Archaeometry 28, 1 (1986), 3-32.

Printed in Great Britain

MEDIEVAL COPPER ALLOY PRODUCTION A N D WEST

A F R I C A N B R O N Z E A N A L Y S E S - P A R T I1

P. T . C R A D D O C K
British Museum Research Laboratoty, London WClB 3DG, U.K.

a n d J . PICTON
School 0.f Oriental and African Studies, University of London, W C I , U.K.

INTRODUCTION

The first part of this work (Craddock 1985) critically examined the uses to which analyses of
West African metalwork have been put and suggested other possible significance against the
background of increased knowledge of the smelting technology and alloys used in Europe and
the Middle East during the last 1500 years. The second part is devoted to the composition and
metalworking techniques of some of the bronzes and brasses from Nigeria and the implications
for their art history.
Most of the material analysed is now in the Museum of Mankind. The heads, plaques and
statuettes from Benin constitute the largest and most important group of material presented
here and enable a better appreciation of the range of alloys used by one school or perhaps even
a single craftsman particularly in the sixteenth/seventeenth century than has been hitherto
possible.
The remainder of the analyses are from a wide range of cultures and periods but a few are
from assemblages for which no analyses had previously been reported, and the results broadly
fall into the pattern established in the publications of Barker (1965), Shaw (1969, 1970a,
1970b), Werner (1970, 1975, 1976), and Willett (1964, 1977, 1981) etc.
The problems of art history in West Africa are almost unique. Many thousands of works
of art survive, manufactured in a wide variety of materials, covering pretty well the entire
span of pre-industrial technology in Africa. To some extent and in some cases (particularly in
Benin) one can correlate their manufacture and purpose with ritual and political institutions
alive and active at the present time, with written accounts of European travellers from the late
fifteenth century onwards, and with oral traditions purporting to span a considerably greater
period of time. But by and large there is no certain cultural, historical or archaeological frarne-
work in which to place the surviving corpus, much of it undoubtedly many hundreds of years
old. In short, we lack firm dates for most of the artifacts. With this prop removed much of the
evidence needed to demonstrate the origins and interrelationships of the styles identified by the
art historian is missing. This lack of context has meant that those studying the development
of art in West Africa generally have been forced to rely very heavily on the internal evidence of
the artifacts themselves, their forms and styles of representation. The composition of the copper
alloy objects has been investigated in the hope of providing further internal evidence to help
in the establishment of spatial as well as temporal relationships between and within the various

3
4 P. T. Craddock atid J. Picton
groups. and even to reinforce the surviving oral traditions of copper alloy metalworking in West
All-ica.

IGBO-UKWU A N D E A R L Y COPPER PRODUCTION SOUTH O F T H E S A H A R A

The bronzes buried at Igbo-Ukwu at sites dated t o the ninth/eleventh centuries A.D. are
extremely ambitious in design and executed by highly skilled and experienced craftsmen.
Howevei. despite the long tradition of metalworking manifest in them, they are without known
precedent oi- parallel. This has naturally led to an intense and continuing debate about their
possible artistic and technical antecedents. In his excellent discussion of the bronzes, Shaw
(1970a. p. 272) had n o hesitation, on purely stylistic grounds, in believing that the metal was
cast locally in Nigeria 'east of the river Niger and south of the river Benue'; but he also believed
that on balance both the casting technolog>, and the actual metals used, copper, tin and lead,
came from beyond the Sahara.
Thc composition of about 100 of the bronzes were reported by Shaw and a further 1 4
analyses were reported and discussed in Part 1 (table 2 ) of this work. These combined analyses
show that copper. tin, bronze, and leaded.tin bronze were in use, and that the copper was
likely to have come from one source. The copper was very rich in silver which would have
usually been recovered elsewhere at this date. In 1970 there were few analyses of contemporary
material from elsewhere, from which Shaw could make comparisons, but he suggested that the
heavily leaded bronLes were similar t o those used by the Byzantines. However, since that time
many analyses of copper alloys fi-om the principal contemporary cultures north of the Sahara
have shown that brass, an alloy of copper with zinc, was the predominant post-Roman alloy
and that the Igbo bronzes, represented by over 100 analyses with no more than traces of zinc,
are completely ivithout parallel, and had been for a millennium. One would have t o look t o
Hellenistic or Etruscan bronzes (Craddock 1385) for the closest parallel.
The othei principal reason for looking beyond Nigeria for the necessary technology, and
niatcrials is their supposed technical sophistication. However, the brilliant and ambitious
execution of the castings by highly skilled smiths can blind us t o the fact that the technology
is largely confined t o lost-wax casting. There are two objects which show refinements to this,
one is a bowl on a pedestal; and the other. the superb roped pot was examined metallogra-
phically at the British Museum Research L.aboratory. A cut section showed conclusively that
the piece had been built from several separate lost-wax castings joined together by casting
on or 'burning in' more bronze into the space between them (Shaw 1977). This technique
was not in use north of the Sahara but a wide range of other shaping and joining techniques
were in use. For example the large Igbo bowls are a tour de force of casting skill but any-
where else at this date they would have bezn made much more easily and practically by ham-
mering sheet metal. Again much of the integral cast detail decoration on the Igbo bronzes
that is part of the original casting would elsewhere have been cast separately and riveted or
soldered in place. We suspect that some of the extremely intricate casting was forced on the
lgbo smiths through lack of an alternative method. This is not to belittle their achievement;
they were masters of all aspects of lost-wax casting technology, and had a good understanding
of the necessary alloys.
1-ost-wax casting itself is usually regarded as an advanced technique, but in fact it was
practised from very early times. For exaniple the bronzes found in the Nahal Mishmar cave
neai- the Dead Sea. dating from the fourth millennium B.C. are all lost-wax castings, many
 Medieval copper alloy productiori and West African bronze analvses - Part II 5

