacity of a country, government or company to
deal with debt and therefore, its investment risk. The higher the risk, the
worse its rating due to the probability of non-payment. The risk premium,
country risk or sovereign risk is defined as the premium paid by a country to
finance itself in the markets when compared to another country. Germany
is the country of reference in the Euro zone and a country’s risk premium
is the difference between its 10-year bond and the German 10-year bond
(bund).
(See web page of DATOS MACRO. Available at:
https://datosmacro.expansion.com/ratings.
Accessed on 11 November 2018)
Furthermore,
the ‘sovereign risk’ is the risk of default of Sates or of entities guaranteed by
them. Non-payment of the sovereign debt can be caused by lack of public
revenue, by lack or shortfalls of foreign exchange, or by a government’s lack
of willingness to pay due to diverse political factors.
(Iranzo, 2008)
5 This change in the geo-economic scenario was described as extraordinary in the
press,
At a moment when the risk premium is reaching all-time highs in Spain,
investors are looking for options in other economies offering higher secu-
rity and profitability. Latin America seems to be the preferred destination of
Spanish companies, which see this region as a set of countries with emerging
economies and ideal political stability for investment. With a few specific
exceptions, the Latin American region is set to become the global leader for
its capacity to attract foreign investment.
(“Colombia ofrece la prima de riesgo más baja de América Latina.”
El Mundo Financiero, 21 Octobre 2014. [Online. Available at:
www.elmundofinanciero.com/noticia/3032/Exterior/
Colombia-ofrece-la-prima-de-riesgo-mas-baja-de-
America-Latina.html. Accessed on: 20 June 2018])
6 Attempts to construct alternative indices such as the one for Mesoamerican
countries (Buonomo, 2010) are also worth noting.
7 In terms of this decision, the president’s criticism focused on the way these
agencies included doubts on political decisions in their ratings, like, for exam-
ple, including or not including the ceiling for public expenditure, rather than
focusing on economic strength. As Obama stated on August 2011, “Standard &
Poor’s casts doubt on our political system, not on our capacity for debt pay-
ment” and claimed that “the USA has always been and always will be an AAA
country” (“Obama asume que la rebaja de la calificación de Standard and Poor´s
es una crítica a los partidos.” La Vanguardia, 8 August 2011 [Online. Available
at: www.lavanguardia.com/internacional/20110808/54196971656/obama-asume-
que-la-rebaja-de-la-calificacion-de-standard-poor-s-es-una-critica-a-los-
partidos.html. Accessed on: 21 June 2018]).
8 The Real Instituto Elcano [Elcano Royal Institute] was created as a private foun-
dation in 2001, though it actually started activities in 2002, and although its stat-
utes highlight the fact that it is an autonomous institution independent from the
public administration, its Trust is clearly public-private and the same goes for its
funding (75% private and 25% public); the Board of Trustees is composed of
the presidents of the companies that joined the project, and the former pres-
idents of the government Felipe González, José María Aznar and José Luis
Rodríguez zapatero, and the Ministers of Foreign Affairs and Cooperation,
Defence, Economy and Competitiveness, Education, Culture and Sports.
The Board of Trustees has one trustee nominated by the leading opposition
party.
(Elcano’s web page. Available at: http://www.realinstitutoelcano.org/
wps/portal/rielcano_es/sobre-elcano/patronato.
Accessed on: 17 September 2018)
This think tank progressively focuses its work documents and situation analysis
on the problem of the “reality of the situation in Spain” and its “negative and
unfair” image abroad.
9 Real Decreto [Royal Decree] 998/2012, 28 June 2012 (Boletín Oficial del Estado,
no. 155, 29 June 2012, 46129–46132 [Online. Available at: www.boe.es/boe/
dias/2012/06/29/pdfs/BOE-A-2012-8672.pdf. Accessed on: 12 October 2018].
10 More than hundred companies are part of this forum, three ministries and two
government agencies (Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Cooperation, Ministry
of Economy, Industry and Competitiveness, Ministry of Energy, Tourism and
Digital Agenda, the Institute of Foreign Trade and the Spanish Office of Patents
and Brands).
11 “The so called Planes Integrales de Desarrollo de Mercado (PIDM) are opera-
tive since 2005; they have been gradually improved and expanded on in recent
years, and today these plans are in force in 16 countries or regions: Algeria,
Australia, Brazil, China, the countries members of the Gulf Cooperation Coun-
cil, South Korea, USA, India, Indonesia, Japan, Morocco, Mexico, Russia,
Singapore, South Africa and Turkey. These plans have a dual main objective: to
take advantage of new opportunities in the international economy and to geo-
graphically diversify the Spanish foreign sector, highly concentrated in the EU”
(Ministerio de Economía y Competitividad, 2014: 30).
12 These advantages can be analysed in depth on the Invest in Spain website: www.
investinspain.org/invest/es/index.html. Accessed on: 12 September 2018.
1 English translation: “The question is, from the irritation that produces a certain
skepticism towards regional divisions in particular, and Transitology in general,
I thought it more imaginative to propose, from the same context of production,
a somewhat more blurred vision, projected from a minute incision within con-
ventional perspectives.” Translated and used with permission by Maria Lois.
