ArcGIS StoryMaps

Strike! Migrant Miners

Change Labor Relations
in the U.S.
The Anthracite Coal Strike of 1902 was a brought
federal power to migrant influence, changing labor
in the U.S.

Haley Stodart
Draft
General Background of the Strike:
In the early morning of May 12, 1902, around 150,000 miners
working in the anthracite coal fields of eastern Pennsylvania
didn't show up for work. On that Monday they wouldn’t dig
out the anthracite coal, or cart it above ground, or break it
into pieces suitable for the homes, offices, factories, and
railroads that depended on it. They wouldn’t show up on May
13 or the 162 days that followed. In a historic movement that
changed the relationship between workers, labor organizers,
and the federal government, the Coal Strike of 1902 was lead
by the United Mine Workers of America union. These miners
demanded wage increases, union recognition, and a shorter
workday. Their frustrated demands arose not just because of
the labor conditions listed above (such as bad wages, lack of
acknowledgement and long work hours) but also from the
unsafe working and health conditions endured by the miners
on a daily basis. Mine organizers and owners refused to
negotiate with the workers, until eventually the federal
government had to step in, creating a historic moment is labor
relations across the U.S. that would change labor history in the
nation.
 John Mitchell, President of the United Mine Workers of America union,
arriving in the coal town during the Anthracite Strike of 1902. Public
Domain image also found at https://www.loc.gov/pictures/item/2017790705/

Who were the miners on strike?

Since the coal industry created a huge demand for skilled and
unskilled laborers, many European immigrants with vastly
different cultures, languages, and ethnic allegiances made
their way to United States (and predominantly Pennsylvania)
and began working in the mines. In the mid-19th century,
miners often came from Britain, predominantly England,
Scotland, and Wales. These miners were often trained in the
British mines and able to bring experience into the United
States. However, by the late 19th century, an increase in
demand for coal led to a demand for unskilled miners and
mass migrations from southern and eastern Europe. These
miners included Italians, Polish, Slovaks, Russians,
Lithuanians, Germans, Irish, Greeks, and other groups
speaking a cacophony of languages created ethnic
neighborhoods/blocks with their own institutions, religious
avenues, and social clubs. (Across the state, many of these
clubs and institutions still stand today.) At first the vast
majority spoke little or no English, and clung to their separate
cultures, but later transformed in a process of assimilation
and cultural survival that was at the heart of the immigrant
experience.
Esri, FAO, NOAA Powered by Esri

This map shows all the nation original of laborers that came to the United States (and
specifically Pennsylvania) to work in the coal mines. The lines in green indicate the migrant
miners from Britain who came in the mid-19th century. The lines in red indicate the miners
from Southern and Eastern Europe who predominantly came in the late-19 century. The blue
line indicates Irish miners, who came in both waves of the mine labor migrations.

The United Mine Workers of America (UMWA) was founded

in 1890 and became a prominent American labor union that
engaged in bitter, though often successful, disputes with coal
mine operators for safe working conditions, fair pay, and
other worker benefits.

In 1897, 10,000 union members from Illinois, Indiana, Ohio

and Pennsylvania went on strike for better working
conditions and wages. The strike lasted just over 2 months and
became known as the Lattimer Massacre, as it resulted in the
death of 19 immigrant workers (many belonging to the
nationalities listed above). According to the Smithsonian
Magazine, "the memory of Lattimer was repressed for most of
history, only receiving a memorial in 1972, because, as The
Hazleton Sentinel noted a day after the massacre, 'The fact
that the victims are exclusively foreigners has detracted,
perhaps from the general expression.' The massacre occurred
in an era when established American citizens were afraid of
the nation losing its white, Anglo-Saxon identity amidst an
influx of immigrants from Southern and Eastern Europe. The
newer arrivals were seen as inferior, with strange customs
and different languages." (Paul A. Shackel, Smithsonian
Magazine, March 13, 2019) John Mitchell negotiated first
national bituminous coal agreement including 8-hour day,
ending the strike
 Miners marched to Lattimer, Pennsylvania, on September 10, 1897, to
protest harsh working conditions. Figure available via license:
Wikicommons.