extremely complex, and in many ways mirror the Igbo material. They constitute a large group
of material without apparent precedent made up of a wide range of sophisticated castings, but
restricted to the one technique, lost wax (Bar-Adon 1980).
Again, some of the details of the Igbo castings are local developments not found elsewhere
at this time. Williams (1974 pp. 179-203) suggests that latex was used rather than wax by
analogy with certain present day casting industries and on the rather suspect evidence that
latex takes a better impression. More significantly none of the bronzes are true hollow castings,
in which the bronze completely envelops the clay core which is itself joined to the rest of the
mould by metal pins (chaplets). Instead, the clay of the main mould projected deep into the
casting. This technique was also observed a t Daima (Connah 1981 p. 187), and later at Ife and
in Benin, but it had not been used north of the Sahara since the eighth century B.C. inGeometric
Greece (Maryon 1957 p. 476), where small figurines of animals were cast having wedges of clay
projecting into the body of the animal from the main mould, leaving the casting with an open
underside.
There is a very little sheet metalwork and wire in the assemblage. The sheet would have been
made by hammering. Two wire samples from Igbo were examined microscopically (by N.
Meeks of the British Museum Laboratory to whom we are grateful) and found to be of very
simple manufacture, namely just hammering down a piece of copper to the appropriate shape
and annealing whenever necessary. The longest continuous length was only 25 cm and greater
lengths were made by simply looping the ends of individual pieces and twisting. Oddy (1977)
has shown that a variety of techniques of varying sophistication were used to make wire before
drawing through a die became universal in the Middle Ages. The Igbo wires are of the very
simplest, once again indicative of the absence of outside contact.
The Igbo smiths appreciated the different properties of copper, bronze and leaded bronze.
Thus ductile copper was used for sheet metal and for the wire, and leaded bronze for the
intricate castings. Lead confers definite advantages on an alloy for casting (see below p. 17)
making the molten metal more fluid and lowering the melting point.
To summarise the discussion so far: (a) the analytical evidence suggests that the copper
came from one source, and that this copper was used to produce a range of bronze alloys with
no more than traces of zinc; (b) the metalworking technology, although brilliant, was limited
almost exclusively to lost-wax casting; and (c) both analytical and technical evidence strongly
suggests the Igbo metalworking traditions developed independently of any external impetus.
Indeed if Igbo-Ukwu were anywhere else in the world but Africa one would have no hesitation
in drawing the obvious conclusion that both the metal and the technology was local. But
traditionally Africa south of the Sahara is held up as the exception to the classic Stone-
Bronze-Iron progression of material culture. Until very recently it was believed that Africa
passed straight from the Stone Age to the Iron Age, with bronze working only coming along
at a very much later date, and then relying largely on metal imported from elsewhere. However,
for some time there has been mounting evidence for fully indigenous exploitation of copper
at very early dates, and this has been recently reviewed by Herbert (1984), and by others in
Echard (1983).
The most recently available evidence suggests dates as early as 2000 B.C., from furnaces
at sites close to Agades, in Niger. These were used to melt nodules of native copper metal found
in the copper ore which at this period was discarded. This very limited metallurgical skill
suggests independent discovery rather than any Phoenician or Libyan-Egyptian contact as
suggested by Herbert. From here the technology could have spread to Azelik (also known as
6 P. T. Craddock mid J. P i c f m
Takedda) to the northwest which, indeed. was a major site of copper production until the
destruction of' the place by the Sultan of Agades probably in the late fifteenth century A.D.
On the Agades sites prills of native copper were melted to form ingots in small furnaces
01 latterly in crucibles. Native copper tends t o be extremely pure (Maddin etal. 1980), although
occasionally it can have several percent 01' arsenic. The few analyses of copper from these
sites mentioned above show they are indeed very pure (Bourhis and Briard 1979).
There are at least three other sites of copper production in this region immediately south
of the Sahara. The only one for which archaeological data exist is Akjoujt in western Mauritania,
where mining evidently flouiished in the fifth century B.C. and may be older in origin. The
mines a e r e also being worked in the fifteenth/seventeenth centuries A.D. and continuity
bekveen these dates is presumed likely t h m g h as yet unproven. Unlike the Agades region,
Akjoujt appears to be an extension of the metallurgy of the Mahgreb. (See Posnansky and
McIntosh 1976. Calvocoressi and David 197!J, Sutton 1982, Bernus and Echard 1985, Herbert
1984. For a summary regarding central, eastern and southern Africa see Philipson 1977.)
Other soui-ces could include the band of deposits stretching from the middle Niari river
in the Congo Republic to northern Angola (Herbert 1984 p. 19). There is increasing evidence
of pre-European coastal trade; and moreover copper occurs in the Niari deposits in close
proximity to lead.
Potential sources for the Igbo metal are thus numerous, although the sites producing native
copper are excluded because of the purity of the metal. The levels of trace elements such as
silver. arsenic, antimony, lead, nickel and iron are much lower than is found in the Igbo metal.
In addition the case for local production also remains strong, as suggested by Lebeuf as long ago
as 1964. Small copper sources and major tin and lead sources d o occur within Nigeria, all with
evidence of native exploitation, though as y2t undated. A recent important paper by Chikwendu
and Umeji (1979. but published 1983), has drawn attention t o both copper and lead/zinc
deposits in the Benue Trough, lying about 100 kin east of Igbo-Ukwu. There are definite remains
of pre-European lead mining in this area and copper could also have been exploited. (See Part
I of this work for a description of the early tin working o n the Jos plateau.) Iron was produced
throughout West Africa from early in the first millennium B.C., and any smith who could smelt
iron would have encountered no difficulty in smelting copper, lead or tin.
If copper was being smelted and alloyed within West Africa it is reasonable t o ask why it
died out. By the time of the first European contact there was very probably little indigenous
metal production apart from iron. Azelik was destroyed around this time, and neighbouring
salt pans became the major industry (Herbert 1984 p. 16). Copper and its alloys, notably
brass were obtained from Arab caravans in exchange for gold and slaves. Possibly the local
industry just folded up in the face of Arab competition. The earliest Arab records of the trans-
Saharan trade are from the eleventh century A.D. (Shaw 1970a p. 279). It may be significant
that an ingot of brass has been found at the metal working site of Marendet (Willett 1981).
A sample from one of the many crucibles found at the site has been approximately dated by
thernioluminescence, but with no background dosimetry corrections, to between the ninth/
eleventh century (S. Bowman pers. corn.). Slightly further south at Daima, in the Lake Chad
region of Nigeria, brass became common from period 111 dated to the tenth/thirteenth century
(Connah 1981 table 8.1, p. 176). From Ma'den Ijafen in the Majabat a1 Koubra in the dry
deserts of southern Mauritania comes a more direct and enigmatic illustration of the extensive
trade in metal. Sometime in the twelfth century a caravan with over 2000 rods of brass, came
to gricf in this desolate area only to be found eight centuries later (Monod 1969). The rods
contained about 70% zinc (Werner and Willert 1975).
 Medieval copper all0.y production and West African bronze analyses - Part II 7

BENIN, NIGERIA

The manufacture of the copper alloy castings of Benin City apparently cover a period of time
no less than four hundred years in duration. They include over 150 heads of human beings,
mostly arrayed in coral bead regalia resembling to a greater or lesser extent those known to be
worn by the kings of Benin in the present century; about 1000 rectangular plaques bearing in
relief a variety of human and animal figures, representations of artifacts, and so forth, together
with a very large quantity of free-standing human and animal figures, costume ornaments and
other regalia, bells, vessels, and altar pieces, and other cult objects. The publications referring
directly to this corpus of material cover a wide field including analyses of their subject matter
and symbolism, studies of the economic, political and indeed architectural contexts of their
manufacture and use, description of the lost-wax casting techniques, and attempts to construct
a history of this art. It was originally in respect of the latter topic that the analyses which form
the basis of these two papers were carried out, in the hope that they would provide some much
needed facts.
Given the existence of a tradition in Benin that attributes the origin of its brass casting to
Ife, a corresponding relationship between the metal used in Ife and Benin has also been sought
(Werner and Willett 1975) but with uncertain success (see Part I of this work). Werner (1970)
has also shown that broadly speaking the zinc content of datable metal increases through the
centuries. However, the variations in zinc content are too great for the data to be used for
dating individual pieces except where, as discussed earlier in Part I, the zinc contents exceed
either 28% or 33%. The copper-alloy castings of Benin show considerable variations in style,
within the general limits of the art. Fortunately, with the heads we have variation within a
standard form and it is quite easy to place the variations in a developmental sequence relative
to each other. William Fagg has suggested (1963, 1970) that the progression is from thinner,
lighter to heavier castings; from more to less naturalism; from restrained to flamboyant. Fagg
begins with the evidence from oral tradition of a relationship with the Yoruba city of Ife, that
both the present dynasty of kings in Benin and, subsequently, the art of copper-alloy castings,
were introduced to Benin from Ife. Fagg then argues that in the developmental sequence
outlined above we can see a gradual moving away from the aesthetic canon of ancient Ife.
Having established a relative sequence for the heads, with three periods, Early, Middle and Late,
Fagg fixes this in time by means of the plaques. In stylistic terms the plaques belong to the
Middle Period; and it is possible to date the plaques by references to first, the representations
of Europeans; second, oral traditions and historical records relating to the palace; third, descrip-
tions of the palace by European writers; and fourth, changes in regalia. The details are well
known. In brief, the first point means that the plaques can hardly be older than 1485 when the
Portuguese first visited Benin City: this suggests a date subsequent to around 1500 for the
casting of plaques showing Europeans. The second point suggests that increasingly little casting
is likely to have been done in the seventeenth century, a period of decline in the Benin
Kingdom, a period for which there is some suggestion that it ends with the destruction and
rebuilding of the palace. The European descriptions (one account notes that a section of the
Palace was half thrown down by a thunderstorm, since which it has not been rebuilt (Willett
1979 p. 102)) are generally taken to suggest a palace with plaques on display in the seventeenth
century, and a newly-rebuilt palace (for whatever reason) at the beginning of the eighteenth
century with no plaques on display; and certainly these plaques were found in a store by the
British Punitive Expedition of 1897. These points suggest a date of sometime before 1700 for
the casting of the plaques. Thus we arrive at the conclusion that the Early Period is essentially
8 P. T. Craddock and J. Picton
prior to the beginning of European contact, and that the Late Period begins with the revival
of the kingdom at the beginning of the eightemth century.
Dark (1973) arrived at the same conclusions but beginning a t the later end of the sequence,
i.e. with the suggestion that, while prior t o i 897 n o dates regarding the art can be regarded as
having any certainty, it is reasonable to suppose that the latest heads are those most like the
castings known to have been manufactured in the present century.
Having established the broad outlines. it then becomes possible to assign most of the works
of arl to one period or another o n the basis of their various stylistic details. Fagg and Dark
both extol the extraordinary efflorescence of Benin art that appears t o characterise the early
phase of the Middle Period, the period in which the plaque form originates; and it is within
the plaques that we undoubtedly see the greatest degree of formal experimentation in Benin
art. They also note a second. though lesser, period of expansiveness in the art at the early phase
of the Late Period. We know, of course, from other sources, both oral and written, that these
are equally periods of expansion in the economic, political and military fortunes of Benin.
Moreover. works of art that are attributed t o the latter phases of the Middle and Late Periods,
display a static, hieratic quality that can be associated with the increasing mystification of
kingship which is in turn associated with a decline in the fortunes of the kingdom. This history
of art in Benin has many advantages: it takes account of most of the various artifacts; it appears
to fit with what we know or can reconstruct of Benin history: it accords with that gradual
increase in the percentage of zinc in the brass already referred to, though as must be emphasised
only in a broad. general manner; and i t has internal coherence. There are, however, difficulties
in certain areas: the relationship between Benin and Ife, the nature of works of art attributed
t o the Early Period, and the genesis of the Middle Period. I n all of this metallurgy has some
relevance and curiously enough lends support for the general scheme and helps t o explain the
difficulties.
An alternative chronology was proposed by Denis Williams (1974) based upon an original
and stimulating analysis of the formal properties of the plaques. The disadvantages of this
chronology. however. are that that it fails t o account for castings other than the plaques, it is
frequently historically inaccurate and the pattern of gradual increase in zinc would seem to
break down. ( I t is proposed to discuss William's chronology at greater length in a third paper
giving 3 fuller account of the art historical background than is here possible.)

