[356-11]. Singh, Rana P.B. and Poudel, Padma C. 2011.

Sacred Spaces,
Pilgrimage and Tourism at Muktināth, Nepal; in, Singh, Rana
P.B. (ed.) Sacredscapes and Pilgrimage Landscapes. Planet
Earth & Cultural Understanding Series, Pub. 7. Shubhi
Publications, New Delhi: pp. 211-246. <chapter 9>
Hb, ISBN (10): 81-8290-227-4. Price: Rs 1495.oo/ US$ 55.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Sacred Spaces, Pilgrimage and
Tourism at Muktināth, Nepal
Rana P.B. Singh and Padma C. Poudel
Banaras Hindu University, India; & Tribhuwan University, Nepal

~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Abstract. The sacred power of Muktināth is eulogized in the ancient and
puranic mythologies. The manifestive power of the place attracted kings
to provide special protection and related programmes which resulted to
develop various architectural styles of monuments, Gompās and pouwas.
Devotees performing pilgrimage to Muktināth also visit the sacred spots
and ancillary shrines in the environs. The inner sanctum of the main shrine
is controlled by the Buddhist Lama, however outside shrine by the Hindu
priests; this results sometimes into conflict. With the increase of trekking
and tourism hotel industry is coming up rapidly — this facilitates pilgrims
for easy stay. Most of the pilgrims are Hindus, while about sixty per cent
tourists belong to European countries. Pilgrims mostly visit in groups of
their kin and kiths, and about ninety per cent of them recorded their visit to
Muktināth for the first time. Similar trend is recorded for tourists too.
Auspicious glimpse and performing ancestral rites have been the main
motives. The other associative motive is to get relief from the cycle of
transmigration (moksha). The mystic beauty of nature and the power of
place jointly support to experience the nature spirit and to understand the
inherent meaning.
Keywords. Pilgrimage, pilgrims‟ characteristics, Shālagrāma, sacred
places, sacrality, spatial structure, spirit of place.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
1. Introduction
Following the line of thought advocated by Eliade (1959) that awe,
wonder and deep quest to understand the mystical nature have attracted
human being in that distant past to come close to nature. After passage of
time the spirit of such mystical places with human interaction and
212 9. Rana P.B. Singh & Padma C. Poudel

manifestation of human construct (mental and built up) shaped that

environs as sacred place whose inherent power is sustained by the faith
system and regularly continued by the pilgrimages. Says Eliade (1959: 28)
that “men are not free to choose the sacred site, that they only seek for it
and find it by the help of mysterious signs”. This postulate was in case of
Muktināth was firstly detailed out in a project in late 1970s by Messer-
schmidt and Sharma (1980, and also Messerschmidt 1981). Messerschmidt
(1989a: 90) states:

In Muktināth the signs are found in the high mountain location and the head-
waters site, and in the presence of certain natural elements such as fossils and
fires; these have tempted Man, in the search for god on earth, to create a
supernatural field, a sacred world where Vishnu and other deities are believed
to abide. It is not just natural features, however, but anomalies in nature that
give Muktināth a special sanctity and attraction. At Muktināth, these include
such wonders as fire burning on water and the fossils of primitive sea creatures
(ammonites) found high in the mountains, many thousand metres above sea
level and thousands of kilometres from any contemporary ocean. These are
some of the “mysterious signs”, rare and sacred, that Hindu devotees seek in
the religious field of which Muktināth is the central feature.

In addition to the most sacred abodes of lord Vishnu lying in the four
cardinal directions of India — Badrinath (north), Jagannath Puri (east),
Rameshvaram (south) and Dvaraka (west) — Muktināth (northeast) stands
as the fifth site in the Himalaya. These five centres form a star shape and
compared with the radiating light bestowing wisdom and relief from
transmigration, moksha (Fig. 9.1). These places may be called as special
places where divine manifestive power always radiates. The silent
mountain reflecting on all the passages of one‟s life is the most sacred
pilgrimage place for Nepalese Hindus. The whole territory has long been
sacred to the ancient Hindu culture of sub-continent.
In Muktināth the liquid energy of feminine divine (e.g. Damodar
Kunda, and the headwaters), the strength of male power (the Himalaya
mountains), the fire element of space (as in Jvālāji temple), the serene
silence of isolated nature (sacred groves and trees), the message of
inherent mystery (ammonite fossil called Shālagrāma found thousand
kilometres away from the contemporary sea), in passage of time existence
of two traditions of faith system, i.e. Vaishnavite (Vishnu), Shaivite
(Shiva) and Shakta (goddess), and several ancillary and associated unique
features together make this holy territory (kshetra) distinct and special,
which is constantly made alive, awakened, regulated and communicated
through the devout pilgrims. The above mentioned “mysterious signs”,
 Pilgrimage-Tourism at Muktināth, Nepal 213

rare and sacred, the Hindu devotees seek in the religious field of
Muktināth are the central features (Messerschmidt (1989a: 90). The
interactions between the religio-geographical realities and the pilgrims,
humans and divine, microcosm and macrocosm are maintained by
varieties of traditions that result to form complex sacredscape in
Muktināth (Poudel 2000: 38).

Fig. 9.1. India and Nepal Star-frame Five holy places.

This essay is an attempt to present the findings of the survey of

pilgrims and tourists at Muktināth, illustration with other findings and
mythologies that support them. The survey was conducted during the
Ashvina Krishna (Pitri)paksha (called as Shrādhapaksha) of Vikram
Samvata 2050, i.e., the waning fortnight (dark half) of September-October
1993, in addition to a day before and a day afterwards (30 September to
16 October 1993). This period is chosen purposely because of its
importance in worshipping ancestral rites in Hindu traditions. Information
were collected by interviewing 78 groups of pilgrims representing 907
individuals. Further, 74 foreign trekking-tourists belonging to 11 nations
were also interviewed. For this purpose questionnaires are used, and also
dialogues and interactions were carried on.
The Himalayan kingdom of Nepal is blessed with an incredible
diversity of natural sceneries and a chain of sacred places, including the
highest mountain peak of the Sagarmāthā (Mt. Everest, 8,848 metres), and
the celebrated holy place of Muktināth (North 28°49‟ lat. and East 83°53‟
long., 3,749m) that lies in the north-western part of Muktināth Village
214 9. Rana P.B. Singh & Padma C. Poudel

Development Committee (VDC, 3,573 sq. km of area) of Mustang District

(3,573 sq. km of area), Dhawalagiri Zone, Nepal, at the foot of the
Thorong La mountain pass (part of the great Himalayas) (Figs. 9.2, and
9.3).
Fig. 9.2. Mustang district and Muktināth

Muktināth VDC records 186 households and 990 inhabitants in 2009

(Regmi & Regmi 2009: 33), which was 191 and 899, respectively in 1993.
Muktināth experiences markedly arid climate with cool summers and
severe dry winters. Patches of alpine vegetation in the inner valleys and
thorny bushes in the mountain slopes are the dominant natural scene. The
houses of the area are made of muddy flat roofs and walls. The dressing
and language are more akin to Tibetan and Buddhist style than Hinduism.
The nearby mountain to Muktināth refers to the myth that it symbolizes
the sacrificial rice pudding thrown by Brahma („the creator‟). Pilgrims
take with them a quantity of soil from this mountain as mahā prasāda
 Pilgrimage-Tourism at Muktināth, Nepal 215

(“the great offered food to god”) and distribute among their friends when
they return to their homes.

Fig. 9.3. The Path to Muktināth (after Messerschmidt 1989a: 92).

Of course, Muktināth is the famous Hindu sacred place, the

neighbourhood is dominated by the Buddhist population. That is how it
presents uniqueness in cultural heritage together with natural scenery.
Though this place lies in physically remote area, thousands of foreign
tourists pay visit to this place every year since April 1977 when Manang
Valley (under the Annapurna Trek permit) was open for foreign visitors.
The Annapurna area is recently designated as a national conservation area
and now becomes a popular mountain destination in Nepal, partly because
of its easy accessibility and links with Pokhara — an important regional
tourist gateway. Since 1980 Annapurna has increased its relative share in
trekking from about half to 68 per cent in 1986 of the national total
(Zurick 1992: 615). The influx of Hindu pilgrims has also increased during
recent years.

