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Karl Popper
https://plato.stanford.edu/archives/spr2021/entries/popper/
from the Spring 2021 Edition of the
Stanford Encyclopedia
of Philosophy
1
Karl Popper
work, the latter declaring that “There is no more to science than its
method, and there is no more to its method than Popper has said”.
1. Life
2. Backdrop to Popper’s Thought
3. The Problem of Demarcation
4. Basic Statements, Falsifiability and Convention
5. The Growth of Human Knowledge
6. Probability, Knowledge and Verisimilitude
7. Objective Knowledge and The Three Worlds Ontology
8. Social and Political Thought—The Critique of Historicism and
Holism
9. Scientific Knowledge, History, and Prediction
10. Immutable Laws and Contingent Trends
11. Critical Evaluation
Bibliography
Primary Literature: Works by Popper
Secondary Literature/Other Sources
Academic Tools
Other Internet Resources
Related Entries
1. Life
Karl Raimund Popper was born on 28 July 1902 in Vienna. His parents,
who were of Jewish origin, brought him up in an atmosphere which he
was later to describe as “decidedly bookish”. His father was a lawyer by
profession, but he also took a keen interest in the classics and in
philosophy, and communicated to his son an interest in social and political
issues. His mother inculcated in him such a passion for music that for a
time he contemplated taking it up as a career; he initially chose the history
Popper was knighted in 1965, and retired from the University of London
in 1969, remaining active as a writer, broadcaster and lecturer until his
death in 1994. (For more detail on Popper’s life, see his Unended Quest
[1976]).
However, the universality of such laws, he argues, does rule out the
possibility of their verification. Thus, a theory that has withstood rigorous
testing should be deemed to have received a high measure of
corroboration. and may be retained provisionally as the best available
theory until it is finally falsified and/or is superseded by a better theory.
singular and existential and (b) the material, that they must be
intersubjectively testable.
the statement need not be true merely because the jury has
accepted it. This … is acknowledged in the rule allowing a verdict
to be quashed or revised. (2002: 92)
The piles are driven down from above into the swamp, but not
down to any natural or “given” base; and if we stop driving the
piles deeper, it is not because we have reached firm ground. We
simply stop when we are satisfied that the piles are firm enough to
carry the structure, at least for the time being. (2002: 94)
How then does the deductive procedure work? Popper specifies four steps
(2002: 9):
Popper also argues that all scientific criticism must be piecemeal, i.e., he
holds that it is not possible to question every aspect of a theory at once, as
certain items of what he terms “background knowledge” must be taken for
granted. But that is not knowledge in the sense of being conclusively
established; it may be challenged at any time, especially if it is suspected
that its uncritical acceptance may be responsible for difficulties which are
subsequently encountered.
How then can one be certain that one is questioning the right thing? The
Popperian answer is that we cannot have absolute certainty here, but
repeated tests usually show where the trouble lies. As we saw, for Popper
even observation statements are corrigible and open to review, and science
in his view is not a quest for certain knowledge, but an evolutionary
process in which hypotheses or conjectures are imaginatively proposed
and tested in order to explain facts or to solve problems. For that reason,
he emphasises both the importance of questioning the background
knowledge when the need arises, and the significance of the fact that
observation-statements are theory-laden and corrigible.
Popper was initially uneasy with the concept of truth, and in his earliest
writings he avoided asserting that a theory which is corroborated is true—
for clearly if every theory is an open-ended hypothesis, then ipso facto it
has to be at least potentially false. However, he came to accept Tarski’s
Popper offers two accounts of how rival theories can be compared in terms
of their levels of verisimilitude; these are the qualitative and quantitative
definitions. On the qualitative account, verisimilitude is defined in terms of
subclass relationships: a theory t2 has a higher level of verisimilitude than
t1 if and only if their truth- and falsity-contents are comparable through
subclass relationships, and either
are formally defective: for with regard to a false theory t2 which has
excess content over a rival theory t1 , both the truth-content and the falsity-
content of t2 will exceed that of t1 . With respect to theories which are false
then, Popper’s conditions for comparing levels of verisimilitude, whether
in quantitative and qualitative terms, can never be met.
Instead, he argues, the chief value of the concept is heuristic, in which the
absence of an adequate formal definition is not an insuperable impediment
Many see the thrust of this latter strategy as genuinely reflecting the
significance of the concept of verisimilitude in Popper’s system, but it has
not satisfied all of his critics.
P1 → TT → EE → P2 .
Here “P1 ” stands for the “initial problem”; “TT” stands for “tentative
theory” designed to solve it, “EE” stands for “attempts at error-
elimination”, and “P2 ” represents further problems that arise out of the
critical process.