H I N I X A N D N C I C H B O U R I N C ; T R A D I T I O N S B E F O R E A . D . 1500

Following Igbo-Ukwu the next niajor group of castings in Nigeria are those of Ife (see Willett
1967). the Yoruba city where the gods climbed down from heaven to make the world. The
dating of the castings is uncertain but they are clearly of the same style as the pottery sculpture
associated with sites dated to c. A.D. 1100-1450. It is generally assumed that the metalcastings
would have been done towards the latter part of' that period, and this i s supported by thermo-
luminescence dating (Willett and Fleming 1976). The alloy used from that time on is for
the most part leaded brass presumably obtained via the trans-Saharan trade routes.
In contrast, some. at least, of the Benin castings attributed t o the earliest period (pre- A.D.
1500) are of bronze rather than brass, as are the 49 thirteenth-century manillas and bracelets
from the Old Palace site, Benin city (Shaw 1969). However, both groups contain sufficiently
large traces of zinc (about 1%) to suggest the incorporation of scrap brass and that at least some
of the metal again comes from across the Sahara. The undated cast figures from Tada on the
 Medieval copper alloy production and West African bronze analyses - Part II 9

middle Niger also contain a small percentage of zinc (Willett 1981) as do the two early Benin
heads analysed here (table 4). Furthermore the relatively high silver content of the Igbo copper
is not encountered in the early Benin metalwork. Thus there are significant analytical differ-
ences between this thirteenth/fifteenth century material from Ife and Benin and the earlier
material from Igbo showing that new sources of metal, probably imported, were now used.
There is one head in the British Museum that is unequivocally attributed to the Early Period,
1897.12-17.3. Three samples were taken, including one from a burn-in repair, and were found
to contain between 0.66% and 3.6% zinc, and between 5.2% and 8.3% tin (table 4). The compo-
sition of the alloy used to cast this particular ‘Early’ head is comparable to those used for four
castings of unknown origin, provisionally classified by Fagg as Lower Niger Bronze Industry
(table 9) about which he says: ‘This intentionally cumbrous appellation was allotted some ten
years ago to a group of bronzes in a number of different but apparently related styles, most of
which had previously been accepted as of Benin origin, in the hope that the name will be
quickly dropped as soon as archaeologists or ethnologists can discover their actual places of
origin’ (Fagg 1970 p. 48). The British Museum possesses a substantial collection of this material
(see checklist in Fagg 1970 p. 58) and four were selected for inclusion in the present series
of analyses. These include the famous huntsman returning with an antelope (1952.Afll.l)
which might be an early Yoruba work though not from Ife. Ow0 is now sometimes suggested
as its place of manufacture. Research has confirmed that on the basis of the pottery
sculptures excavated there (Eyo and Willett 1980), Ow0 was an artistic centre of great import-
ance in the fifteenth century as indeed it is at the present time. Another traditional, but as
yet archdeologically-unexplored, centre of brass-casting is the Yoruba city of Ijebu-Ode. Another
casting also provisionally within the LNBI category is a leopard skull (1905.4-13.62) (table 9),
from the Andoni creeks east of the Niger delta. The stylistic affinities of this object probably
lie in the direction of yet other problematical casting industries in south-eastern Nigeria.
If we could assume that most of the castings listed in table 9 were earlier than most of the
others (mainly from Benin in the present series of analyses), then one could argue that once
trade with Europe was well established, dependence on that trade by the brass-casters for their
raw material ensured that the alloy they used was, more or less, brass; whereas prior to and
around the time of contact there were other sources of suitable alloys; and this indeed is the
usual argument. Several of the plaques show both Edo and Europeans with manillas and we
know, for example, that at Ughoton, the place where Edo-European trade took place, the
Portuguese agent expended huge numbers of manillas in trade with Benin. The trouble is that,
although it seems obvious enough to suppose that the expansion of the Benin brass-casting
industry in the Middle Period was made possible by this new and readily-available supply of
metal, creating the dependence just referred to, we have no evidence that these manillas really
did find their way into the Edo casters’ crucibles, nor do we know what they were actually made
of. As noted below, in later periods, at least, manillas were not used primarily for casting. In
any case among the pre-contact alloys we have to include the leaded brass of Ife which in most
respects (apart from the nickel) has a very Middle Period ‘feel’ about it. Certainly, we cannot
translate all this into a simple bronze-to-brass sequence. For one thing, there is the occasional
appearance of bronze (at least in the Benin castings) though this could simply be explained
as the melting down of fragments of discarded artillery which continued to be of bronze
unlike the bulk of European material (see Part I table 1 for analyses of cannon), and for
another we just do not have any evidence for the dating (let alone places of origin) of the
10 P. T. Craddock and J. Picton
‘Lower Niger Bronze Industry’. However, at least as important as these considerations, is the
fact that other castings attributed to the ‘Early’ Period are more-or-less brass. One is a head,
1963.Af9.1 (figure 4) (see Fagg 1970 pl. 4) of ‘Early Period’ form but somewhat idiosyncratic
in style, which contains 2.4% zinc and 0.9% tin. Another is the much-published Queen Mother
head, 1897.10-11.1 (see Fagg 1970 pl. 3, left) so-called because it is assumed, by analogy
with later works, to have been cast for the altar to the deceased mother of a king. According
to Benin oral tradition, the office and title of Queen Mother (literally ‘Mother of the King’)
was instituted by the early sixteenth century king, Esigie. Assuming on the basis of style that
this particular head is ‘Early’, then it becomes convenient t o identify it as from the altar to
Esigie’s mother, this being the earliest point in oral tradition when such a head might have
been cast. The succession of essentially unproven assumptions underlying this identification
will be obvious although their continual repetition invests them with the status of fact which
can hardly be justified and indeed, this kind of thing is the source of many of the problems
that bedevil the writing of African art history. However this may be, the alloy used in its
manufacture contains 4.5% zinc and 2.6% tin (table 4), which, of course, is not unlike the
alloys used in a variety of castings discussed above, generally thought on the basis of style to
have been cast at various times during the succeeding two hundred years.
These would include the Middle Period musketeer (1928.1 -12.1) and Cross-bearer (1949.
Af46.157) (both table 6) and several plaques, together with the grotesque head (1948.Af9.1)
and the figure with a ring coming from its head (1897.550) (both table 7) of the Late Period;
all of which seems t o prove nothing in particular, at least until we have systematic analyses of
all castings attributed to the ‘Early Period’ and until we can be more certain that differences
of style indicate differences in time rather than differences between artists working at the same
time. I t should perhaps be added, however, that comparison of the trace elements in the alloys
used i n these various castings reveal no startling differences, with the exception of nickel.
Werner (1978) showed that around 1400 the nickel content of European copper tended to
increase such that previously the content was typically below 0.1%, whereas after it was usually
higher. However a note of caution must again be raised here, the twelfth century Arabic brass
rods from Ma’den Ijafen mentioned above have 0.13% nickel; what works in Europe may not
necessarily be applicable elsewhere.
One further casting in the British Museum analysed here and attributed to the Early Period
is a costume mask (worn at the hip), 1962.Af26.3 (Fagg 1970 p. 55). This attribution is based
upon its resemblance to the well-known, but larger, brass mask in the possession of the Atah
of Igala at Idah (Dark 1980 pl. 69). Analysis revealed, however, 11.6% zinc and only 1.3%tin
(table 4). In the general context of Benin casting, therefore, one would tend t o attribute this
piece, according to its metal content, to no earlier than the Middle Period.
Works designated as Early Period on stylistic grounds appear to exhibit no consistency in
regard to the alloys from which they are cast, and until many more analyses are available it is
impossible to give any clear interpretation of this fact. For the moment, the very designation
of a piece as ‘Early’ must be regarded as tentative. This is hardly a secure basis for which to
propose an Ife derivation of the Benin casting tradition. In any case Paula Ben-Amos (1980)
has noted the existence of diverse traditions of origin within the guild of brass casters in Benin.