2 English translation: “The Lettered City”.
3 Spanish original: “Acato pero no obedezco”.
4 English translation: “It is the hour of the shudder, which resembles like a shout a
vial of dark ink. We rejoice in being ink pots.” Translated by the author.
* The key ideas in this text emerged from a research stay at the Nijmegen Center for
Border Research (NCBR) of Radboud University (The Netherlands), funded by
the Spanish Ministry of Education through the José Castillejo Mobility Program.
Some of the main discussions are published in Lois (2014a) and in Lois (2017).
1 I would like to thank Oliver Kramsch for bringing this location to our boring
borders conversations.
1 We use the concepts of Lefebvre’s (1991) spatial trialectic: “representation of
space” to allude to hegemonic representations, “spatial practices” to allude to the
various kinds of activities that shape social space, and the “space of representa-
tion” or, better still, of “counter-representation” to allude to representations that
defy the dominant order. See Cairo (2006: 370–371) for an example of application.
2 We appreciate Enara Echart’s comment on the possibilities of exploring a profile
for a rootless activist.
3 Interview realized on 16 and 17 April 2009.
4 For further information, see S2B and ASC web pages: www.s2bnetwork.org/
www.ash-has.org.
1 TeleSur, the South American television channel shown world feminist massive
demonstrations in ConGénero (WithGender) programme [Online. Available
at: https://videos.telesurtv.net/video/707199/congenero-707199/. Accessed on:
23 March 2018].
2 #NiUnaMenos was unleashed by the brutal crime of Chiara Páez, a 14-year-old
girl in Santa Fe, Argentina, in 2015. The following year, the Lucía Pérez crime
led to the #NiunaMenos march.
3 The holding of the Diálogos Consonantes meetings in Madrid in 2012 was an ex-
ample of the high density of connections within the women’s movement [Online.
Available at: http://www.dialogosconsonantes.org/Vagenda.pdf. Accessed on:
12 February 2018].
4 The organization follows the participatory scheme created to prepare the CE-
DAW’s Spanish Shadow Report, with regional and national meetings in 2014.
5 Due to space restrictions, it is not possible to detail here the importance of digi-
tal social networks and hashtags such as #Metoo and #YesAllWoman that help
explain the strength of online feminist activism, or the forms that popfeminism
adopts in line with the works of Baer (2016) and Korolczuk (2016).
6 To deal with the crisis, different tendencies emerged within the Spanish state
linked to sectoral struggles: a “white tide of health”, a “green tide of education”
and so on. The “garnet tide of emigrants” brings together Spanish who have
been forced to leave the country in search of future. Garnet is the colour of the
Spanish passport.
7 Federica Montseny was a Spanish anarchist, intellectual and Minister of Health
during the Spanish Revolution of 1936. She was the first women to be a minister
in Western Europe.
8 Gil (2011) explains the complex constitution and diversification of feminism dur-
ing last decades in Spain. Chapter one is about autonomous versus institutional-
ization dynamics.
9 For example, video “Say no to the new abortion law in Spain” [Online. Available
at: https://vimeo.com/88162414. Accessed on: 24 June 2018].
10 Blofield and Ewig (2017) argue that terminology is critical to understanding abor-
tion policy in Latin America: full legalization in Uruguay, successful human-
itarian liberalization in Chile, failed humanitarian liberalization in Ecuador,
and absolute prohibition in Nicaragua. They conclude that a leftist government
is a necessary condition for abortion policy liberalization, but the precise type
of leftist party could be crucial to understanding it.
11 The organizations that are part of the Red Latinas can be found here: http://
redlatinas.blogspot.com/p/quienes-somos.html. Accessed on: 6 March 2018.
12 Thanks you to Tatiana Retamozo and Eveling Delfin for introducing us.
13 See Pérez Orozco (2014) for a re-vision of this cultural translation from the fem-
inist economy.
14 Afroféminas is an online feminist collective of afro black Hispanic women. See
https://afrofeminas.com/. Accessed on: 12 October 2018.
15 There, “conspiracy” and the invented “gender ideology” are the terminology to
organize both (Viveros Vigoya and Rodríguez Rondón, 2017).
1 These are, in chronological order: [1994–2009] Collectiu de Solidaritat amb la
Rebellió zapatista de Barcelona (CSRz); [1994–1996] Comisión de Solidaridad
con los pueblos indígenas de la Casa de la Solidaridad; [2005–2010] Mexican@s
en Resistencia; [2006–2009] Barricada zapatista; [2009–2011] Grupo de Apoyo
a la zona Costa de Chiapas (GAzCOSTACHIS); [2009–] Associació Solidaria
Cafè Rebeldía-Infoespai; [2009–] Susurros del México Olvidado, El Otro
Grito; [2010–] L’Adhesiva, Espai de Trobada i acció; [2010–] Nuestra Aparente
Rendición (NAR); [2011–2012] Movimiento de Ciudadanos de Mexicanos en
Barcelona (MCMB); [2011–2012] Red Global por la Paz en México; [2012–2012]
Yo soy 132 México Barcelona; [2012–] Bordamos por la Paz Barcelona; [2008–]
Nomada sin Tópico/ Espiadimonis; [2013–2014] Encuentro Por Mex-Barcelona;
[2014–] Raíces al aire; [2015–2017] Asemblea Aytozinapa Catalunya; [2016–]
Taula Per Mèxic.
2 Available at: www.europazapatista.org/. Accessed on 9 December 2018.
3 Social movement present in several places of the Spanish state in the transition
to democracy, linked to conscientious objection against compulsory military
service.
4 Can Batlló and Can Vies are squats that serve as a self-managed cultural and
social centre in the Sants neighbourhood of Barcelona.