2. Mythic Context and Historical Background

Muktināth is eulogized in the ancient and purānic literature as the
source site of the Krishnā-Gandaki (or, Kāli-Gandaki) river where a kind
216 9. Rana P.B. Singh & Padma C. Poudel

of typical sacred stone symbolizing Vishnu, i.e., Shālagrāma, is found

abundantly (cf. Kurma Purāna II.35.37; Narasimha Purāna 64.22-26; see
Kane 1973, vol. IV: 799). The surrounding hill is called in the same way
as Shālagrāmagiri (Varaha Purāna 144.13, 29). The “Forest Canto” of the
Mahabharata (III.84. 123-128) describes the merit of Shālagrāma and the
holy site where it is found. The whole territory with this divine and
manifestive quality is called as Muktikshetra, i.e., “a place where final
emancipation is attainable” (cf. Varaha Purāna 145.105), and said to
spread over an area of 15 yojanas (ibid.: 182). The measurement fits very
closely to the reality (radius 16.25 km, circumference 102.1 km, area
829.58 sq. km).
This kshetra (sacred territory) is demarcated by the two extreme spots,
viz. Damodara Kunda in the north, and Muktināth in the south; this forms
a shape like an egg, and thus symbolizes itself as Shālagrāma. Mythology
also refers that the great yogi king Bharata had resided close to this place
and performed austerity (cf. Vishnu Purāna II.1.24, II.13.4). Another
version of the same story is narrated in the Bhāgavata Purāna (V.7.8-10;
8.30) which refers it with the names like „land of illustrious‟, „the place
cherished by many released sages‟, „the forest hermitage where Pulastya
and Pulaha live‟, and well known as Shālagrāma Tirtha (pilgrimage place),
or sometimes kshetra.
The Vārāha Purāna (144.29) states that the Shālagrāma hill in itself is
a form of Vishnu, and therefore it is a „divine being‟ (devatā; ibid.: 145). It
is also said that Lord Vishnu is always present in the rock of Shālagrāma
(cf. Ramottaratapiniyopanishada IV.166). The Agni Purāna (47) mentions
that Shālagrāma has a great divine power to bliss all sort of boons, but
better to worship it without any desire. Popularly, the Shālagrāma also
symbolizes Lord Shiva in phallus form, and the Krishnā-Gandaki as the
fluid energy of Sati (the earlier form of Shiva‟s wife who committed
suicide). According to a version of Shakta tradition, among the 51 shakta
pithas where the parts of Sati‟s corpse fallen down, the right cheek
(dakshina kapāla/ ganda) is associated with Muktināth; thus it symbolizes
the 9th sound and letter of Sanskrit alphabet, “lri”.
Apparently Muktināth shows its association with Krishna, the 8th
incarnation of Vishnu. The ritual tradition of worshipping Shālagrāma
with offering tulasi (holy basil) leaves indicates the age-old Vaishnavite
myth referring as to how Vishnu fallen in love with Tulasi, and later by
her curse He himself became Shālagrāma, and succeeding Tulasi became
the Krishnā-Gandaki river. This way Vishnu as Shālagrāma remains in the
lap of his beloved Tulasi who was transformed to the Gandaki river. The
late 16th century epic, the Rāmacharitamānasa (by Tulasidas) describes
 Pilgrimage-Tourism at Muktināth, Nepal 217

the glory of Shālagrāma Kshetra/ Muktināth; this further helped to

promote its intensity of attraction for pilgrimage by Hindu devotees.
The purānic and mythical stories are interpreted in different ways (see
Glasenapp 1928; Yogi 1956: 13; Kaschewsky 1994: 145-149). Several
accounts based on personal pilgrimage have also narrated Muktināth (e.g.
Kirkpatrik 1793/1975; Hamilton 1971; Gurung 1980), and sometimes
personal experiences and diaries have also been recorded (e.g. Snellgrove
1989: 199-203). In spite of its very high sanctity and mytho-magico
power, there does not exist any permanent Hindu settlement in Muktināth
VDC. Nevertheless the predominant Buddhist inhabitants have mostly
been supportive to Hindu pilgrims and other visitors.
Apart from water and special stones, other natural objects which
promote the sacrality of place in Muktināth area include the holy fig tree
(“pipal”, Ficus religiosa), the banyan tree (“ficus” or “vata”, Ficus
bengalensis) and the holy basil (“tulasi”, Ocimum sanctum, or Ocimum
basilicum). These trees are considered to have close association with
Vishnu and preserve healing qualities. The fig and banyan trees cast a cool
shade for the tired pilgrims, while tulasi preserves magical healing quality.
The mythologies narrate the association of different sages and seers who
performed austerities under these trees.
Initially the Hindu Khas Malla kings of Karnali region, Kalyal Kings
of Jumla and Malla Kings of Parbat, were responsible for the development
of Muktināth temple (Dhungel 1987: 1-4). The inscriptions at the second
roof of the present pagoda and also upon the bell hanging at the southern
main gate refer its construction and architectural style to the year 1814,
and further its renovation in 1983. The local traditions refer that prior to
the present pagoda there was a flat mud-roofed structure.
Muktināth is also a home of many Tibetan inhabitants. The Buddhist
Tibetans believe that Jvālāji is associated with Chen-re-sig (the Buddhist
god Avalokiteshvara) who received enlightenment here (cf. Fig. 9.4).
Devotees feel that an auspicious sight of Muktināth on the 10th of waning
fortnight of Hindu month of Jyestha (May-June), or on Makar Samkranti
(winter solstice; 14th of January) bestows special merit. Popularly, the
pilgrims take holy dips in Dhārā Tirtha, i.e. 108 water-spouts (gomukha)
before paying visit to Muktināth. The number 108 symbolizes the products
of 12 zodiacs and 9 planets, thus it refers to the cosmic coverage.

Fig. 9.4. Muktināth Kshetra (modified after Messerschmidt 1989a: 95).

218 9. Rana P.B. Singh & Padma C. Poudel

Note: 1. The route of circumambulation of the shrine, 2. Sacred springs, source of

the Muktināth (Jhong) river, 3. The Vishnu Mandir (temple) and the 108 water
spouts, 4. The temple of Jvālā Māi, with the natural gas fires, 5. The Tibetan
monastery of Gompa Sarwa, 6. The Tibetan temple of Marme Lhakhang, 7. The
sacred grove of poplar trees, 8. Various shelters for pilgrims, 9. Rani Pauwa; site of
the horse fair and tourist lodges, 10. Unused temple, 11. Beginnings of the
Muktināth (Jhong) river, and 12. Route down the valley to Dzarkot village and
Kagbeni (after Jest 1981).

3. Sacred Places and Ancillary Shrines

Landscape features (especially water spots, and sacred groves) and
sacred places have close association in the Himalayan realm. Most of the
sacred spots in the territory of Muktināth are related to water points like
Damodar Kunda, Muktināth and Kagbeni (cf. Fig. 9.4).

3.1. Muktināth
The holy site of Muktināth (3,749 m) is located on the north-western
slope of a dissected mountain (locally called as Kalo Danda) of Muktināth
Himalaya (Annapurna range). A gentle slope trail of about half kilometre
links the sacred place and the nearest settlement (Ranipouwa village,
Purang), where famous Ranipouwa, hotels and shops are located. There
are two temples, three Gompas (Buddhist temples) and five pouwas within
the compound of the holy site of Muktināth (Figs. 9.4 and 5).
Muktināth temple occupies almost central position in the holy territory.
Three-storied copper-roofed pagoda (in Pahari style) temple of Muktināth
with southward facing main gate is built on a squared platform of a single
 Pilgrimage-Tourism at Muktināth, Nepal 219

tire, occupying 106.58 sq.m. of an area. The outer surface of Muktināth

temple covers an area of 18.48 sq.m. The inner space of the temple is only
2.6 sq.m., which is paved with marble stone (Figs. 9.5, and 6). A copper
image of the main deity (Lord Muktināth) is enshrined at the central
location of the northern wall facing towards the main gate; therefore
devotees cannot circumambulate the image from the inside.
The Muktināth (Vishnu) image has four arms and is in the lotus
position with crossed legs (padmāsana) and lies under the shade of seven
hoods of snake (cf. Fig. 9.7); the upper two hands carry the chakra (disc)
and shankha (conch shell), and the lower two hands express the gestures.
His two wives, Lakshmi (goddess of wealth) and Bhudevi (the earth
goddess) are on either side of the main status. In front of him sits Garuda
(the divine bird, carrier of Vishnu) and Ganesha. Muktināth statue is of a
metre height and a maximum width of 96cm. The style and shape of the
image suggest its period around the CE 16th-17th century (Dahal 1988:
61), which supports its association with Jumla kings.
According to Tibetan Buddhist legend about Muktināth, Padma-
sambhava, the “precious teacher” and sage who first introduced Buddhism
to Tibet, paid visit to this territory and site in the CE eighth century. Some
believers think that as “the founder, culture hero, and protector of Tibetan
Buddhism” Padmasambhava has more importance than the Buddha
himself (Paul 1982: 151, see Messerschmidt (1989a: 96). The site is also
said to have been visited by the eighty-four magicians (mahā-siddhas) of
late Indian Buddhism, whose walking steeps are believed to have grown
into the sacred poplar trees of Muktināth. These magicians are also
associated with the sacred springs of Muktināth (cf. Jest 1981).
220 9. Rana P.B. Singh & Padma C. Poudel

Fig. 9.5. Sketch view of Muktināth Sacred Territory.

Other predominantly Buddhist sites and monuments of the complex are

the Tibetan Gompa Sarwa (dgon-pa gsar-pa), new monastery, and the
Marme Lhakhang (Mar-me lha-khang), temple of the lamps. The Sarwa
monastery houses images of Padmasambhava, Lokeswar (Avalokite-
shvara), and Sakyamuni (the historical Buddha). The Marme temple was
already less significant during 1980s, and by late 1990s get transformed
into dilapidated form. Three images of Buddhist Mahayana, gods, viz. Ho-
Pang-Me, Che-Pang-Me and Dorga Sempa, also exist in front of
Muktināth image. The local priest informs that the three Buddhist images
were shifted here from Nrisimha Gompā (a Buddhist shrine located
nearby) only to secure and preserve them.
 Pilgrimage-Tourism at Muktināth, Nepal 221

Fig. 9.6. Muktināth environs and Temple‟s Spatial Plan.