B E N I N A F T E R A . D . 1500
By the sixteenth and scventeenth centurics the Benin heads, plaques, statuettes and othcr
castings were normally of brass but with very variable amounts of zinc, together with some tin
 Medieval copper alloy production and West African bronze analyses - Part II 11

and lead (see tables 5 and 6). The analyses show that the metal was made up of cementation
brass mixed with scrap copper, bronze or brass, and, in some cases additional lead. There is no
evidence to support Werner and Willett’s contention (1975) that the Benin metal is made by
mixing scrap metal from Ife with European copper manillas (discussed at length in Part I). It
is known that from the early sixteenth century huge quantities of brass and copper in the form
of rods and manillas were imported into West Africa from Europe, but unfortunately as yet
there are no analyses of closely dated early examples. A selection of the many manillas in the
collection of the British Museum were analysed and these show a wide range of composition
(Part I table 3). The large native (?) manillas seem to be of relatively pure copper, whereas
most of the small manillas are of very impure copper to which lead has frequently been added
although a few are of brass. The large manillas are probably early, and the small examples are
probably nineteenth century. Werner (1 976) suggested that the sixteenth and seventeenth
century Benin metal included copper from the impure manillas which have very high antimony,
iron and arsenic contents. However, it is as likely that these impure manillas only appeared in
the nineteenth century. Late manillas were certainly used as currency and not as a raw material
for casting. Smiths would have discovered that they required a great deal of purification, using
instead the contemporary rods of pure copper or brass, mixed with such scrap metal (including
old castings) as was available.
We must now turn our attention to the plaques which form the most important group in the
work partly because they are regarded by Fagg on the key to his chronology of the developing
sculptural style and partly because they are the largest single group of artifacts within the
corpus of Benin art. Moreover, several works of individual artists can be distinguished. In all
68 analyses were carried out on 54 plaques (two samples were taken from 14). Of these, two do
not belong to the Middle Period on stylistic grounds. One, semi-circular in shape and attributed
to the eighteenth century contains 27% zinc and 0.3% tin in the alloy, while the other was
made to the order of a member of the Punitive Expedition and contains 34.5% zinc and 0.35%
tin, the zinc content of these two pieces fitting in nicely with the progression to be expected
from the work of Werner and of ourselves as discussed in Part I. The percentage of zinc in the
52 Middle Period plaques ranges from 1.8% (tin 6.3%) in plaque No. 1898.1-15.189, to 22.5%
(tin 0.7%) in plaque No. 1898.1-15.4. (This excludes three analyses where the zinc is less
but where the main body of the same plaques the zinc ranges from 10.3% to 22.5%.) In 19 of
these Middle Period plaques the percentage of zinc is less than 10%; in 31, it ranges from 10%
to 20%; and in only two is it above 20%.
The plaques vary considerably in style and in the degree of high relief in which the figures
are modelled. At the outset it must be said there does not seem to be any correlation between
the alloys used and variations in style or form. Table 1 sets out the percentages of major metals
(other than copper) used for casting the plaques selected by Fagg (1970) as examples of the
work of the finest individual masters. Two such masters, (‘Circled Cross’ and ‘Battle’) are
represented by a series of plaques and their analyses suggest that each series might have been
cast from a single assemblage of metal. The table also includes an aquamanile in the shape of
a leopard identified as the work of the Master of the Circled Cross because of the distinctive
surface decoration. The alloy used is significantly different from that used for other plaques by
this master, merely indicating, we presume, the variety of metal available unless, of course,
it is not the work of the same hand, in which case the analyses succeed in proving nothing a t
all. Two of these masters (‘Cow Sacrifice’ and ‘Battle’) cast in high relief, and the others in
relatively low relief. The alloys used by the latter, however, show the higher percentages of zinc
which is the opposite of what we might assume with the application of a rigid progression from
12 P. T. Craddock and J. Picton
Table 1 Cornprison ofatloys used by four identified craftsmen

ZII Pb Sn Illustration

1 low-relief castings
1.1 The Master of the Circled Cross
1898.1-15.2 plaque 11.0 11.00 1 .o
1898.1 --15.34 plaque 10.6 12.50 0.7 Fagg 1970 pi. 25
1898.1-15.34 plaque (copper nail) 0.4 0.85 0.2
1898.1--15.35 plaque 9.3 12.00 0.9
1898.1-15.36 plaque 11.0 12.00 0.8
1898.6-20.1 aquamanile 3.3 3.10 0.3 Fagg 1970 PI. 14
1.2 The Master of the Engraved Helmets
1898.1- 15.XX plaque 18 11 0.3

2 high -relief castings

7.1 The Battle Master
I 898.1 - 15.47 plaque 7.4 4.6 2.4
1898.1-1 5.48 plaque 5.4 6.6 2.4
1898.1-15.49 plaque 6.6 7 .O 1.8 Fagg 1970 pl. 27
2 . 2 The Master of the Cow Sacrifice
I91 3.12-1 1.1 plaque 4.1 5.5 4.0
cast o n addition 4.2 13.1 4.4

Note References to Fagg 1970, Divine Kingship in Africa are to the first edition.

