Professional Documents
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Why India Adopted A New Competition Law
Why India Adopted A New Competition Law
Competition Law
* The writer is a civil servant by profession and is a Fellow of the CUTS Centre for
Competition, Investment and Economic Regulation, Jaipur. He was formerly a
Member of the MRTP Commission of India
1. Introduction ............................................................................................. 1
8. Conclusion ............................................................................................ 35
References ............................................................................................. 36
Preface
The relevance and role of competition policy and law in countries’ national
development strategies remains a very frequently visited topic. There is a
growing trend of countries adopting competition policy and law as
groundwork for their market-based reform, liberalisation and deregulation
process. Additionally, a great number of countries across the globe are
revisiting their old competition laws, with many of them even taking a
completely fresh approach of adopting a new law, while repealing the old
one.
CUTS has initiated yet another research project “Why do countries adopt
new Competition Laws” (an endeavour similar to the recently released
research report entitled ‘Competition Regimes in the World – A Civil
Society Report’ – www.competitionregimes.com) to study 20 countries,
which have enacted a new competition law, after scrapping the old one.
It will certainly add value to the debate as to ‘Why countries adopt a
competition law’?
The countries have been selected randomly from the developed, transition,
developing, and large emerging economies. Researchers and various
scholars would be invited to contribute a country paper on a pro-bono
basis. The useful collection will be brought out in the form of an edited
volume.
India is among twenty odd countries selected for this purpose and the
chapter has been contributed by Dr S Chakravarthy, former Member of
the MRTP Commission and Fellow at CUTS Centre for Competition,
Investment & Economic Regulation.
The India chapter has been presented in the form of this stand-alone
booklet, which throws light on the developments in the Indian competition
regime, since its inception. It dwells on the economic scenario that existed
before and after the 1991 reforms in India; the extant competition law i.e.
Since attaining Independence in 1947, India, for the better part of half a
century thereafter, adopted and followed policies comprising what are
known as ‘Command-and-Control’ laws, rules, regulations and executive
orders. The competition law of India, namely, the MRTP Act was one
such. It was in 1991 that widespread economic reforms were undertaken
and consequently the march from ‘Command-and-Control economy to
one based more on free market principles commenced its stride. As is
true of many countries, economic liberalisation has taken root in India
and the need for an effective competition regime has also been recognised.
The next important watershed in Industrial Policy was the 1956 Resolution,
which emphasised growth, social justice and self-reliance. It further
The licensing policy of the government favoured big business houses for
they were in a better position to raise large amount of capital and had the
managerial skills to run the industry. The business houses also had the
advantage in securing financial assistance from the bankers and financial
institutions. With no proper system of allocating licences in place,
licensing authorities were naturally inclined to prefer men who had proved
their competence by success in big industrial ventures in the past to men
who had still to establish their ability. This also led to pre-empting of
licences by a few business houses. Another reason why big businessmen
succeeded in getting new licences was their ability to secure foreign
collaboration.
The second study was by a Committee set up in October 1960 under the
chairmanship of Professor Mahalonobis to study the distribution and levels
of income in the country. The Committee, in its report presented in
February 1964, noted that the top 10 percent of the population of India
cornered as much as 40 percent of the income (Mahalanobis, 1964). The
Committee further noted that big business houses were emerging because
of the ‘planned economy’ model practised by the Government in the
country and suggested the need to collect comprehensive information
relating to the various aspects of concentration of economic power.
The third study was known as the Monopolies Inquiry Commission (MIC),
which was appointed by the Government in April, 1964 under the
Chairmanship of Mr Das Gupta. It was enjoined to enquire into the extent
and effects of concentration of economic power in private hands and the
prevalence of monopolistic and restrictive trade practices in important
sectors of economic activity (other than agriculture). The Monopolies
Enquiry Commission (1965) presented its report in October 1965, noting
therein that there was concentration of economic power in the form of
product-wise and industry-wise concentration. The Commission also noted
that a few industrial houses were controlling a large number of companies
and there existed in the country large-scale restrictive and monopolistic
trade practices.
As a corollary to its findings, the MIC drafted a Bill to provide for the
operation of the economic system so as not to result in the concentration
of economic power to the common detriment. The Bill provided for the
control of monopolies and prohibition of monopolistic and restrictive
trade practices, when prejudicial to public interest.
The Preamble to the Act says that the statute is enacted to provide that
the operation of the economic system does not result in the concentration
of economic power to the common detriment, for the control of
monopolies, for the prohibition of monopolistic and restrictive trade
practices and for matters connected therewith or incidental thereto.