Idols/ image (murtis):

1. Muktinārāyan
2. Lakshmi
3. Sarasvāti
4. Ganesha
5. Garuda
6. Ho-Pang-Me
7. Che-Pang-Me
8. Dorga Sempā
222 9. Rana P.B. Singh & Padma C. Poudel

Existence of side-by-side Hindu and Buddhist images within one

sanctum reflects religious harmony; however, overseeing Hindu priests in
the inside and Buddhist female monks (Jhomo) in the outside of the same
temple certainly create sometimes conflict concerning the role and benefit
(property) and frustration among the Hindu pilgrims. In practice, the
Jhomo performs rituals inside the temple, and outside the Hindu priests
and the donations and offerings at these places are the property of the
respective overseers.

Fig. 9.7. Muktināth Image (murti).

Nearby to the main entrance gate to Muktināth, in the right exist an

area of sacred groves of poplar trees of the species Populus ciliata, locally
called lekh pipal or bhot pipal. Despite its popular name, the lekh pipal is
not of the same genus as the sacred lowland pipal (Ficus religiosa) under
which the Buddha meditated to gain enlightenment at Bodh Gaya.

3.2. Dāmodar Kunda

Lying at the distance of 32km in the northeast from Muktināth, located
several days‟ walk beyond and above Muktināth, Damodar Kunda
(4,659m) in a valley of Damodar Himal, is located in Surkhang VDC of
Mustang District. This holy spot is described vividly by Kirkpatrik in his
 Pilgrimage-Tourism at Muktināth, Nepal 223

journey accounts (1793). The topographic features nearby indicate that

there might had several kundas in this area in the past which in course of
time dried up, except a few existing even today like Dudha Kunda (pond
of milk), Makta Kunda (pond of precious stones) and Nirmal Kunda (pond
of clean water). The local priests say that Damodar Kunda represents the
combination of all the kundas. For sheltering pilgrims there is only a
corrugated sheet-roofed Pouwa (dharamashālā, pilgrims‟ rest house),
constructed by Mustang District Panchayat. The sanctity of certain lakes
like Damodar Kunda, especially in relation to the legend of
Padmasambhava‟s visit to the Himalaya, is a part of belief systems.
Damodar (literally “having a rope round the waist”) is an epithet of Lord
Vishnu (Turner 1965: 309b). This and similar lakes in the high Himalaya
are sometimes also called Danda Kunda (mountain lake) or Dudh Pokhari
(milk lake), the latter due to their glacial colour, the result of a high silt
content.

3.3. Chu-mig-brgya-rtsa
This refers to “the land of 108 springs, or water-spouts” which
surrounds northern half of Muktināth temple compound. The springs of
Muktināth seep from the rocky hillside directly east and above the Vishnu
Mandir shrine. The water has been carefully channelled down the hillside
to feed into a long trough that feeds a line of 108 water spouts atop a stone
wall in the form of little brass animal-heads (Snellgrove 1989: 200). The
number of these spouts also has magical qualities and associations. There
are, for example, 108 books in the Tibetan Buddhist scriptures and 108
beads on the Buddhist rosary. The stream is linked to a water pool called
Muktikunda. The chain of water-spouts is known as Dhārā Tirtha and
believed that a holy bath in this water can purify one in all the number of
8,400,000 organic species in the cosmos (as in Hindu cosmology believed)
— through which the soul passes by the cycle of rebirth. The number of
spouts has special significance and gives Muktināth its local Bhotia name
of Chumig Gyatsa (Chu-mig brgya-rtsa, Tibetan), meaning “a hundred-
odd springs” (Snellgrove 1989: 106). They are made in the shape of boars‟
heads, the boar being one of the ten avatars of Lord Vishnu. The
experience of bathing is described by Messerschmidt (1989a: 97-98):

Bathing at religious sites is always meritorious to the Hindus, and purification

by bathing or drinking sacred water is a principal part of each pilgrim‟s quest.
Virtually everyone bathes at Muktināth: devout Hindus strip down and dash
quickly under all the springs, men in loin cloths and women in thin cotton
saris; local Bhotias visiting the shrine typically do not undress, and only
224 9. Rana P.B. Singh & Padma C. Poudel

sprinkle a few drops from some or all of the spouts, and perhaps drink a little
of the water. A number of people take advantage of the event and bathe full-
scale with a great flurry of soap suds. Before entering the water, all pilgrims
are obliged to donate a few pice (small coins) to the Tibetan Buddhist nuns of
the Nyingmapa sect who see to the upkeep of the shrine complex throughout
the year.

3.4. Kāgbeni
At the confluence (beni) of the Krishnā-Gandaki and the Muktināth
Kholā (a stream, Jhong) lies the holy spot of Kāgbeni; the confluence spot
which is called Hamsatirtha. It is located at an elevation of 2,810 m, i.e.,
939 m lower and 9.5 km west of Muktināth. The pilgrims believe that
when Vishnu‟s carrier, Garuda, “has been honoured with an offering at the
start of the pilgrimage, he accompanies them until he reaches Kāgbeni” —
his original home (Kaschewsky 1994: 143). The etymology of Kāgbeni
reflects this myth: „Kāga‟ or „Kāka‟ means „crow‟. The close by holy site
is called as Kāgbenitirtha. The Hamsatirtha means literally “the holy spot
of goose/ swan” itself.
Kāgbeni is an especially important site for Hindus to perform the final
shraddha (ancestral rites) rites for the dead. These rites are commonly
performed eleven days after the death of a parent, for example, and every
eleven years thereafter. A shraddha performed during pilgrimage at the
sacred confluence of two rivers is especially auspicious. Many pilgrims
stop at Kāgbeni, usually the day before arriving at Muktināth, to perform
the final rites for the departed, after which they are absolved from further
obsequies duties.

3.5. Shiva temple

A Shiva temple in south of Muktināth replicating the temple of
Pashupatināth was built in around CE 1938. Four small shrines
representing Dvarakā, Badrināth, Kedārnāth and Rāmeshvaram have
recently built near in the affinity of the Shiva temple. This reminds the
process of spatial manifestation by which the four abodes of Vishnu (lying
in the four cardinal directions in India) are replicated to make the place as
the microcosmos of Vishnu.

3.6. Jvālāji Gompā

Jvālāji Gompā lies at a distance of around 60m in the east of Muktināth
temple. The present structure is the result of renovations at several times.
At present it spreads over an area of 81.6 sq.m. (Fig. 9.8) and records the
 Pilgrimage-Tourism at Muktināth, Nepal 225

maximum height of 4.6m. All the five images in the temple represent their
Buddhist association. The clay image of Padmasamhhava is the main deity
in the Gompā; the image records a height of 87cm and a maximum width
of 60cm. This image is dated around late 16th century (Dahal 1987: 65).
Other images enshrined in Jvālāji Gompā are Buddhist Mahayana Tantrika
Vajrapāni (Chhang-chom-dorje), Manjushri or Manju Ghosh (Tenpa-
chom-den-de) and Chen-Re-Sig. The height of these images ranges
between 1.3m and 1.6m whereas the width ranges between 1.1m and 2.1m.
Vajrapāni is worshipped by the Buddhist, while Hindus worship Chen-Re-
Sig as Vishnu. There are three females and one male Buddhist monks
serving as the priests at this Gompā. From the burning flame Buddhists
take fire for cremating the dead bodies.

Fig. 9.8. Jvālāji Gompā: Spatial Plan

It is said that Jvālāji („the Temple of Eternal Fire‟) was the original site
of local Buddhists around Muktināth before the establishment of a Hindu
temple. Snellgrove (1989: 201) describes it:

Nying-ma-pa . . . . contains images of „Boundless Light‟, „Glancing Eye‟ and

„Lotus-Born‟. The flames of natural gas burn a little cave at floor level in the
far right-hand corner. One does indeed burn from earth; one burns just, beside
a little spring („from water‟); the one „from stone‟ exhausted itself two years
ago and so burns no longer, at which local people express concern”.
226 9. Rana P.B. Singh & Padma C. Poudel