low to high relief (the suggested pattern of Formal development) and from less to more zinc
(on the basis of Werner's zinc time scale). Fui thermore there is certainly little in these analyses
to support Fagg's contention that the Master of the Circled Cross was the first sculptor to
attempt the low relief form, which is not to disprove this hypothesis, merely to show the
limitations of analysis, when applied across a short space of time or on a limited number of
objects.
In general then, the assortment of alloys used for casting the plaques suggest the use of what-
ever metal was easily to hand. This does not however indicate lack of skill or knowledge on the
part of the smith, merely the general irrelevance of these differences of composition to the
exercise of their skill. The differences of content can be explained in a variety of ways: higher
lead content by the addition of lead-rich manillas (unless these are all nineteenth century);
higher tin content by the use of European scrap weapons such as a broken mortar; zinc loss
during remelting, etc.
The Museum possesses three rneniorial heads of the type placed on royal ancestral altars,
attributed to the Middle Period, and therefore presumed to have been cast in the same period
as the rectangular plaques. All three were analysed, with two samples taken from each of two
of them. The composition of the alloys range from 14% zinc (1 .OS%) to 2 1.2% zinc (0.5% tin),
and these accord well with the analyses of the plaques (table 6.)
There are a number of works attributed on stylistic and iconographical grounds to the early
eighteenth century, to the period of expansion and innovation attributed in oral tradition to
the reign of king Eresonyen. Three of these in the British Museum were analysed, two helmet
masks (1898.10-25.1 and 1944.Af4.12) and ii semi-circular plaque (M.73). The results indicate
 Medieval copper alloy production and West African bronze analyses - Part II 13
Table 2 Composition of representations of Equestrians, Portuguese and Cross-bearers

Zn Pb Sn

Equestrian figures
1944.Af4.13 Middle Period 17 8.8 0.4
1903.7-18.1 Late Period
1st sample 14 4.5 0.2
2nd sample 14 4.7 0.2
Cross-bearers
1949.Af46.157 Middle Period
1st sample 5.2 3.4 2.6
2nd sample 5.2 3.3 2.4
1905.12-1.1 Late Period 25.8 1.9 0.3
Portuguese
1928.1-12.1 Middle Period
1st sample 7.1 2.2 3.6
?nd sample 4.4 1.2 2.8
1949.Af46.158 Middle Period
1st sample 12.4 2.4 0.4
2nd sample 0.8 0.6 0.3
1944.Af6.7 Late Period
1st sample 30 3.6 0.07
2nd sample 31 3.9 0.1

23.9% zinc (no tin), 25.1% to 26.6% zinc (three samples, only one containing tin, 0.6%) and
27% zinc, 0.3% tin respectively. These might be held to accord with an attribution to the
beginning of the Late Period, but only in so far as metal analyses can be regarded as useful
evidence, which must by now be regarded as clearly very limited.
Six further castings are attributed to the Middle Period, two hornblowers, two aquamanile
in the shape of leopards, a costume plaque with a leopard’s head and two Portuguese, and a
stool in the shape of two mudfish. The analyses showed a range from 3.3% zinc (1 9 1 1.6-20.1 )
to 18% zinc (1897.12-17.4). The tin content ranged from 0.3% to 3.1%. These also accord well
with the analyses of plaques and Middle Period heads, bearing in mind the qualification above.
However, the Museum also possesses a number of castings which illustrate the same subject
matter in the styles of both the Middle and Late Periods. These are a pair of equestrian figures
and a pair of figures generally referred to as ‘cross-bearers’ on account of the pectoral crosses
which they are wearing (one of each attributed to the Middle and to the Late Periods); and
three ‘Portuguese’ soldiers (two Middle, one Late). These attributions are based upon such
features of style as the modelling of the faces and the rendering of surface ornament.
With the cross-bearers and the Portuguese, the analyses are much as one might expect from
those already discussed (see table 2), with percentage of zinc in the Middle Period castings
ranging from 5.2% to 12.4% and in Late Period castings from 25.8% to 31%. However, in the
case of the equestrian figures the. percentage of zinc in the Late Period casting is lower (14%)
than in the Middle Period casting (1 7%) and in any case both figures are well within the range
we otherwise have come to expect as indicative of the Middle Period. Clearly, either we cannot
rely upon what have appeared to be stylistic certainties, or we cannot rely upon metallurgical
14 P. T. Craddock arid .I. Picton
analysis in support of a chronology or stylistic development. The latter seems much more
likely at present. The analyses of the Portuguese soldiers also deserve some further comment.
First. regarding 1949.Af46.158, the breeches worn by the figure are in fact made of alternate
bands of copper (the second sample) and brass. Second, regarding 1944.Af4.7, this is a figure
attributed by William Fagg to the early part of the Late Period on account of the vigour of the
sculpture: and this is supported by a letter from Robert Held in which he says, in respect of
this figure:
‘The musket and the two pistols are unmistakably flintlocks of well after 1680, with 95%
certainty after 1720. The ball-butted pistol ;It the soldier’s feet appears to be of a Catalan
(Ripoll) type quite well known to arms history students; the other one is a gun-butted trade
pistol with a blunderbuss barrel, made all over Europe for export to North Africa and the
Levant in 1725-1825. On no account could they be before 1680, ditto the musket, but that
would be stretching things very thin. 1725 is bztter.
‘The firearms are anachronistic with the costume, and the Swiss-German crossbow is exotic
to everything. I would suggest that the artist, working surely after the first quarter of the 18th
century drew on several iconographical sources for this figure. costume, armour, accoutrements
and crossbow - other statues, certainly older ones, or shop pattern books - but inserted
firearms contemporary to himself.’
The fact that the alloy from which this figure is cast contains 30-31% zinc supports a date
for its manufacture some time in the eighteenth century or more probably later. There are six
royal memorial heads of this period, together with a further two from altars commemorating
deceased Queen Mothers. In all but one the metal composition ranges from 27% zinc (no tin)
to 33% zinc (0.1% tin). The remaining one (1944.Af4.3) contains 22% zinc (0.5% tin), though
a third sample from one of these heads indicated 20.5% zinc: the other two samples indicated
27.8% and 28.5% zinc respectively. The percentages of tin in these heads range from nil to
0.276, and clearly stand apart from those of Middle Period. Two of them (1944.Af4.5 and
1961.Af9.1) contain more than 30% zinc indicating a fairly certain late date.
In addition to the works of Ife and the ‘Lower Niger Bronze Industries’, table 9 includes
four castings in what can be described as a provincial Benin style. Three of these are attributed
to the town of Udo in the Benin kingdom on the basis of material from there on loan to the
Benin Museum. There is, however, no recorded tradition of casting at Udo. One of the three is
in the British Museum, 1952.Af30.1 (see Forman and Dark 1960) while samples from two
others were kindly provided by Willett. They show between 5% and 8.4% zinc and around 2%
tin. Williams regarded the Udo Portuguese soldiers as possibly the first Benin attempts at the
casting of free standing figures. For the most recent discussion of their position in the Fagg/Dark
chronology (which attributes the Udo style to the latter half of the sixteenth century), however,
see Dark 1980 pp, 24-27. The fourth casting in this group is a memorial head from Owo,
1954.Af23.1514 (it is one of those illustrated in Talbot 1926), which contains 20% zinc and
0.25% tin. We have no evidence at all as to when this head was cast although it appears ‘late’
if not recent, i.e. nineteenth century or later.