5 years later, migrants miners continued to face the same

labor concerns. In addition to the frustrations over wage,
conditions, and union acknowledgement, the physical and
health tole of working in the mines began to accumulate as
well. Read below for more information on these additional
frustrations and concerns, which eventual led to the
Anthracite Coal Strike of 1902.

What else did these miners face?

Coal mining is dark, dirty, and
dangerous. Those who worked in the
mine would descend far into the earth
and run the risk of mines collapsing or
catching fire, and/or long term health
defects, such as coal workers'
pneumoconiosis (CWP), commonly
known as "black lung disease." This
occurs when coal dust is inhaled. Over
time, continued exposure to the coal
dust causes scarring in the lungs,
impairing one's ability to breathe, and Lungs with CWP. Figure available via
license: Creative Commons Attribution-
can cause serious damage to ones
NonCommercial 4.0 International
respiratory system.

In addition to the coal dust, the air also contained deadly

gases, such as carbon monoxide and methane. Famously, coal
miners used canaries to detect these dangerous gases. More
sensitive to the colorless, odorless poisonous gases than
humans, if the canaries became ill or died, miners knew it was
time to evacuate. Effective but inhumane, this tradition ended
in 1986.
 Christal Pollock "The Canary in the Coal Mine," Journal of Avian Medicine
and Surgery 30(4), 386-391, (1 December 2016). https://doi.org/10.1647/1082-
6742-30.4.386

Employment in the mines was estimated to be more

dangerous that serving in the military at the time. For
example, "the Navy often pointed out the 'fresh air, sun and
sea, the clean, healthful, athletic life,' of a seaman. Mines, on
the contrast, were 'stuffy, gloomy' places where the risk of
disabling injuries or death created 'great insecurities.' If
disabled, the miner's family got only what he had been able to
save." (David Emmons, Journal of American Ethnic History,
1985, pg. 47).
 Despite these risk, coal was the main labor option for most of
the late 18th - early 20th century in Pennsylvania, and many
individuals (predominantly, but not exclusively, men and
young boys) chose to become coal miners. Some as young as
nine descended into the ground, and many worked their
whole lives tirelessly beneath the earth's surface.

Coal Covered
On the face or in
the lungs, miners
faced horrible
conditions that
affected their
health and lives.
Children
Miners
Here one can see
the young boys
who worked in the
mines. The one in
the foreground
holds a crutch,
indicating the
health hazards of
the work
Emergency
Hospital in PA
Anthracite
Coal Mines
Miners were
injured on a daily
basis, facing
hazardous
conditions that
often couldn't be
fixed in the
hospital.
Pennsylvania
Anthracite
Coal Miner
Accident
Registry from
1889-1918
Almost 10% of
miners suffered
fatalities and as
many as 30% were
injured annually
in this industry.

Due to these horrific conditions, and the limited worker

compensation, representation, and frustration over
previous strikes listed above, the Coal Strike of 1902 began
in March, and became a monumental migrant push back in
the labor industry. With most of these miners being migrants
with limited knowledge of the English language, restricted
legal opportunities or access, and only each other to rely on,
strikes such as the one in 1902 provided them with the limited
opportunities they had to fight for their own rights and
opportunities in this nation.

Who were the key players in the strike of

1902?

John Mitchell
President of the United Mine Workers
of America union, John Mitchell was
soft-spoken, yet determined man who
represented the miners in the strike.
He took on his position of union
president in 1898 at the age of 28, and
hoped to achieve the same kind of
success in the anthracite or hard
coalfields of Pennsylvania. He held
rallies and speaking sessions to
encourage the public and miners to
join the union and strike cause. It was
Mitchell who placed a demand on the "John Mitchell, national president of the
United Mine Workers of America / The
coal operators for better wages,
Henderson Lithographing Co., Cincinnati,
shorter hours, and recognition of the
O." Abstract/medium: 1 print : lithograph ;
union and who met with President 70.6 x 55.5 cm (sheet). Library of Congress.
Roosevelt in Washington D.C. to come 1902.
to an agreement with the mine https://www.loc.gov/pictures/item/20136452
15/
operators/owners, specifically George
Baer. Mitchell worked diligently behind the scenes to
negotiate with Baer, but his efforts were rejected. 