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Critical Geopolitics and Regional

This book seeks to develop our understanding of the contemporary geopo-

Heriberto Cairo is a professor in Political Sciences in the Universidad Com-

Breno Bringel is a professor at the Institute of Social and Political Studies at

Rethinking Ideology in the Age of Global Discontent

Egyptian Diaspora Activism During the Arab Uprisings

Critical Geopolitics and Regional (Re)Configurations

For more information about this series, please visit: https://www.routledge.

Edited by Heriberto Cairo

ISBN: 978-1-138-61533-5 (hbk)

List of figures and tables x

Foreword: “Latin” America and former “South/Western

Introduction: the geopolitics of interregionalism

1 Interventionism, invasiveness and the geopolitics of the

2 Social liberalism and global domination: lessons for

3 Euro–Latin American interregionalism in the new post-Cold

4 European models, Latin American cases: Eurocentrism and the

5 Forgotten Europes: rethinking regional entanglements

6 Geopolitical narratives of an “accommodating” state in the

7 Beyond the “lettered border”: towards a comparative horizon

8 Beyond a regional gaze? Orders, borders and modern

9 Interregionalism from below: cultural affinity, translation and

10 The new cycle of women’s mobilizations between Latin

Epilogue: Latin Americanization of Europe: possibilities for

Livia Alcantara has a PhD in Sociology from the Universidade do Estado

This book aims at understanding the contemporary geopolitical recon-

My prefatory comments intended to outline the long-lasting histories un-

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