CONCLUSION

The initial and underlying purpose of the analyses was to try and overcome that fundamental
problem in the history of art in Africa: the presence of several thousand works of art, whose
 Medieval copper alloy production and West African bronze analyses - Part 11 15

manufacture spans the entire scope of pre-industrial African technology, and the absence of any
secure temporal content. The art of Benin might seem to be the exception that proved the rule
for one can to some extent correlate the artifacts with a variety of other evidence: oral
tradition, European records from the late fifteenth century A.D. onwards, and the ritual and
political institutions of the present time; but even here the chronology remains hypothetical
and supported by very little in terms of hard fact.
Two things are now reasonably clear, therefore. The first is that with the development of
European maritime trade in West Africa from the late fifteenth century A.D., European copper
alloys appear to have dominated West Africa casting traditions. In terms of alloy composition
at least, these traditions become part of the general history of European metal technology.
The analysis of a large number of Nigerian bronzes, concentrating on the Middle Period Benin
material, has suggested that although there are overall alloy trends there is little consistency
within small groups of material, or meaningful change over short periods of time.
The second is that prior to around A.D. 1500 a wide variety of alloys were in use so much
so that we are still very far from understanding the temporal and spatial relationships of any of
the known traditions, in so far as any attribution to a precise period is at all reliable.
More broadly, assessing the composition of West African copper alloys in the framework
of the main stream of copper alloy development the emerging picture is as follows.
There was a long period when native copper was melted and utilised on the southern fringes
of the Sahara, and then at some time probably in the first millennium A.D., copper smelting
began, evidenced by mines in Mauritania, developing into a full-blown indigenous copper and
copper-alloy industry, culminating in the sophisticated alloys of bronze and leaded bronze
found at Igbo Ukwu in the ninth-eleventh century. From about this time brass began to appear
in West Africa in the course of Arab trade. The use of local non-ferrous metal declined probably
in the face of imported competition, such that by the time of the first European maritime
contact at the end of the fifteenth century knowledge of copper smelting seems to have been
lost in West Africa although there is good evidence that certainly tin, and probably lead deposits
continued to be exploited right up to this century.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

We would like to express our thanks and appreciation to F. Willett and T. Shaw for their considerable help in
this project. We also wish to thank F. Winter for her help with the analyses, H. Beeston for preparing the
tables and histograms, and M. Grant for typing from two almost illegible manuscripts.

REFERENCES

Bar-Adon, P., 1980, The cave o f t h e treasure, Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society.
Barker, H., 1965, Examination of the Ife Bronze Heads,Man LXV, 23-24.
Ben-Amos, P., 1980, The ar? ofBenin, London: Thames and Hudson.
Bernus, S. and Echard, N., 1985, Metalworking in the Agadez Region (Niger), inAncientsmeltingandfurnace
technology (eds. P. T. Craddock and M. J. Hughes), pp. 71-80, British Museum Occasional Paper No. 48,
London.
Bourhis, J . R and Briard, J., 1979, Analyses spectrographiques d’objets prihistonques el antiques, Rennes:
Universitk de Rennes.
Calvocoressi, D. and David, N., 1979, A new survey of radiocarbon and thermoluminescence dates for West
Africa,J. Afr. History 20 (l),1-29.
Chase, W. T., 1974, Comparative analysis of archaeological bronzes, in Archaeological chemistry (ed. C. W.
Beck), pp. 148-185, Washington: American Chemical Society.
16 P. T. Craddock arid J. Picton
Chikwendu, V . E . and Umeji, A. C., 1979, Local sources of raw materials for the Nigerian bronzelbrass
industry. W.Afr. J. Archaeol. 9, 151-165.
Connah. C.. 1981, Three thousairdj~earsin Africa. csp. p . 176, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Craddock, P. T., 1985, Medieval copper alloy production and West African bronze analyses - part I,
Archaeometry 27 (1). 17-41.
Dark. P. J. C., 1973, An introduction t o Benin art and technology, Oxford.
Dark, P. J. C., 1980, Catalogue of a collection of Benin works of art, pp. 24-27, London: Sotheby's.
Echard. N. (ed.), 1983, Metallurgies Africaines, Paris: MBnioirs de la Societe des Africanistes 9.
Eyo, E. 0 . and WiUett, E., 1980, Treasures of ancient Nigeria, New York: Alfred Knopf.
Fagg. I\'. B., 1963, Nigerian images, London: Lund tluniphrics.
I-agg. \V. B., 1970. Divine kingship, London: British Museum.
Forman, W. and Dark, P . J. C., 1960, Benin art, London: Paul Hanilyn.
Gregory, E., 1932,Metallurgy. p. 232, London: Blackie.
Herbert, E. h'.,1984. Redgold ofAfrica, Wisconsin. University of Winconsin Press.
Hughes. M.J . , Cowcll. M. C. and Craddock, P. T., 1976. Atomic absorption techniques in archaeology,
Archaeometry 18 (1). 19-37.
Lebeuf, J. P.. 1964, Contributions a I'etude del'histoire de la region Tchadienne et considerations sur la
nietliode, in The historian in tropical Africa (eds. J. Vansina. R. Mauny and L. V. Thomas), pp. 239-256.
London.
Maddin. R., Wheeler, T. S. and Muhly, J . D., 1980, Artefacts of native copper,./. Archaeol. Sci. 7 , 211-225.
~ 2 (eds C. Singer, E. J. Holmyard, A. R.
Maryon. H.. 1957. Fine metalwork, in A history o ~ t e c h n o l o g )Vol
Hall and T. J . \Villianis), pp. 449-492. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Monod. T.. 1969. Le Ma'den' Ijafen. Une Bpave caiavannikre ancienne dans le Majabat al-Koubra, Actes du
premier Colloque international d'Archaeologie Africaine, Fort-Lamy 1 1 - 1 6 December 1966, Institut
National Tchadien pour les Sciences Humaines, f o r t Lamy, pp. 286-320.
Oddy. W'. A,, 1977. The production of gold wire in antiquity, Gold Bulletin 10. 79-87.
Philipson, D. W . . 1977. The late prehistory of eastern and southern Africa, esp. p.148 etc., London:
Heinemann.
Posnansky. hl. and Mclntosh, R.. 1976. New radiocarbon dates for northern and western Africa, J. Afr.
History 17 (2). 161-195.
Shaw, 'I.,1969, Further spectrographic analyses of Nigerian bronzes, Archaeometry 11, 85-98.
Shaw, T.. 1970a. Igbo-Likwu: an account of archaeological discoveries in eastern Nigeria, esp. pp. 268-295,
London: I'aber and Faber.
Shaw, T.. 1970b, The analysis of West African bron'ces. a summary of the evidence, Ibadan, 80-89.
Shaw, T.. 1977, Unearthing igbo-ukwu, esp. pp. 17L20, Ibadan: Oxford University Press.
Talbot, P. A,, 1916. The people of southern Nigeria. London.
Werner. 0.. 1970, hletallurgische Untersuchungen der Benin-Bronzen des Museums fur Volkerkunde Berlin,
Baessler-Archiv N FBand XVIII, 71-153.
Werncr. 0.. 1976. Westafricanische Manillas, Erzmerall 29.447-453.
Werner. 0. and Willett. F., 1975. The composition of brasses from Ife and Benin, Archaeometry 1 7 (2),
141 -156.
Werner. 0.. 1978. Benin-Messinge. Baessler-Archiv 26 (2). 333-439.
Willett, F.. 1964, Spectrographic analysis of Nigerian bronzes, Archaeometry 7 , 81-83.
Willett, I,'.. 1967. Ife in the history of West African sculpture. London: Thames and Hudson.
Willett, F., 1971. African art, pp. 99-105, London.
Willett. F., 1977. Baubles, bangles and beads: trade contracts of medieval Ife. 1 3 t h Melville J . Herskovits
Memorial Lecture, Centre for African Studies, Edinburgh University.
W'illett. F.. 1981. The analysis of Nigerian copper alloys. Retrospect and prospect, Critica D'Arte Africana
XLV!. fasc. 178, 35-49.
Willett . 1:. and l.'leminp, S.. 1976. Nigerian copper alloy castings dated by thermoluminescence,Archaeometry
18 (2), 135-146.
\Yilliani~.D.. 1974. Icon and Image, esp. pp. 179-203, London: Allen Lane.
 Medieval copper alloy production and West African bronze analyses - Part 11 17