The flames in Jvālāmāi temple originally burned from three sources ―

earth, water, and stone. To Tibetan Buddhists the temple of Jvālāmāi is
known as Salame-bar Dolamebar Gompa (Sa-la me-’bar rdo-la me-’bar
dgon-pa), the temple of the miraculous fire. This temple (dgon-pa or
lhakhang), like most of the structures of Muktināth, is constructed in the
northern Buddhist (Tibetan) style of architecture. It shelters the natural gas
fires burning from stone, earth, and water (cf. Fig. 9.8). On the altar of
Jvālāmāi are images of Padmasambhava, Lokeshvar, and Vajradhara
(holder of the vajra, a thunderbolt, symbolizing supreme Buddhahood).
Finally, the ammonite fossil of Muktināth/Chumig Gyatsa is considered to
be Gawo Jogpa (dGa’-bo Jogs-pa), the Tibetan serpent deity (nāga).
Snellgrove (1989/ 1961) gives a detailed account of Buddhist pilgrimage
sites throughout the region. His study greatly enhances our concept of
Muktināth‟s sacred field, particularly from the perspective of Buddhism
and of Bon, a religion in which many indigenous pre-Buddhist beliefs
have been retained. Muktināth‟s dedication to these universally hallowed
deities of both Hinduism and Buddhism represents its existential aspect
(Messerschmidt (1989a: 96).
The flames are a popular object of curiosity and veneration among
pilgrims. Buddhists interpret them as “burning changeless and unceasing
from the hidden parts of Samvara Male [the tantric deity] and Female [his
spouse]” (Snellgrove 1989: 108). Hindus interpret them as a gift from
Brahma, who is said to have made offering here by setting the water afire.
Because fire and water are normally incompatible, however, popular
interpretation gives them a supernatural aspect, as the “miracle” of
Jvālāmāi. Geologically, the natural gas which feeds the flames emanates
from the same shales in which the famous Muktināth fossils are embedded
(Messerschmidt (1989a: 98).
Fire is one of the most important gross-elements (panchamahābhutas)
in the Vedic ritual and cosmology, representing Agni, the powerful fire-
god and a cosmic principal that pervades the creation (Kinsley 1995: 55).
It is the object of much Hindu mysticism and speculation; and in his role
as the all-pervader Agni is also said to exist in the three cosmic realms of
Vedic cosmology, viz. the upper world (ākāsha), the realm of the earth
(prithvi) and the underworld (pātāla). All the three principal characters of
Agni are represented in Jvālāmāi and the nearby shrines. They are linked
with the pilgrimage rituals by the pilgrims. Fire is central to the ritual act
of possessing a territory and in the creation of a sacred site for worship, as
exemplified with Muktināth. Moreover, Agni‟s presence ensures commu-
nication between men and gods: divinity and humanity interactions. Eliade
 Pilgrimage-Tourism at Muktināth, Nepal 227

(1959: 30) notes that “the erection of an altar to Agni is nothing but the
reproduction-on the microcosmic scale-of the Creation”. The association
of fire with water and earth, as for example in the erection of a fire altar or
as juxtaposed within the temple of Jvālāmāi, represents the creation and
the Hinduisation of Muktināth‟s sacred territory (kshetra).
Close by also exist „Temple of the Lamps‟ (mar-me lha-khang),
„Temple of Encampment‟ (sgar dgon- pa) and „Place of Mind-Perfection‟
(bsan-grub- gling). Jvālāji is the main goddess of local Buddhist around
Muktināth area. They call Jvālāji as Sale-Me-Bar, Dola-Me-Bar and
Chhula-Me-Bar (sites of divine flames upon the soil, stone and water).
Even today one can see the flame. Jvālāji Gompā (Buddhist), or Jvālāmāi
(Hindu) is equally popular among the devout Buddhists and the Hindus.
Occasionally one can hear some gurgle sound close to Jvālāji Gompā; this
is explained by devotees as the sound of invisible river Mandākini, called
Svarga Gangā (“the Gangā of the heaven”). This myth is comparable to
the invisible Sarasvati river meeting at the confluence of the Gangā and
the Yamunā at Prayaga (Allahabad).

3.7. Nrisimha Gompā

The two-storied Nrisimha Gompā lies in the north-western side of
Muktināth temple at a distance of about 65 metres. Local tales refer this
temple as ancient one grown together with Muktināth. It occupies an area
of 152.5 sq.m. with the height of 5m. The ground floor of the Gompā is
used for religious activities, and the second for the residence of Jhomos.
The principal deity of this Gompā is Padmasambhava whose clay image is
sitting in padmāsana (cross-legged posture). It records a height of 2.5m
and a width of 2.4m. On both sides of the main image exist images of the
nurses (kha-do-nza). Among them one is Tibetan (Kha-do-ye-chho-gyal)
and another Hindu (Man-d-re-wa).
Another popular image enshrined in this Gompā is of Tibetan Tantrika
Guru Sen-Dong. On account of its partial shape of lion Hindus pay their
homage to this image as Nrisimha — the fourth incarnation of Vishnu.
The image of Vajra Vārāhi is also enshrined in one side of the Nrisimha
Gompā.

3.8. Sang-Do-Gompā
Located at the left-hand side of the entrance gate of the Muktināth
compound, this shrine is now ruined. Images of the Gompā and
construction materials indicate that it was one of the valuable shrines of
the local Buddhist tradition.
228 9. Rana P.B. Singh & Padma C. Poudel

4. Pouwās, or Dharmashālās (Pilgrims’ Rest House)

For pilgrims‟ stay and rest in Muktināth area several pouwas are built
by different social organisations and the individuals within a proximate
distance to Muktināth temple; they are commonly used for the accommo-
dation of police and nuns (cf. Fig. 9.6). Out of them, the oldest and largest
one is Rani Pouwa, located at a distance of half kilometre from Muktināth
temple, and it was built in 1806 (as mentioned in the stone inscription
there) by Subarna Prabha, the wife of King Rana Bahadur Shah. It has two
storied builtup structure consisting of two large rooms, 55 windows and 26
doors. The stone-walled and mud-roofed Rani Pouwa can accommodate
about 150 pilgrims at a time. The Pouwa is 43.71m long, 34.28m wide and
5.65m high, and has almost a rectangular shape. At the centre there exists
an open ground of the dimension of 17.28 x 14.70m. Of course, there are
five other Pouwas in the compound of Muktināth, however now they are
not in proper use. Therefore, most of the pilgrims stay in Rani Pouwa,
which is out of the compound.
Nearby to the main gate, in the compound of Muktināth territory,
exists Muktināth Darshana Smriti Van Vatika, developed in 1991, where
298 Nepalese and 112 foreigners (from 17 countries) have planted trees.
The plantation programme was initiated by Svami H. H. Tridandi, a saint
from Andhra Pradesh (India), on the 27th of January 1992 by a donation of
NRs. 10,001 (about US $ 205 at rate of that time). Even the Ex-foreign
minister of Japan Mr. Rhio Tara Hashimoto had also planted a tree in this
garden.
There does not exist any institution arousing religious consciousness,
except an area of Rakhu Guthi — a piece of land registered in the name of
sacred place to supply necessary products for the overseers and pilgrims
staying there. Rakhu Guthi records an area of 432 ha khet/ irrigated land
and 1086 ha bari/ non-irrigated land. This Guthi was formerly serving as
the supporting resource to the maintenance of Muktināth temple and
associated Pouwas; however, presently its condition is not good.

5. Religious Festivities
It is obvious from the literature that regular ritualistic activities (pujā)
according to Hindu tradition had been started only after 1904 (Dhungel
1987: 1-15). Formerly only seasonal rituals, four times in a year, were
performed. Nepal is a land of innumerable fairs and festivities and that is
how these rituals fit to the lifeways of people. Most of the festivals are
commonly celebrated by the Hindus and the Buddhists in a similar way.
 Pilgrimage-Tourism at Muktināth, Nepal 229

Special rituals and offerings to Muktināth are performed on the

occasion of Rāma Naumi, Lord Rāma‟s birth day (i.e. 9th of Chaitra light-
half, waxing fortnight, March-April). On this occasion thousands of
pilgrims from different parts of Nepal and India pay visit to Muktināth and
take holy dips in the 108 water-spouts (Dhārā Tirtha), followed by
darshana to Jvālāmāi ‒ presenting oil lamps in her honour. Other
important festive occasions were Akshaya Tritiya (3rd of Vaishakha light-
half, waxing fortnight, April-May) and Badā Dashain/ Durgā Pujā (10th of
Ashvina light-half, waxing fortnight, September-October). The Buddhists
perform special rituals at the time of Losar (New Year) and Dhung-chu
(both falling in January-February).

5.1. Rishitarpani, or Janaipurnimā

On this festive day (Full-moon day in the month of Ashvina, Sept.-
Oct.) hundreds of pilgrims from Nepal and India visit Muktināth. Pilgrims
who intend to visit Damodar Kunda come 3-4 days earlier to this day and
return finally on that day to Muktināth. According to the local priest about
1500 pilgrims (mostly upper caste Hindus) visit Muktināth during the
period of 3-4 days, and among which about hundred travel further to
Damodar Kunda. The main motives of this pilgrimage are to perform
rituals honouring the ancestors, offering sacred thread to and replacing
their own sacred thread by the new one. Pilgrims believe that by these
rituals they would receive peace and blessing of their ancestors.

5.2. Yār-Tong
This is a Buddhist festival, symbolizing „thanksgiving to the rainy
season‟. Local villagers celebrate it individually a day before Rishitarpani,
whereas in Purang and Jharkot (nearby to Muktināth) people celebrate this
at the vicinity of Rani Pouwa on the day of Rishitarpani. People from the
surrounding eighteen villages dress in varieties of colourful clothes to
celebrate Yār-Tong. After having auspicious glimpse to different images
of Nrisimha and Jvālāji Gompā, the celebrants take active part in
competitions like folk song (dohori git), horse race, dancing and some
local games. This tradition is believed to be started by the legendry brother
of Jumla Kalyal king. The festival continues during 3-4 days, and the last
day is devoted to special meals. The magnitude of the festival depends
upon the intensity of harvesting and production: if harvest is good, the
magnitude would be high, and vice versa. This way the festival reflects the
distinct relationship among sacred time-space, rhythm of season and sense
230 9. Rana P.B. Singh & Padma C. Poudel

of togetherness — agricultural cycle and festivity. Sn ,ellgrove (1989: 202)

describes his participation:

All the villages in the area were to send up parties on horse-back dressed in
their finest clothes. They visit the 108 water-spouts ceremoniously and then a
great horse-race is held. Khyeng-khar and Dzar sent up rehearsal parties five
days before. They met on the track, and since all were rather drunk and neither
party would make room for the other, a fight developed.