The premises on which the MRTP Act rest are unrestrained interaction of
competitive forces, maximum material progress through rational allocation
of economic resources, availability of goods and services of quality at
reasonable prices, and finally, a just and fair deal to the consumers. An
interesting feature of the statute is that it envelops, within its ambit, fields
of production and distribution of both goods and services.
Thus, one of the products of the planned and controlled economy was
the Monopolies and Restrictive Trade Practices Act, 1969 (MRTP Act). Its
cousin, to regulate, control and grant foreign exchange, was born in 1973,
christened the Foreign Exchange Regulation Act. In the planned and
controlled regime, the market suffered from little or no competition
resulting in detriment to economic efficiency and productivity. Self-
reliance was synonymous with import substitution and consequently,
indigenous availability criteria ensured automatic protection to domestic
producers, regardless of cost, efficiency, and comparative advantage.
The regulatory provisions in the MRTP Act apply to almost every area of
business: production, distribution, pricing, investment, purchasing,
packaging, advertising, sales promotion, mergers, and amalgamations and
take-over of undertakings (provisions relating to mergers, amalgamations
and take-overs were deleted in the MRTP Act by the 1991 amendments
to it). They seek to afford protection and support to the consuming public
by reducing, if not eliminating, monopolistic, restrictive and unfair trade
practices from the market.
In terms of the reformist doctrine, the provisions of the MRTP Act provide
that if the MRTP Commission, on enquiry, comes to a conclusion that an
errant undertaking has indulged either in restrictive or unfair trade practice,
it can direct that undertaking to discontinue or not to repeat the undesirable
trade practice. The MRTP Act also provides for the acceptance of an
assurance from an errant undertaking that it has taken steps to ensure
that the prejudicial effect of trade practice no more exists.
The 1984 Amendment also created a new authority, in the form of the
Director-General of Investigation and Registration (DGIR), which was
supposed to function in close liaison with the Commission. On matters
relating to restrictive trade practices, unfair trade practices, and
monopolistic trade practices, the DGIR has the power to make preliminary
inquiries to assess the need for the Commission to initiate an inquiry.
The Commission can also ask the DGIR to investigate such matters and
submit reports to the Commission. Trade agreements that incorporate
restrictive clauses must be registered with the office of the DGIR.
All Restrictive Trade Practices under the MRTP Act are deemed legally to
be prejudicial to public interest. Therefore, the entity, body or undertaking
charged with the perpetration of the Restrictive Trace Practice, can, after
the establishment of the charge, only plead for gateways provided in the
MRTP Act itself, to avoid being indicted.
3.6 Dominance
In the MRTP Act, the basis of determining dominance is whether an
undertaking has a share of one-fourth (25 percent) or more in the
production, supply, distribution or control of goods or services.
The powers of the Commission include the powers vested in a civil court
and include further powers:
i) to direct an errant undertaking to discontinue a trade practice and
not to repeat the same;
ii) to pass a ‘cease and desist’ order;
iii) to grant temporary injunction, restraining an errant undertaking from
continuing an alleged trade practice;
iv) to award compensation for loss suffered or injury sustained on
account of RTP, UTP or MTP;
v) to direct parties to agreements containing restrictive clauses to modify
the same;
vi) to direct parties to issue corrective advertisements; and
vii) to recommend to the Central Government, division of undertakings
or severance of inter-connection between undertakings, if their
working is prejudicial to public interest or has led or is leading to
MTP or RTP.
The concept of size and monopoly, not viewed with prejudice any more,
resulted in amendments to the MRTP Act. Furthermore, the licensing
requirement became confined to a very short list of industries. The other
features of the post-1991 paradigm include de-controlling, de-regulating,
delicensing, de-canalising, and de-bureaucratising of industry and trade.
Constraints of space prevent a description of the reforms in the various
sectors of the economy.
Before the 1991 amendments, the MRTP Act frowned upon expansion of
giant undertakings so as not to permit them to acquire power to put a
stranglehold both on the market as well as on consumers, and further
industrial expansion of the country.