APPENDIX A - TECHNICAL

Fabrication techniques
The majority of thc metal artifacts analysed here are cast. The exception are some trinkets and minor attach-
ments which are of hammered wire or sheet metal. The only significant difference in composition between
these two groups is the absence of lead from the hammered metal. Small amounts of lead (up to 2%) greatly
improve the fluidity of molten bronze (Gregory 1932), and its presence in a casting metal is of considerable
advantage whilst filling details of an intricate mould. More lead in the alloy serves to depress the freezing
point which once again facilitates casting. However, lead does not dissolve in copper but remains as discrete
globules. As the lead content increases so does the likelihood of the globules linking up t o form quite macro-
scopic lakes within the metal. These are a great source of weakness in the metal, causing it to split if hammered
t o any extent.
The major pieces were all cast by the lost-wax process (see Williams 1974 for a detailed description of
this technique as used in West Africa). None show any sign of flash-linesor evidence of poor location between
sections which might suggest a piece mould. On the Benin and later material the clay cores of the hollow
castings were usually held in place by iron chaplets, although on some pieces copper alloy chaplets were
used instead. The composition of the latter suggests they were made froin whatever metal was available,
rather than from a deliberately selected alloy.
The early castings are thin walled and technically superior to the later castings, which are much thicker
and with many more faults. The most common of these are listed below.
(a) Holes in the wall of the casting (jigzires 1 and 2). These holes are caused by the mould being too cold,
and the metal setting before it had filled the space. It was rectified more or less satisfactorily, by building a
small mould around the hole and casting on a repair, which hopefully fused with the surrounding metal
(figures 1 and 2, Burn-in on chin of head Reg. 1897.12-17.3, table 4). These ‘burn-ins’ are very prevalent

I’igure 1 Large burn-in on chin of 97.12-1 7.3 (Photo: Trustees of British Museum).
18 P. T. Craddock arid J . Picton
on the Benin plaques and Late heads. Several were analysed to ascertain if there was any deliberate choice of
an alloy with a lower melting point. Three were of a lower melting point alloy, threeofahighermeltingpoint
alloy and four the w ~ i suggesting
e that there was n o deliberate choice of alloy for the 'burn-ins'.
( b ) Splashes of metal. These splashes which are especially well preserved o n the inner surface of several
of tlie large castings are caused by the mould not being properly dried before use. In these circumstances
on contact with the molten metal there is an explosive generation of steam which results in a spray of metal
droplets. On the Benin heads some of these droplets stuck to the upper side of the mould and became encap-
sulated in, but not amalgamated with, the rising metal thus causing considerable surface disfiguration.
( c ) Cold shuts. In all but the smallest castings several crucibles of metal were needed t o fill the mould.
Unless the crucibles were poured in a rapid co-ordinated sequence there was a danger of the first pouring
setting in the mould. and then not amalgamating properly with subsequent pourings, thus leaving a distinct
seam in the casting. Such seams or cold shuts are especially clear on the inside of Af 1944.4.1 (figure 3 ) .

Position of tlie mould during casting

Whilst the molten alloy was setting in the mould, segregation of the component metals would have taken
placc. 'The two usual forms of segregation are (1 ) gravity segregation by which the densest component, in
this case the lead, tends to sink and ( 2 ) normal segregation which occurs as the metal freezes. The metal
in tlic extremities of the mould will freeze first and will be rich in the highest melting point metal, in this
case Lwpper. Conversely. tile metal to freeze last will be in the centre and top of the mould and will be rich
in the lowest melting point metals. that is, the zinc or tin. Thus theoretically one could expect the lead t o
concentrate at the bottom of the casting. and the tin/zinc to concentrate at the top, especially if the metal
has been allowed to cool slowly in the niould (zinc is prone t o evaporation from the alloy a t the top of the
mould). However this model does assunie that the metal in the crucibles was of uniform composition
throughout, which may not have been the case. Samples were taken from the head and neck of several of
the l:irge heads primarily to establish the overall homogeneity. but also to ascertain if the mould position
during casting could be established. On some of heads the channels down which the metal was poured are still
visiblc and provide proof of the position during casting (table 3). The castings display complementary gravity
and normal segregation patterns which also agree with the evidence of the surviving pouring channels where
thew ctill esist on the heads (figure 4). Thus it would seem that the early heads were cast upright, but the
later iicads were cast in\erted.

I igure 2 Large burn-in on chin of 97.12-1 7.3 seen from inside (Photo: TrusteesofBritish Museum).
 Medieval copper alloy production and West African bronze analyses - Part 11 19

Figure 3 Cold shuts on rim of I944.Af4.1 showing where separate pourings o f metal have failed t o amal-
gamate in the mould (Photo: Trustees of British Museum).

Figure 4 Remains of pouring channels on t o p of early head 1963.Af9.1, confirming position of mould
during casting for other early heads suggested by alloy segregation (Photo: Trustees of British Museum).

Decoration
The majority of the pieces are just simple castings which have been lightly cleaned u p afterwards, but the
plaques and some of the contemporary statuettes do have quite extensive areas of decoration (the big Maltese
crosses are a good example). It was not clear whether this decoration was incorporated on the mould or was
20 P. T. Craddock arid J. Pictori
Table 3 Castings from which tuio samples were taken t o reveal mould position during casting

T w e of Position of Position of
Registration Date range segregation mould from mould from
riitrnber (century A.D.) present segregation channels

195 2 . A f 1 1.1 14-16 no segregation

1897.12-17 3 14-16 gravity and nornial upright
1963.~9.1 14-16 no sesregation
I 9 3 Y .:I f34.1 16-1 7 gravity and normal upright upright
1944 !\f4.1 1 16-17 gravity and normal upright
1897 12-17.2 16-17 gravity and normal inverted inverted
1944 Ai4.2 18-19 no segregation inverted
18-19 gravity and normal inverted inverted

1:iiurc 5 Decoration broken u p by casting fault, showing the decoration was on the mould on Reg
194Y.Af38.1 (Photo: Trustees of British Museum].
clia\i,d on the metal af'tcru ards. Fortunatel) it is possible to distinguish between these two possibilities with
i x i iwrtainty on areas daniaged during tile casting. It' the damage runs over and obliterates the decoration
(c.g. t'ieurc 5). it must have been on the mould. but equally certainly if the decoration goes around or over
the damaged area it must have been added after tltc casting (e.g. figure 6). Further, when heavy punching was
dont. with a point to produce areas of stippling Ihe indentation sometimes shows through o n t o the reverse
side and once again demonstrates that tlie decoration a'as applied t o the metal after casting.
 Medieval copper alloy production and West African bronze analyses - Part ZZ 21

Figure 6 Decoration running over casting damage showing the decoration was done after casting on
Reg 98.1-15.200 (Photo: Trustees o,f British Museum).

The evidence o n the benin plaques shows that both decoration on the niould and after casting was
employed, sometimes with both techniques, on the same object. For example, on Reg 98.1-15.1 and o n Reg
98.1-15.143 the outline was on the mould but the stippling was added after casting. On those plaques where
there was evidence for the technique used, eight showed decoration on the mould, and fourtecn wcrc
decorated by chasing after casting.