5.3. Badā Dashain/ Durgā Puja

This is the largest celebrated festival in Nepal, and refers to the
worship of Goddess Durgā. As a common tradition people celebrate this
festival throughout Nepal, however at Muktināth this is a minor event. At
Muktināth during Ashvina Krishnapaksha (i.e., Pitripaksha, dark-half,
waning fortnight, September-October) special festivities take place at
Muktināth, honouring ancestors.

6. Structure of Pilgrims and Tourists

Though foreigners have started visiting the country since late 1960s, it
is only after 1970 that Nepal virtually opened its door to the outside
worlds. However, the Muktināth area became particularly popular after the
opening of Manang valley in April 1977. During June 1992 - July 1993,
13,763 foreign tourists representing 53 countries, excluding India, visited
Muktināth area (cf. H.M.G. 1993). Muktināth area (and parts of
Annapurna range) consists of two unique features to be seen, viz.
panoramic natural beauty, and the holy territory and its sacred places. This
way Muktināth attracts a large mass of tourists and pilgrims equally.
Hindu pilgrims from different parts of Nepal and India pay visit to
Muktināth, however the spatial pattern of pilgrims during Ashvina
Krishnapaksha (1993) marked distinctive characteristics. Kavrepalanchok
and Makawanpur districts in the east, and Gulmi and Rupandeni districts
in the west record the longest distant of pilgrims‟ belongingness (see Fig.
9.9). Comparing the origin of pilgrims by administrative zone, the highest
share (42.4%) is recorded from Gandaki zone, the moderate share from
Dhawalagiri (19.1%) and Lumbini zone (17.1%), and the lowest share
from Bagman zone (4.1%).

Fig. 9.9. Muktināth: Spatial flow of Pilgrims.

 Pilgrimage-Tourism at Muktināth, Nepal 231

From India, the majority are from Bombay (Mumbai), Madras

(Chennai), Delhi, Bhuwaneshwar and Calcutta (Kolkata) (Fig. 9.9).
Among them share of female pilgrims is relatively higher. Regarding the
trekking tourists (for pleasure and recreation) five European countries, viz.
France, Germany, Holland, Spain and U.K., comprise 62.2 per cent of total
share, followed by Asians (28.3%), Americans (6.8%) and Africans
(2.7%). The details of the statistical information of pilgrims and tourists
and their male-female segregation are given in Table 9.1a, b. The male-
female ratio of trekking tourists was found 1: 0.5 (Oct. 1993).

Table 9.1a. Muktināth: Pilgrims by countries

Destination Male Female Total %age
Dhawalagiri Zone
1. Myagdi 21 24 45 5.0
2. Baglung 48 47 95 10.5
3. Parbat 15 18 33 3.6
Gandaki Zone
4. Kaski 107 143 250 27.6
5. Syangja 26 30 56 6.2
6. Tanahun 20 19 39 4.3
7. Gorkha 13 14 27 3.0
232 9. Rana P.B. Singh & Padma C. Poudel

8. Lamjung 13 13 26 2.8
Lumbini Zone
9. Gulmi 1 1 2 0.2
10. Palpa 35 36 71 7.8
11. Rupandeni 21 21 42 4.6
12. Nawalparasi 12 11 23 2.5
Narayani Zone
13. Chiawan 48 44 92 10.2
14. Makawanpur 1 3 4 0.4
Bagmati Zone
15. Kathmandu 3 6 9 1.0
16. Lalitpur 7 8 13 1.7
17. Kavre 7 8 15 1.7
INDIA 40 25 65 7.2
TOTAL 438 469 907 100.0
(Source for all the followed up tables: Field survey). M, males: F, females.
Table 9.1b. Muktināth: Tourists by countries
Destination Tourists
Male Female Total %age
U.S.A. 3 -- 3 4.1
Canada 1 1 2 2.7
U.K. 1 5 6 8.1
France 4 2 6 8.1
Germany 10 11 21 28.4
Spain 6 -- 6 8.1
Netherlands 2 5 7 9.5
Japan 3 -- 3 4.0
Africa 1 1 2 2.7
India 14 1 15 20.3
Nepal 3 -- 3 4.0
Total 48 26 74 100.0
6.1. Age Structure
Hindus above the age of 40 were found more oriented to perform
pilgrimage. It is obvious from Table 9.2 that 64.4 per cent of pilgrims
arrived at Muktināth were above the age of 40. It is observed that that
majority of visitors below the age of 40 years were, in fact, not the actual
pilgrims; rather they came as helping hands and accompanying persons
with their parents and relatives. This way the total figure of pilgrims and
tourists between the age of 20 and 40 years reached to 32 per cent and 78
per cent, respectively (see Table 9.2).
The proximity of distance, more acceptability of locality together with
its projection as universality, the strong belief system that fits to the hilly
 Pilgrimage-Tourism at Muktināth, Nepal 233

landscape, the continuity of traditions and customs ― all together make

Nepalese strong believer to the pilgrimage to Muktināth, that is how their
share reaches to above 90 per cent. In his classical study Messerschmidt
(1989b: 117) concludes:

The behaviour of the pilgrims we encountered reflects the structure of the

Brahmanical order and ethos. The zealous Hindu engaged in tirtha-yatra
(pilgrimage), does his or her best to follow the strict rules of interpersonal
association and commensality, and to maintain the well-defined bounds of
orthodox caste propriety while engaged in the sacred quest. The sincerely
orthodox devotee would not deliberately go out of his way to seek
interpersonal relationships that might abrogate the rules or seriously endanger
his social or ritual status. Rather, a pilgrimage is entered into in order to
highlight and more fully confirm one‟s relationship to God and to one‟s fellow
human beings.

Table 9.2. Age Structure of Pilgrims

Age Pilgrims Tourists
(year) Nepali Indian Total %age Total %age
1. < 20 24 24 2.6 2 2.7
2. 20-30 91 5 96 10.6 31 41.9
3. 30-40 182 12 194 21.4 27 36.4
4. 40-50 261 17 .278 30.7 7 9.5
5. 50-60 196 23 219 24.1 7 9.5
6. + 60 88 8 96 10.6 -- --
Total 842 65 907 100.0 74 100.0

The above situation is still prevalent, of course during the last two
decades changes made and several impositions of traditions marked,
however the old traditions predominate the overall scene.

Table 9.3. Pilgrims‟ Groups

No. of pilgrims (group) No. of group %age
Single -- --
2-5 20 25.5
6-10 21 27.0
11-20 26 33.3
21-30 9 11.6
+ 30 2 2.6
Total 78 100.0

6.2. Pilgrims’ Frequency in Groups

234 9. Rana P.B. Singh & Padma C. Poudel

The main shrine of Muktināth is located in the remote area of

Himalaya; therefore pilgrims visit this place in the groups: of course there
appear other reasons for group pilgrimage. The field survey (cf. Table 9.3)
shows that above sixty per cent pilgrims travel in the group of 6-20
persons. The percentage of small group (2-5 persons) is relatively higher
than the percentage of large size group (+ 21 persons). Difficulty in
managing food and accommodation facility for large groups is the prime
factor, for the preference of small group. Moreover, joint family and
closed socio-economic affinity with the neighbours are the other important
factors promoting smaller groups. The majority of pilgrims stay only one
night at Muktināth, while only few tourists stay 2-3 nights there during
their travelling period of 10 days from Dumre via Manang (3,505 m) and
Thorung Pass (5,416 m).

Table 9.4. Pilgrims by times of Visits

Se times Pilgrims Tourists
Nepali Indian Total %age Total %age
1. I 754 65 819 90.3 59 79.7
2. II 61 61 6.7 12 16.2
3. III 17 17 1.9 -- --
4. IV 10 10 1.1 3 4.1
Total 842 65 907 100 74 100

6.3. Frequency of Visit

Only a lower proportion of total pilgrims repeat their pilgrimage to
Muktināth, like other shrines in remote areas (cf. Bhardwaj 1973: 160). It
was observed that majority of pilgrims (89.5%) and tourists (79.7%) had
not visited Muktināth previously (cf. Table 9.4). Only about 10 per cent
pilgrims and 20 per cent tourists visited Muktināth twice and more than
twice. This tendency indicates pilgrims‟ high faith and religious
consciousness, while tourists‟ share indicates their wish to have passion
from the silent message from the Himalayan scenery and pristine culture
of native people.