George Baer
Leader of the coal mine operators,
George Baer saw the miners strike as
an insult and refused the demands of
John Mitchell and claimed there would
be no compromise. The public mostly
sided with the workers, and anti-
operator sentiment reached a peak
when word leaked out that Baer, had
supposedly written to a W. F. Clark, a
clergymen who had appealed for
better treatment of the miners, that the
 "Photograph of George F Baer (1842-1914),
miners had mistakenly put their trust
lawyer and president of the Reading
in the union, identified as "labor Railroad; also president of Franklin &
agitators," rather than in Christian Marshall College." The World Today
men, like himself, whom God had Magazine. January 1904. Public Domain
image at
given control over the nation’s
https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Geo
property interests. The newspapers
rge_F_Baer_1904.jpg
gave this statement a thorough airing.
President Roosevelt, who you can read more about next, had
no authority in the matter, but summoned representatives of
both sides to a White House meeting. This was seen as an
insult to Baer.
President Theodore Roosevelt
Workers rarely found a helping hand
in the White House. President Hayes
ordered the army to break the Great
Railroad Strike of 1877. President
Cleveland ordered federal troops to
disrupt the Pullman Strike of 1894.
Governors and mayors used the
National Guard and police to confront
workers on strike. When Pennsylvania
coal miners went on strike in 1902,
there was no reason to believe
anything had changed. But this time
things were different; Teddy Roosevelt
Pach Brother (Firm) "[Theodore Roosevelt,
was in the White House.
three quarter length portrait, facing front]"
Photographic print. Library of Congress. c.
As the strike continued on for up to 5 May 11, 1904 May.
months, Roosevelt--out of concern over https://www.loc.gov/pictures/item/20096315

what the angry workers and a colder 26/

public would do if the strike lasted into

the bitter days of winter--decided to step in to help settle the
strike. However, unlike those before him, he sided with the
workers, and threatened to send in federal soldiers.

John Pierpont (J.P.) Morgan

After Roosevelt's threat of military engagement, he reached
out to J.P. Morgan, an American financer and banker who
dominated Wall Street, to act as an in-
between for the federal government
and mine operators. Concerned on
how the lack of coal would effect the
economy (including the Northeast
railroad industry Morgan owned in
Pennsylvania that relied on steel and
coal transportation and the operation
of the coal fields), J.P. Morgan was an
influential man who finally convinced
Baer and the other owners to submit
the dispute to a commission organized
by Roosevelt. "J.P. Morgan, 1902." Britannica. Accessed on
November 15,
2021.https://www.britannica.com/biography/

A Strike with No End in J-P-Morgan

Sight:
The strike that began in May of 1902 continued with little
resolve for almost 5 months. As John Mitchell continued to
place demand on the coal operators for better wages, shorter
hours, and recognition of the union, the owners flatly
refused. According to George Baer, there would be no
compromise. As the days passed, the workers began to feel the
pinch of the strike, and violence began to erupt. By early
September, the Washington Monument had run out of coal to
operate its new electric elevator for the thousands of tourists
who visited every month. Unscrupulous businessmen in cities
 throughout the Northeast and Midwest were buying most of
the remaining supply and charging four times the normal
price. The Post Office threatened to shut down, and public
schools warned they might not be able to remain open past
Thanksgiving. As winter approached, public anxiety about
fuel shortages and the rising cost of all coal pushed Roosevelt
to take unprecedented action.