APPENDIX B - ANALYTICAL

The majority of the objects are relatively uncorroded and sound castings which could be sampled by drilling
with a small hand-held modeller’s drill mounting a size 6 0 (1 mm diameter) steel bit. The immediate surfacc
drillings were discarded, and thcn about 20 mg of clean metal turnings collected. Many of the castings have
additions or ‘burn-ins’ which were sampled together with any accessible copper alloy chaplets. Samples were
taken from the neck and top of some of the heads and other large castings. This was done to assess the overall
consistency of composition as well as t o investigate the segregation effects reported above o n p. 18. The
compositions seem fairly constant, without the quite large and apparently random variation recently found
on some of the plaques at Berlin (Shaw pers. coni.). A very few items are of thin sheet metal, not amenable
t o drilling and were sampled by removing a fragment from a damaged edge.
The samples were analysed by atomic absorption spectrometry using a Perkin Elmer series 306 instrument.
Full details of the method are given in Hughes et al. (1976) and will not be repeated here. Since that paper
was written a heated graphite furnace attachment has been acquired which was used here to quantify low
levels of arsenic, antimony and bismuth.
22 P. T. Cruddt)ck urid J . Pictori
rlie results piwn in the tables are exprestcd in \\eight ';. They have a precision of i 1% for tlie major
clenicnts and c 2 0 ' 1 for the trace elements. All quotcd elements could bc detected down to a t least 0.005%
in tlic nietal. Thc quotcd prccibion tor the trace elcnicnts niay scciii very pessimistic but a recent inter-
laboratory test relealed large differences especially dniong the trace elements (Chase 1974).
Medieval copper alloy production and West African bronze analyses - Part I/ 23
24 P. T. Craddock and J. Pictori
1898.1-15. 99 Chief + 4 others R&D XYIII-4 80.0 14.00 4.50 1.10 ,080 .52 .15 .080 .005 ,150 ,002

1898.1-15. 40 2 chiefs & leopsrd(burn in) 79.0 14.20 7.00 .30 ,050 .43 .I5 ,200 .00S ,070 ,001

1898.1-15. 40 2 chiefs & leopard(main casting) 77.5 13.00 7.40 .50 .040 .39 .15 .270 .004 .1 so .001

1898.1-15. 44 Equestrian king RRX XIY-4 69.5 18.00 '11.00 .70 ,045 .60 .50 .230 ,006 ,100 .001

1898.1-15. 45 Equestrian chief RRX XIX-2 83.0 7.20 4.80 7.80 .045 .92 .75 .170 ,170 ,001

1898.1-15. 46 Palace gate 99.5 3.20 1.70 1.00 ,070 .20 .15 .130 ,300 ,002

1898.1-15. 46 Palace gate R&D XIX-3 83.5 11.20 2.90 1.10 ,070 .40 .lo .180 .I00 ,001

1898.1-15. 47 Equestrian prisoners R&D XIX-5 83.0 7.40 4.60 2.40 .060 .59 1.00 .300 ,010 .go0 ,001
1898.1-15. 48 Battle scene R&D XIX-4 84.0 5.40 6.60 2.40 .095 .46 .80 ,370 .250 .001
1898.1-15. 49 Battle scene R&D XIX-6 81.0 8.60 7.00 1 . 8 0 ,070 .40 .80 .540 .002 .900 .001
1898.1-15. 74 Chief RBD X X Y I - 1 84.0 4.90 5.30 4.90 ,050 .90 1.90 .200 ,010 .350 ,002

1898.1-15. 77 3 traders + manilles RBD XXI-6 82.0 14.30 1.80 2.60 .OW .09 .05 ,150 .zoo .001
1838.1-15. 80 Leopard catchers RRX XIY-2 7 5 . 0 14.00 8.80 .50 ,095 .55 .I5 .loo ,100 .001

1898.1-15. 83 2 YarrloP8 R&D XX-2 85.5 2.80 9.40 1.70 ,060 .17 .60 .230 .010 ,950 .002

1898.1-15. 97 Scabbard R&D XXXII-6 8 0 . 0 17.50 2.20 .70 .065 .49 .05 ,160 .150 .GO1 a
1898.1-1 5.1 1 1 Court official and Portuguese FBD 16 76.5 14.50 6.50 .30 .040 .45 .90 .a0 .zoo ,001 %
1898.1-1 5.1 17 3 chiefs X. birds o f disaster R&D XXIX-3 78.5 14.00 4.10 .65 .050 .65 1.40 1.300 .010 .500 ,001 T
3
h
1898.1-1 5.143 Chief(hurn in) 74.0 21.50 2.10 1.00 .050 .40 .20 .200 ,150
b
1898.1 - 1 5.143 Chief(mam casting) RBD XXYIII-4 74.5 21.00 2.30 .60 .035 .58 .05 .ZOO ,060 ,001

1898.1-1 5.153 Chief R&D XXIY-9 85.0 6.00 4.00 2.20 .065 .52 .80 ,500 .400 ,001
3a
.005
x
1898.1-1 5.170 2 costume masks R%D XXX-2 1 5 . 5 20.00 2.40 .90 .050 .50 .60 .160 .150 Y
0
1898.1 -15.172 Crocodile F&D 86 83.0 13.40 2.00 .I0 .065 .40 .20 ,130 ,070 .o01
t%
1898.1-1 5.174 Tree ( B t tached fruit ) 80.5 10.50 4.40 2.40 .060 .60 .15 ,200 ,200 .001
r@
a
1898.1 -15.174 T r e d m a i n casting) 82.0 11.20 3.80 1.40 .060 .55 .60 .ZOO .zoo .001
x
1898.1 -15.189 5 mudfish 88.5 1.80 3.70 6.30 .065 .15 .25 .180 .005 ,200 ,002
9
1898.1-1 5.200 Leopard + gaat(burn in) 92.5 3.40 1.50 1.40 .080 .28 .20 .130 ,150 ,002
3
1
1898.1 -1 5.200 Leopard + goat(main casting) F&D 88 31.0 4.20 1.70 1.20 .070 .45 .13 .130 .zoo .OOl
26 P. T. Craddock and J. Picton
Medieval copper alloy production and West African bronze analyses - Part II 27
28 P. T. Craddock and J. Picton
 - - -
4
E P
P 4 4
. .
k b %
- - -
F O ? ?
0
P 0
P 0
P
$ $ $
m m m
N N
-
. mP mf
- 0 0
. N N
% % %
. .
0
N O0I
0
. .0 .0
0
O i l 0
c l l c0l
. -. .-
0 , z ; s
. . .
o
- wmv 1
0
.
0
.
0 0
.
w m -
i n 0 0
8
. . .
0 - 2
i
0 n" 0 0
30 P. T. Craddock and J. Picton
Medieval copper alloy production and West African bronze analyses - Part N 31
 W
Table LO Other West A.fricarz metalwork t3

heg. No. lirsrr; p t > < , n Provenaiicr Cu .:,I Ph Liii A,: Fc: .:t, NI hi "o A.. t'd ki Mn

BWL.125ROX Buttan Mandnrn Hills h8.0 2 9 - 4 0 2.10 .lS ,025 .lh .IN> .1!1> ,170 .00?

BHRL. lZ58tV B e l t buckle Mandam Hills 68.5 .!8.50 ! ..'5 .60 .040 . 12 .04 .41JlJ .iY/U .lJlil

!956.10-22. Vessel(Iid) Ashanti 65.0 35.55 .I0 .025 .h 5 .!W .u10 .loo
1956.10-??. P a t ( lip) K"IX38l 513.0 39.00 I .4O 1 .a). O ! 5 .OH .OL .iJbO .OZ~, .OIC

1936.10-22. Lamp(base) BrO" 69.5 24.95 2.55 3.40 .020 .50 .l0 ,100 .OW .UO4 .Dl0 .00.',
.b
1Y)b. 10-22. Lamp( borl J Bron 64.5 94.0 V 1 '$<J
. .60 ,020 .i 5 . 1 0 . !00 ,030 dJb5
N
! q35.10-22. Face mssk Bran 65.0 33.50 -95 .jO ,025 .!5 .Ob ,085 ,050 .010

1530.10-22. Baxl( foot 1 nron 64. j j4.00 1 .5U .55 ,020 .15 .l ( J .150 .L))20 .W8
9
1930.4-25.8 P e c t o r a l (body) A p a w . Lanos 83.5 I .65 9. I S 1.40 .OW ! .OO .?'I .u4U .010
2
%??
1950.4-23.8 Pec t a m 1 ( c ro t a l l Apopa .Lagas 86.5 2.00 6.70 1 .W .lo0 .b4 .Oy ,040 . O l U 2. IUU . I Ui) a
- 3
Q