6.4. Purpose and Motive of Visit

The high-level sacred place (e.g. Pan-Hindu, Supra-regional) like
Muktināth is visited largely for general purificatory merit (cf. Bhardwaj
1973: 163). Our surveys show that pilgrims also visit this place for the
specific purposes (see Table 9.5). The majority (79.1%) of the pilgrims
had visited Muktināth for the ancestral rite and glancing together.
 Pilgrimage-Tourism at Muktināth, Nepal 235

However, the purpose of the majority of Indian pilgrims (75.4%) was

glancing which ultimately provides purificatory merit and liberation from
the cycle of transmigration. Higher percentage (60.4%) of son and
daughter-in-laws accompanied with (see Table 9.6) further shows the
highest percentage of both the above purposes — ancestral rite and
glancing (cf. Table 9.5). In general the majority of pilgrims visit
Muktināth to perform ancestral rite. Among the accompanied persons the
dominance of sons and daughters is noted obviously (Table 9.6), followed
by father and mother. Thus together they share about three-fourths of the
pilgrims. However, finally no generalization can he proposed.
Table 9.5. Pilgrims‟ motive of Visit
Motive/Purpose Nepali Indian Total %age
Glancing, darshana 107 49 156 17.2
The above two 704 13 717 79.1
Miscellaneous 31 3 34 3.7
Total 842 65 907 100

Table 9.6. Pilgrims‟ accompanying Persons

Se Accompanied Nepali Indian Total %age
persons
1. Father / Mother-in-law 99 8 107 11.8
2. Son / Daughter-in-law 528 20 548 60.4
3. Brother & Brother-in-law 136 18 154 17.0
4. Relatives 64 5 69 7.6
5. Hired people 15 4 19 2.1
6. Unidentified - 10 10 1.1
-- Total 842 65 907 100.0

Generally the days spent by pilgrims on their pilgrimage refer to the

distance covered (see Table 9.7). The majority of pilgrims (77.5%) had
spent more than a weak, and only a small portion of them (22.5%) spent
less than a weak during pilgrimage to Muktināth. It is notable that almost
all the Indian pilgrims spent more than 10 days during this journey. The
time spent is directly related to the nature and terrain and distant location.

Table 9.7. Pilgrims by Duration

Days spent Number %age
<5 35 3.9
5-7 169 18.6
8-10 508 56.0
+ 10 195 21.5
236 9. Rana P.B. Singh & Padma C. Poudel

Total 907 100.0

Describing the purpose and motive of the pilgrims in late 1970s and
early 1980s Messerschmidt (1989b: 116) found that “something more
profound than friendliness and communitas motivates these pilgrims”. It is
rare that Hindus go there for adventure or for fun. He adds (ibid.) that:

Their quest is not jātrā, a fair, but yātrā, a sacred experience. The devout
pilgrim‟s primary objective for going to Muktināth, or to any Hindu shrine, is
to do worship and receive darshana of God. In the particular case of
Muktināth, the arduous task of travelling to the holy site and the observance of
strict personal austerity on the way makes it very special. The fact of being
there on the doubly ostentatious occasion of Janai Purnimā [Full Moon
festival] makes it all the more important.

6.5. Expenditure Structure

Caste is one of the fundamental aspects of Hindus‟ social structure,
Though invariably higher and lower castes pay visit to Muktināth, the
percentage of higher castes (Brahmin, and Kshatriya/ Chhatri) dominates
(71.8%) the total mass of pilgrims. One can note that pilgrims from higher
caste Hindus are relatively in better economic status for affordability. The
percentage of pilgrims spent more than NRs 1000 was only about 30 per
cent, while less than NRs 1000 recorded about 70 per cent (Table 9.8).
Following the common tradition most of the pilgrims going to
Muktināth carry with them the ready-made food (e.g. sattu, powder of
parched grain, and khette, dried items) which help to support their half of
the food requirement. They also carry with them sufficient amount of rice,
ghee, dried vegetables, some spices, etc. They have to pay some charge for
shelter, cooking utensils, firewood and green vegetables. This way one can
assume that the economic status of pilgrims is not distinctively reflected in
the pilgrimage to Muktināth.

Table 9.8. Amount spent by Pilgrims during Pilgrimage, NRs

Se. Money spent No. of Pilgrims
(NRs : in „00) Nepali Indian Total %age
1. <5 155 -- 155 17.4
2. 5-10 471 -- 471 51.9
3. 10-15 143 -- 143 15.8
4. 15-20 45 -- 45 5.0
5. + 20 28 65 93 10.2
Total 842 65 907 100.0
 Pilgrimage-Tourism at Muktināth, Nepal 237

(Conversion rate: US$ 1 = NRs 50, in 1993).

It is generally accepted that Hindus are more oriented to religious

activities, like Tirtha Yātrā (pilgrimage), in the old age and preferably
husband and wife together as supported by their major share in the total
pilgrims visited Muktināth (i.e., 92.9 per cent).

6.6. Means of Transportation

Muktināth is not connected with any means of transportation, except
the trail. Jomsom, lying at 24 km from Muktināth and taking about 5
hours of walking, is connected by daily air service from Pokhra and
Kathmandu. From Jomsom one can march to Muktināth; however, over
eighty per cent of Nepalese pilgrims arrive at Jomsom on foot.

Table 9.9. Means of Transportation used by Pilgrims to visit Muktināth.

Means used Nepali Indian Total
A B A B A % B %
1. on foot 686 830 -- 51 686 75.6 881 97.1
2. one way air 124 -- 38 -- 162 17.9 -- --
3. both ways air 32 -- 27 -- 59 6.5 -- --
4. pony -- 9 -- 14 -- -- 23 2.6
5. human-back -- 3 -- -- -- -- 3 0.3
Total 842 842 65 65 907 100.0 907 100.0
A, Travel up to Jomsom; B, Jomsom to Muktināth.

Almost all the Indian pilgrims had used airline service one way, or
both the ways. Less than a quarter of Indian pilgrims had used pony, and
less than a per cent Nepalese pilgrims had used human-hack to reach
Muktināth (cf. Table 9.9). Pony and human-back are used normally to
travel from Jomsom air port to Muktināth. Since 2006 sixteen tractors and
130 motorcycles and from 2008 nine Jeep began to provide services to the
visitors from Ghasa, lower Mustang. All these vehicles were lifted by
Helicopter from Pokhara (KC 2008:59). The present dirt road links
Mustang with Pokhara-Baglung national highway.

6.7. Pilgrims already visited other Sacred Places

Pilgrims have passion to pay homage at different levels of sacred
places (e.g. local, regional and Pan-Hindu). The survey shows that only
one-tenth of pilgrims had visited Pan-Hindu level sacred places like Kashi/
Varanasi, Badrināth-Kedarnāth, and Rāmeshvaram (all in India) in their
238 9. Rana P.B. Singh & Padma C. Poudel

life, while 56 per cent of Nepalese pilgrims had not visited sacred places
outside Nepal (see Table 9.10). More than half of Indian pilgrims had
already visited other holy places and also the above mentioned sites. This
way there exists a clear contrast between Nepalese and Indian pilgrims.

Table 9.10. Pilgrims already visited other Sacred Places of India

Se Sacred place Nepali Indian Total %age
1. Kashi/ Varanasi 134 11 145 16.0
2. Badrinath-Kedarnath 68 -- 68 7.5
3. Rameshvaram 45 -- 45 5.0
4. The above (1 to 3) 60 35 95 10.5
5. Gaya and Haridvar 64 9 73 8.0
6. No other place 471 10 481 53.0
Total 842 65 907 100.0

Table 9.11. Pilgrims‟ Response to the three most Sacred Places of Nepal
Rank Sacred place Pf (frequency) %age of total
1 Pashupathinath 823 90.1
-- Muktināth 823 90.1
2 Damodar Kunda 211 23.3
-- Lumbini 204 22.5
3 Devaghat 102 11.2
-- Janakpur 93 10.3
4 Gosain Kunda 68 7.5
5 Svargadvari 55 6.1
6 Keladighat 53 5.8
7 Rum (Ridi) 37 4.1

On the quest about three most important sacred places, Nepalese

pilgrims had equally ranked Pashupatināth and Muktināth at the 1st order;
Dāmodar Kunda and Lumbini at the 2nd order; and 3rd order Devaghāt
and Janakpur (cf. Table 9.11). Four more centres of regional importance
were also noted. Out of the total 907 pilgrims surveyed 84 had responded
“Don‟t know”.