The perception among consumers, litigants, and advocates has been that
the MRTPC is independent in discharging its investigative and adjudicatory
functions. It needs mention that Government has the discretion in the
appointment of the Chairman and Members of the Commission, which
one could argue may undermine its independence. But, there has been
no complaint of the Commission being influenced by the Government
because of the latter having discretionary powers for choosing persons
The MRTP Act, though a competition law, could not be effective in the
absence of other governmental policies inhering the element of
competition. For instance, the protection offered to SoEs in the form of
price and purchase preferences distorted competition in the market, where
the private sector was also operating. Indeed, this resulted in the SoEs not
attempting to be efficient and price competitive. Many of them did not
even bother to upgrade their technologies and processes, in spite of the
Government providing them preference protection. A pre-requisite for
competition law is the creation of competition culture in the market,
through putting in place by the Government a chain of policies relating to
industrial, financial, fiscal, public sector, labour etc, with a competition
perspective. In the absence of such policies, competition law, by itself,
cannot exist in a vacuum and act as an effective tool to foster competition
in the market.
The need for a new law, particularly after 1991, in line with the new LPG
paradigm led to the enactment of Competition Act, 2002.
A perusal of the MRTP Act will show that there is neither definition nor
even a mention of certain offending trade practices, which are restrictive
in character. Some illustrations of these are:
• Abuse of Dominance;
• Cartels, Collusion and Price Fixing;
• Bid Rigging; and
• Predatory Pricing.
In this context, a question arose if the existing MRTP Act could itself be
suitably amended, instead of drafting and bringing a new law into force.
An argument in support of the former, namely, amending the MRTP Act,
is generally advanced that one particular generic provision [Section 2(o)]
of the MRTP Act may cover all anti-competition practices, as it defines a
RTP as a trade practice which prevents, distorts or restricts competition.
But, the issue has to be viewed in another perspective. While complaints
relating to anti-competition practices can be tried under the generic
definition of a Restrictive Trade Practice, the absence of specification of
“The MRTP Act has become obsolete in certain areas in the light of
international economic developments relating to competition laws. We
need to shift our focus from curbing monopolies to promoting competition.
The Government has decided to appoint a committee to examine the
range of issues, and propose a modern competition law suitable for our
conditions” (Parliament, 1999).
The rubric of the new law, Competition Act, 2002 (Act, for brief) has
essentially four compartments:
• Anti-Competitive Agreements;
• Abuse of Dominance;
• Combinations Regulation; and
• Competition Advocacy.
For the purpose of this paper, these compartments are not being described
here in detail, but to say that the Act has tried to cover the deficiencies in
the earlier law in a manner which can create a better and modern
competition law to cope with the changed economic scenario in the
2 Although it does not directly form a part of competition law, legislation regarding
various regulatory authorities falls under the larger ambit of competition policy.
If one of the merging parties belongs to a group, which controls it, the
threshold limits are Rs 4000 crores (US$880mn) in terms of assets and
Rs 12000 crores (US$2640mn) in terms of turnover. If the group has
assets or turnover outside India also, the threshold limits are US$2bn for
assets and US$6bn for turnover. For this purpose a group means two or
more enterprises, which directly or indirectly have:
• The ability to exercise 26 percent or more of the voting rights in the
other enterprise; or
• The ability to appoint more than half the members of the Board of
Directors in the other enterprise; or
• The ability to control the affairs of the other enterprise.
The threshold limits of assets and of turnover would be revised every two
years on the basis of the Wholesale Price Index or fluctuations in exchange
rate of rupee or foreign currencies.
Before the Act was passed by Parliament, the draft law was placed on the
website and a number of suggestions were received, particularly on the
provisions relating to combinations regulation.
Thus the High Level Committee had advised that only big combinations
should be placed under the regulations of competition law. The
Government in finalising the threshold limits in the Act reckoned the
above advice and prescribed the limits in such a way that by and large,
only major combinations would fall within its ambit. In other words,
small and medium combinations would be outside the pale of the Act.
The Act has listed several factors to be taken into account for the purpose
of determining whether the combination would have the effect of or be
likely to have an appreciable adverse effect on competition.
The rationale for this exception is that the bundle of rights that are
subsumed in intellectual property rights should not be disturbed in the
interests of creativity and intellectual/innovative power of the human mind.
No doubt, this bundle of rights essays an anti-competition character, even
bordering on monopoly power. But without protecting such rights, there
will be no incentive for innovation, new technology and enhancement
in the quality of products and services.
The Court added that allowing challenge to the actual import would
tantamount to giving the MRTP Commission jurisdiction to adjudicate
upon the legal validity of the provisions relating to import and that the
Commission did not have jurisdiction. It observed that the
Commission’s jurisdiction would commence after the import was
completed and any restrictive trade practice took place subsequently.