Empty Coal
Cars during the
Strike
The lack of coal
production and
mining could be
seen not just in
the heat industry,
but in the mines
themselves, which
sat vacant for
months.
Miners kicked
out of houses
in coal towns
Many of the coal
mine
owners/operators
also managed the
coal towns where
the migrants
workers lived.
They went to great
lengths to
pressure miners
back to work.
Miners
Camping
Outside Union
Camp
Some miners
chose to leave and
camp with their
fellow strikers.
Newspaper
Cartoons from
1902
Public frustrations
over the lack of
coal and
favoritism
towards the
miners was shown
in newspaper
cartoons from the
time as well.
These began to
increase as the
strike continued.

Finally, on October 3, 1902, though he had no authority in the

matter, President Theodore Roosevelt met with miners and
coalfield operators from the anthracite coalfields in
Pennsylvania in an attempt to settle the strike. Presenting
himself as a representative of the millions of people affected
by the strike, he proposed arbitration; the miners accepted the
proposal, but Baer resented the summons by the President to
meet a "common criminal" like Mitchell, and refused any sort
of concession. Then Roosevelt, despaired that the violence
would increase and spiral dangerously toward a class-based
civil war, vowed to end the strike. He was impressed by
Mitchell's gentlemanly demeanor and irritated by Baer's
insolence, and angrily threatened to send in federal soldiers to
take over the mines. After issuing this threat, Roosevelt turned
to J.P. Morgan, securing his services to act as a go-between
with the mine operators, and created the Anthracite Coal
Commission, a body appointed to come to a settlement for the
strike.
Coal
Commission
Investigation
This image shows
the coal
commission going
to inspect the
mines during the
investigation early
stages
Coal
Commission
Pulled from our
cover photo for
this story map,
this is an image of
the main men in
the Coal
Commission
appointed by the
President
Roosevelt and
Morgan have a
Meeting
This sketch image
from Harper's
Weekly (1902)
displays President
Roosevelt having a
meeting with J.P.
Morgan and other
coal individuals
about a resolution
for the strike.
Public Image
Here is another
sketch, this time
for the Chicago
Chronicle,
portraying public
opinion towards
the strike. Here,
one can see
Roosevelt laying
out his power and
authority against
the coal
operators/owners.

Coal Strike Conclusion:

Finally, on October 23, 1902, the miners returned to work after
both sides agreed to settle the strike based on the
recommendations of the Anthracite Coal Commission.
Hearings and research continued, finally closing in February
1903, after which the commission began formulating its final
judgments. Thanks to Roosevelt’s active participation, a
settlement was reached. Workers across America cheered
Roosevelt for standing up to the mine operators. The strike
was ended in March 1903, where the miners were awarded a
10 percent pay increase, and their workday was reduced to
eight or nine hours. However, the owners were not forced to
recognize the United Mine Workers.

How did the Coal Strike of 1902 change

labor history:
The strike that began that May would become one of the
greatest labor moments in American history. It became a
confrontation that signaled a shift from a time when power
was in the hands of the few to a moment when power was
shared, and it would define the presidency of Theodore
Roosevelt.

Federal government intervention in labor matters up to this

time in U.S. predominantly showed a clear favoritism for
management. In fact, this 1902 agreement was one of the first
of its kind, as it put decision-making power in the hands of a
federal commission, appointed by the president and allowed
to determine terms of employment and various questions in
the anthracite region. Though the miners went back to work
in October of 1902, it was not until 1903 that a final decision
was made by the commission.
Members of the commission knew that their work would set
an important precedent for industrial governance in the years
ahead. Past U.S. presidents had helped put down strikes that
threatened federal property or public safety, but the
anthracite coal strike of 1902 marked the first time the
government acted to resolve a strike both without force and
on the side of the strikers instead of the managers. The
decisions of the commission would therefore have important
ramifications not only for the anthracite industry, but also for
American business–labor relations more generally. Therefore,
after reviewing copious amounts of data, testimony, and
research, the commission members decided how an American
industry should, and would, operate. Part of this operation
was now under the watchful eye, and possible support, by the
federal government, something the labor movement had
never seen before to an extent such as this. Therefore, the
Anthracite Coal Strike of 1902 changed the dynamic of power
within the labor movement, and created a compromise
rhetoric that would soon be replicated by other labor
initiatives across the nation.

Bibliography
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