6.8. Accommodation Facility and Shops

Increasing accommodation facilities and shops indicate the temporal
change and requirements needed by pilgrims and tourists at a particular
site. The establishment of different Pouwas (pilgrims‟ rest houses) close to
Muktināth directly reflects the increasing influx of pilgrims, whereas the
opening of hotels is to facilitate the trekking tourists. There is no
 Pilgrimage-Tourism at Muktināth, Nepal 239

government guesthouse and classified hotel at Muktināth. During the

survey period (October 1993) it was found that at Rani Pouwa village, the
nearest settlement, to Muktināth, the majority of hotels exist. Except the
one, all the hotels are managed by the local people. It is obvious from the
statistics that in total 123 rooms with accommodation facility of 276 beds
have been available in the hotels at Muktināth, Ranipouwa, Jharkot and
Khinga together (cf. Table 9.12). The field survey conducted in 2009
showed that a total of 24 hotels with 126 rooms and 415 beds provide
accommodation and catering services to the visitors. This shows that the
hotels at these locations have notably increased in numbers of beds and
also in the existing rooms. Most of these hotels are established after 1991.
Table 9.12. Muktināth: Accommodation capacity in hotels
Bed/room No. of rooms No. of beds
Single 16 15
Double 67 124
Common 40 125
Total 123 278

Table 9.13. Muktināth: Types of shops

Shop No.
Ritual articles 4
Woollen and handicrafts 6
Retailing 7
Tea stall 5
Total 22

During the peak season the demand of beds in hotels at Muktināth goes
very high than their capacity. Majority of the beds are occupied by
tourists. Therefore, pilgrims have to go in the Pouwas for shelter. No
facility of accommodation is supported by the religious community or
organisation.
There are only 22 shops at Muktināth, which can be classified into four
groups; however they are of miscellaneous nature (cf. Table 9.13). Since
1993 fifty per cent increase of these shops was recorded in 2009. During
the peak pilgrimage season most of the ritual article shops and woollen &
handicraft shops display their articles along the trail-side, nearby to their
houses.
240 9. Rana P.B. Singh & Padma C. Poudel

7. Towards the Spirit of Sacred Place

Muktināth Kshetra is identically mytholised with Shālagrāma Kshetra
cf. Fig. 9.2), where found abundantly ammonites, the fossil remnants of an
extinct form of mollusk (of the class Cephalopoda) with a coiled, flat,
chambered shell. These creatures lived and left their remains under the
prehistoric Sea of Tethys that separated the supercontinents of Laurasia
and Gondwanaland well before the continental collision that created the
Himalayan uplift joining the Indian subcontinent to what is now Tibet (see
Molnar and Tapponnier 1979). Local genera of the cephalopodan mollusk
specific to Muktināth include Prograyiceras, Blanfordiceras, and
Paraboliceras (Messerschmidt (1989a: 98).
Because of their unique internal shape as wheels or spirals (chakra)
they are worshiped as epithets of Lord Vishnu (Nārāyana). Some hardy
pilgrims even make the three-to-four day trek to collect specimens from
the fossil beds of Dāmodar Kunda, the high lake. It is believed that
unbroken ammonites are the most efficacious and that it is sinful to
deliberately break the stone and open it to expose the internal impression
of the fossil. There is an inscription on stone near the Vishnu Mandir
attributed to the nineteenth-century Nepali Prime Minister, Jang Bahadur
Rana, that admonishes people not to break or sell fossils (ibid.: 98).
Hindus have great faith in the Shālagrāma. They popularly believe that
in Muktikshetra the insect which perforates chakra (disc) linings in
Shālagrāma is Lord Vishnu himself, who by curse of Brahma became a
worm, Vajrakita, inside the stone; this afflicted him for twelve years. At
the expiration of that period Vishnu resumed his real face, but He wished
that Shālagrāma found in Muktikshetra (Kāli/Krishnā-Gandaki basin)
should be worshipped as His manifestation. This way the Shālagrāma is
worshipped in daily rituals as Vishnu‟s image. Brahmins refer it as
panchāyatana pujā. There also exist several other ways of rituals
including at the time of death when the water in which Shālagrāma is
dipped, sprinkled upon the dead body with a feeling that the soul would
get a good place in Vishnu‟s abode.
Arkel (1956) has identified eleven species from the larger surrounding
region. They come in two forms, as internal casts and as external moulds.
The black Shālagrāmas are found along the banks of the Jhong river in the
Muktināth valley, and lower down along the course of the Kāli/ Krishnā-
Gandaki where they are avidly collected by pilgrims and other travellers.
According to the characteristics like size, hollowness, linings, colours and
related features various connotations are endowed upon the Shālagrāma.
 Pilgrimage-Tourism at Muktināth, Nepal 241

Most commonly they are classified into 32 types identified with different
natures and four basic colours, viz. black, red, yellow and blue (for list see
Kaschewsky 1994: 150-151). Further with the mark of circles and colours
the Shālagrāma is named after its association with the various names/
forms of Vishnu (see ibid.: 155-157). The details of each of the 32 types
together with their merits and the ways of performing rituals are given in
the Agni Purāna (46, 47). The most popular 14 Shālagrāmas (cf. Dutta
1985: 178; also Kaschewsky 1994: 150-151) are:

Ananta (in the form of a cobra hood)

Aniruadha (yellow, circular)
Damodara (one circle, two small dots)
Janardana (four circles)
Krishna (black, circular)
Matsya (long, crystal coloured)
Pradyumna (six circles)
Purushottama (eight circles)
Sankarshana (red, two circles)
Shridhara (circular, with a wreath of forest flowers)
Sudarshana (one circle)
Vaikuntha (with a circle and lotus)
Vamana (round, blue)
Vishnu (black, rod shaped)

Pilgrims believe that a pilgrim at Muktināth who finds Shālagrāma

whose chakra is discovered by rubbing away one portion of it, certainly
receives moksha (liberation) from all sorts of bindings, bondages and sins.
And, one who finds Shālagrāma with convolutions towards the right can
never be a poor person. Hindus also believe that breaking a Shālagrāma
will lead to misfortune, similarly to sell it too. The local Bhotia villagers
commonly collect and sell whole or deliberately broken ammonites as
souvenirs to believers and non-believers alike. These “souvenir” fossils
can be found for sale in the tourist markets of Pokhara and Kathmandu.
Some people claim that the fossils contain gold or diamonds, but in reality
what they find shining inside are fragments of pyrite or quartz crystal
Messerschmidt (1989a: 100).
A purānic myth also refers as to how Vishnu took the form of
Shālagrāma and those who worship Shālagrāma together with tulasi (holy
basil) leaves will receive a highest merit.
According to Eliadean approach everything that is out of ordinary and
novel could become hierophany. This can be exemplified with subtle
interpretation of the Shālagrāma which manifests the image of Vishnu;
thus in other way it could be said that for redemptive purpose Vishnu
242 9. Rana P.B. Singh & Padma C. Poudel

became Shālagrāma “the god shows himself to them (devotees) by taking

on their inferior mode of being” (Eliade 1958: 27-28). The marriage ritual
of Shālagrāma with tulasi plant (symbolizing Lakshmi), in fact, refers to
the primitive symbol of “holy place” which preserves the power of
coupling of stone and plant (ibid.: 226). This is parallel to the other form
of symbolism referring Shālagrāma, the male energy of Vishnu, and the
Kāli/ Krishnā -Gandaki, the female energy of his wife, Lakshmi.
The associative symbols and ritual performances attached can be
compared with the concept of liminality, which refers to the root meaning
of threshold — passing from the one yet not reaching to the end —
”betwixt and between”. The pilgrims visiting Muktināth also experience
liminality — leaving the profane environment they experience sacred
environment. They feel themselves in the state of awareness of revelation,
yet at other end not revealed. These paradox pilgrims carry with them and
tell to their friends; in span of time other groups follow the pilgrimage and
again in the same way the cycle proceeds. Neither they fully leave their
emotional feelings to their homes, nor do they fully become part of the
divine landscape. This paradox is articulated by their faith, traditions and
symbolism side-by-side and the narrative mythology ― this ultimately
results to form the faithscape where experiential feelings and belief
systems meet together and form a new “theosphere” (cf. Singh 2002: 17).
The concept of faithscape is an “expressive sphere” of specific milieu
of place with emotional and symbolic features of experience that contains
feelings and meanings which may be expressed through objects,
structures, forms, surfaces, images, myths and legends, memories, and
dreams (cf. Walter 1988: 146-158). However, the magnitude of “express-
ive sphere” depends upon how well the mental image map (sensitivity) of
a person puts to the inputs of his senses. If it is intense and high every
piece of particle giving message be received, otherwise the situation may
differ. In the earlier case the way of viewing the world becomes divine and
cosmic ― the one spirit in the whole cosmic integrity.

8. Concluding Remarks
In a recent study of Lumbini, western Nepal, Nyaupane‟s (2009: 157)
remark that “despite its potential for attracting Western, regional and
domestic tourists and a growing trend in arrivals, the community and the
region have not benefited well from tourism” is true substantially in case
of Muktināth. But currently experiencing “latent dissonance”, can be
reduced through communication, cooperation and collaboration among
various stakeholders (ibid.).
 Pilgrimage-Tourism at Muktināth, Nepal 243

In the modern era of crises where we cry for an ecological order and
human peace, mass of people are still running after materialistic
achievements, nevertheless it is now realized that somehow we lack to
experience the harmonic relationship between Man and Nature. We are
now searching for the earth spirit — a manifestive divine-magnetic power
— through which we may feel ourselves cheerful and peaceful. Pilgrimage
to places where nature still predominates and mythic landscape is alive
(e.g. at Muktināth), man‟s power of sensitivity would help, we hope, to
receive and experience that the mother Earth is alive and still ready to bliss
her children if their heart and soul be opened for her love. It does not mean
that one should follow the local rituals and performances. There is more
need for participatory and behavioural information from stakeholders
together with potentials and prospects for tourists-pilgrims from abroad,
linking with economic policy and eco-tourism (cf. Sharma 2006: 46-48).
After all religion is a personal matter. Everybody is free to choose
performances according to his/her own eternal quest, or believes, however
one should also respect the local traditions by being part of it and a wish to
have experience. This essay is closed here by an insightful message by Jim
Swan (1990: 221) which should be taken as call of the time:
“The real reason for going to a sacred place, however, is not just to get high.
The purpose is to come into harmony with the greater unity of all life so that
you can become who you are and then serve others according to who you are”.