The conflict between IPRs and the competition law came up before the
Monopolies and Restrictive Trade Practices Commission (MRTPC) in India
in Vallal Peruman and another Vs. Godfrey Phillips (India) limited (MRTP
Commission, 1994). The Commission observed as follows:
Having said this, it may be noted, that the new Indian competition law,
namely, the Competition Act 2002 does not permit any unreasonable
condition forming a part of protection or exploitation of intellectual
property rights. Only reasonable conditions will pass muster in terms of
the specific wording in the Act and in particular, the use of the expression
‘reasonable conditions’ in section 3(5) thereof. In other words, licensing
arrangements likely to affect adversely the prices, quantities, quality or
varieties of goods and services will fall within the contours of competition
law as long as they are not in reasonable juxtaposition with the bundle of
rights that go with IPRs.
“In virtually every member country where significant reform efforts have
been undertaken, the competition agencies have been active participants
in the reform process. This ‘advocacy’ … can include persuasion offered
behind the scenes, as well as publicity outside of formal proceedings.
Some competition agencies have the power, at least in theory, to bring
formal challenges against anti-competitive actions by other agencies or
official or quasi-official bodies. More indirect, but still visible, is formal
The differences between the old law (extant law, namely the MRTP Act,
1969) and the new law (Competition Act, 2002) may perhaps be best
captured in the form of a Table 2 displayed next page.
7.1 Improvements in the Competition Act, 2002 over the MRTP Act, 1969
Early in this paper, mention was made of the failings in the MRTP Act
and the consequent problems faced by the MRTPC. The new Act has to
some extent redressed the situation.
Thirdly, the Act mandates that the CCI ‘shall not be bound by the
procedure laid down by the Code of Civil Procedure, 1908’ but shall be
guided by the principles of natural justice. The CCI is empowered to
Fourthly, the CCI, under the Act, may call upon such experts from the
fields of economics, commerce, accountancy, international trade or from
any other discipline as it deems necessary to assist it in the conduct of
any enquiry or proceeding before it. Introduction of competition advocacy
functions for the CCI is designed to increase the awareness among
consumers, Chambers of Industry and Commerce, Professional Institutes
and even the CCI and its officers regarding Competition as an important
factor of market driven economy and activities and to create a competition
culture in the country.
Table 2 Differences Between the MRTP Act and the Competition Act
S. No. MRTP ACT, 1969 COMPETITION ACT, 2002
1. Based on pre-reforms command Based on post-reforms liberalised
and control regime regime
2. Based on size/structure as factor Based on conduct as a factor
3. Competition offences implicit Competition offences explicit and
and not defined defined
4. Complex in arrangement and Simple in arrangement and
language language, and comprehensible
5. Frowns upon dominance Acts upon abuse of dominance
6. Registration of business No requirement of registration of
agreements, such as marketing agreements
etc compulsory
7. No combinations regulations Combination regulations beyond a
(post-1991 amendment) high threshold limit
8. No competition advocacy role CCI has competition advocacy role
for the MRTPC
9. No penalties for offences Penalties for offences
10. Reactive and rigid Proactive and flexible
11. Unfair trade practices covered Unfair trade practices omitted
(Consumer Protection Act, 1986
will deal with them)
12. Rule of law approach Rule of reason approach
13. Blanket exclusion of intellectual Exclusion of intellectual property
property rights rights, but unreasonable
restrictions covered
The gains sought through competition law can only be realised with
effective enforcement. A weak enforcement of competition law is perhaps
worse than the absence of competition law. A weak enforcement often
reflects a number of factors such as inadequate funding of the enforcement
authority. The Government should provide the required infrastructure
and funds to make the CCI an effective Tribunal to prevent, if not eliminate
anti-competition practices and also to play its role of competition
advocacy.
While the Act specifies that there shall be a chairperson and not less than
two nor more than ten other members to be appointed by the Central
Government, one cannot predict exactly when the full Commission will
be appointed, or when the Central Government will bring the other
provisions of the new law into force, in view of the pendency of the
amendment bill in the parliament. In the meantime, the old MRTP Act is
in operation and the MRTP Commission continues to function. How well
the new regime will operate, and whether it will be an improvement
over the MRTP regime it has been designed to replace, remains to be
seen.
Supreme Court, 1994 Hindustan Lever Ltd vs Tata Oil Mills Co.,
Ltd., SLP 11006/94 dated 24 October
1994.
Supreme Court, 2002 “Haridas Exports vs. All India Float Glass
Manufacturers Association, 6 SCC 600,
2002.