9. References
Arkell, W.J. 1956. Jurassic Geology of the World. Oliver and Boyd,
Edinburgh and London.
Bhardwaj, Surinder M. 1993. Hindu Places of Pilgrimage in India.
University of California Press, Berkeley.
Dahal, S.P. 1988. Muktikshetra. Muktikshetra Sodhkirti Prakashan Samiti,
Jomsom, Mustang. V. Smt. 2045.
Dhungel, R. 1987. Dāmodar Kunda eka Parichaya. Nepali Sanskriti (a
quarterly of Sanskriti Sansthan), 2 (1). VS 2044.
Dutta, M. N. 1985. Agni Purāna. Cosmo Publ., New Delhi. Vol. 1.
Eliade, Mircea 1958. Patterns in Comparative Religion. Sheed & Ward,
London.
―. 1959. The Sacred and the Profane. The Nature of Religion; [translated
from the French by Willard R. Trask]. Harcourt Brace Jovanovich
Publishers, San Diego/New York.
Glasenapp, Helmuth von 1928. Heilige Statten Indiens. Gerg Munchen
Verlag, Munchen.
244 9. Rana P.B. Singh & Padma C. Poudel

Gurung, Harka 1980. Vigenetts of Nepal. Sajha Prakashan, Kathmandu.

Hamilton, F. B. 1971. An Account of the Kingdom of Nepal. Manjushri
Pub. House, Delhi.
H. M. G. 1993. Record of Trekking Permit Checking Booth. Ministry of
Home Affairs, District Police Office, Jomsom, Mustang.
H. M. G., CBS 1993. Census Record of Mustang District. Central Bureau
of Statistics, Nepal, Kathmandu.
Jest, C., 1981. Monuments of Northern Nepal. UNESCO Press, Paris.
Kane, Pandurang Vaman 1973. History of Dharmashastra. vol. IV. 2nd
ed. Government Oriental Series B, No.6. Bhandarkar Oriental
Research Institute, Poona.
Kaschewsky, Rudolf 1994. Muktināth ‒ A Pilgrimage place in the
Himalayas. Geographia Religionum (Berlin), Bd. 8: 139-168.
KC. Dik Bahadur 2008.Vehicle management in Mustang District, in
Pokhrel, R. (ed.) Mustang Sandesh (in Nepali). Employees Club,
Mustang: 59-61.
Kinsley, David R. 1995. Ecology and Religion. Ecological Spirituality in
Cross-Cultural Perspective. Prentice-Hall, Englewood Cliffs NJ.
Kirkpatrik, Colonel 1975. An Account of the Kingdom of Nepal. Asian
Pub. Services, New Delhi. Originally in 1793, based on his journey
accounts as missionary.
MacDonald, A.W. 1979. A Tibetan guide to some holy places of the
Dhaulagiri-Muktināth area of Nepal. Studies in Pali and Buddhism
(Delhi): 243-253.
Manandhar, K. M. 1977. Muktināth. The Rising Nepal, 25 November: 2 f.
Messerschmidt, Donald A. 1981. Hindu pilgrimage in the Nepal
Himalayas. Current Anthropology (Research Conclusions), 22 (5):
571-572.
―. 1982. Social process on the Hindu pilgrimage to Muktināth. Kailash -
A Journal of Himalayan Studies (Kathmandu), 9 (2-3): 139-157.
―. 1989 a. The Hindu Pilgrimage to Muktināth, Nepal. Part 1. Natural and
Supernatural Attributes of the Sacred Field. Mountain Research and
Development, 9 (2), May: 89-104.
―. 1989 b. The Hindu Pilgrimage to Muktināth, Nepal. Part 2. Vaishnava
Devotees and Status Reaffirmation. Mountain Research and
Development, 9 (2), May: 105-118.
Messerschmidt, Donald A. and Sharma, Jyoti D. 1980. Himalayan
pilgrimage to the Hindu shrine at Muktināth: Cultural Meaning and
Social Process. Report to the National Geographic Society, Committee
on Research and Exploration, Grant No. 2139-80 <Unpublished>.
 Pilgrimage-Tourism at Muktināth, Nepal 245

Molnar, P. and Tapponnier, P. 1977. The collision between India and

Eurasia. Scientific American, 236 (4): 30-41.
Nyaupane, Gyan P. 2009. Heritage complexity and tourism: the case of
Lumbini, Nepal. Journal of Heritage Tourism, 4 (2), May: 157-171.
Paul, R.A. 1982. The Tibetan Symbolic World. Psychoanalytic
Explorations. University of Chicago Press, Chicago and London.
Poudel, Padma C. 2000. Muktināth, Nepal: Spiritual Magnetism and
Complexity in Space. The Himalayan Review, 31 (1): 37-50.
Poudel, Padma C. and Singh, Rana P.B. 1994. Pilgrimage and Tourism at
Muktināth, Nepal: A Study of Sacrality and Spatial Structure; in,
Singh, Rana P.B. (ed.) The Spirit & Power of Place. Human
Environment and Sacrality. National Geographical Society of India,
Varanasi, Pub. 41: 249-268.
Regmi, P. and Regmi, A. (eds.) 2009. District Profile: Mustang District.
Government of Nepal, Central Bureau of Statistics, Branch Office,
Baglung.
Sharma, Sunil 2006. Focusing on Regional Tourism Markets: Prospects
and Challenge for Nepal. Economic Policy Network, Policy Paper 28;
September. <Retrieved on 15 June 2010>, web: http://www.mof.
gov.np/economic_policy/pdf/Focusing_Regional.pdf
Singh, Rana P.B. 2002. Towards the Pilgrimage Archetype. Panchakroshi
Yatra of Banaras. Pilgrimage & Cosmology Series: Pub. 3. Indica
Books, Varanasi.
Snellgrove, David 1989 (1961). Himalayan Pilgrimage: A Study of
Tibetan Religion by a Traveller through Western Nepal. Shambhala,
Boston, 2nd edition.
Swan, James A. 1990. Sacred Places. How the Living Earth Seeks our
Friendship. Bear & Co., Santa Fe, NM.
Tulasidas [1992]. Rāmacharitamānasa; in Hindi. Gita Press, Gorakhpur.
A late 16th century epic.
Turner, R. L. 1965 (1931). A Comparative and Etymological Dictionary of
the Nepali Language. Routledge & Kegan Paul, London.
Yogi, N. (ed.) 1956. Himālavatakhanda. Yog Pracharini, Gorakshatilla
(Kashi), Varanasi.
Walter, Eugene V. 1988. Placeways. A Theory of the Human Environment.
University of North Carolina Press, Chapel Hill.
Zurick, David N. 1992. Adventure travel and sustainable tourism in the
peripheral economy of Nepal. Annals, Association of American
Geographers, 82 (4), December: 608-628.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Prof. Rana P.B. Singh
246 9. Rana P.B. Singh & Padma C. Poudel

Professor of Cultural Geography & Heritage Studies, Banaras Hindu

University, New F - 7 Jodhpur Colony, Varanasi, UP 221005. INDIA.
Email: ranapbs@gmail.com
§ Rana is researching in the fields of heritage planning, pilgrimages and settlement
systems in Varanasi region since over last three decades as promoter, collaborator
and organiser. On these topics he lectured at centres in all parts of the world. His
publications include over 190 papers and 38 books on these subjects, including
Banaras, the Heritage City of India: Geography, History, and Bibliography (IB
2009), and the eight books under „Planet Earth & Cultural Understanding Series‟:
‒ five from Cambridge Scholars Publishing UK: Uprooting Geographic Thoughts
in India (2009), Geographical Thoughts in India: Snapshots and Vision for the 21 st
Century (2009), Cosmic Order & Cultural Astronomy (2009), Banaras, Making of
India’s Heritage City (2009), Sacred Geography of Goddesses in South Asia
(2010), and ‒ three from Shubhi Publications (New Delhi, India): Heritagescapes
and Cultural Landscapes (2010), Sacredscapes and Pilgrimage Systems (2010),
and Holy Places and Pilgrimages: Essays on India (2010).

Prof. Padma C. Poudel

Professor, Central Department of Geography, University Campus,
Tribhuwan University, Kirtipur, Kathmandu. NEPAL.
Tel.: (0991)- 4487531; cell: (0)-9841-284316.
Email: poudelpc@hotmail.com ; poudelpc@yahoo.com
§ Poudel did his doctoral research on „Tourist Resources & Environmental
Appraisal in Pokhara Region, Nepal‟ (1996) from Banaras Hindu University,
India. He is member of academic council and research committee, Tribhuban
University, and general secretary of Nepal Geographical Society. He is an advisor
of Nepal Tourism Board and involved in different research projects related in the
fields of tourism resource appraisal, planning, and related environmental issues. He
has published several research papers in this field of concerns.