For those who would suggest that such objects are mere abstractions from
world 2 thought processes, Popper counters that world 3 objects are
necessarily more than the thought processes which have led to their
creation. Theories, for example, usually have logical implications beyond
anything considered by their original author, as instanced in the case of
Einstein’s Special Theory of Relativity. Moreover, what is most
characteristic about such objects is that, unlike world 2 mental processes,
they can stand in logical relationships to each other, such as equivalence,
deducibility and compatibility, which makes them amenable to the kind of
critical rational analysis and development that is one of the hallmarks of
science. As he puts it,
In the final analysis it is the causal interaction between the worlds that
ultimately matters in Popper’s objectivist epistemology: it allows him to
represent the growth of human knowledge as an evolutionary process of
exosomatic adaptations, which is ultimately a function of the interplay of
relations between the physical and mental worlds and the world of
objective knowledge or thought content.
These lead to what Popper calls “The Historicist Doctrine of the Social
Sciences”, the views (a) that the principal task of the social sciences is to
make predictions about the social and political development of man, and
(b) that the task of politics, once the key predictions have been made, is, in
Marx’s words, to lessen the “birth pangs” of future social and political
developments. Popper thinks that this view of the social sciences is both
theoretically misconceived and socially dangerous, as it can give rise to
totalitarianism and authoritarianism—to centralised governmental control
of the individual and the attempted imposition of large-scale social
planning. Against this, he advances the view that any human social
grouping is no more (or less) than the sum of its individual members, that
what happens in history is the (largely unforeseeable) result of the actions
of such individuals, and that large scale social planning to an antecedently
conceived blueprint is inherently misconceived—and inevitably disastrous
—precisely because human actions have consequences which cannot be
foreseen. Popper, then, is an historical indeterminist, insofar as he holds
that history does not evolve in accordance with intrinsic laws or principles,
that in the absence of such laws and principles unconditional prediction in
the social sciences is an impossibility, and that there is no such thing as
historical necessity.
The link between Popper’s theory of knowledge and his social philosophy
is his fallibilism. We make theoretical progress in science by subjecting
our theories to critical scrutiny, and abandoning those which have been
falsified. So too in an open society the rights of the individual to criticise
the suggestion that, just as the application of the laws of the natural
sciences can lead to the prediction of such events as eclipses, knowledge
of “the laws of history” as yielded by a social science or sciences can and
should lead to the prediction of future social phenomena. Why should we
not conceive of a social science which would function as the theoretical
natural sciences function and yield precise unconditional predictions in the
appropriate sphere of application? Popper seeks to show to show that this
idea is based upon a series of misconceptions about the nature of science,
and about the relationship between scientific laws and scientific prediction.
The first is that the historicist does not, as a matter of fact, derive
his historical prophecies from conditional scientific predictions.
The second … is that he cannot possibly do so because long term
prophecies can be derived from scientific conditional predictions
only if they apply to systems which can be described as well
isolated, stationary, and recurrent. These systems are very rare in
nature; and modern society is surely not one of them. (1963: 339)
the habit of confusing trends with laws, together with the intuitive
observation of trends such as technical progress, inspired the
central doctrines of … historicism. (1957: 106)
A point which connects with this has to do with the role which the
evolution of human knowledge has played in the historical development of
human society. Human history has, Popper points out, been strongly
influenced by the growth of human knowledge, and it is extremely likely
that this will continue to be the case—all the empirical evidence suggests
that the link between the two is progressively consolidating. However, this
gives rise to a further problem for the historicist: no scientific predictor,
human or otherwise, can possibly predict its own future results. From this
From this it follows that if the future holds any new discoveries or any
new developments in the growth of our knowledge, then it is impossible
for us to predict them now, and it is therefore impossible for us to predict
the future development of human history now, given that the latter will, at
least in part, be determined by the future growth of our knowledge. Thus,
once again historicism collapses—the dream of a theoretical, predictive
science of history is unrealisable, because it is an impossible dream.
as it is at the level of science, and it is this key insight which unifies and
integrates the broad spectrum of his thought.
I differ from the positivist in holding that basic statements are not
justifiable by our immediate experiences, but are, from the logical
point of view, accepted by an act, by a free decision. (2002: 92)
Yet Lakatos flatly denies that there are critical tests, in the Popperian
sense, in science, and argues the point convincingly by turning the above
example of an alleged critical test on its head. What, he asks, would have
happened if Galle had not found the planet Neptune? Would Newtonian
physics have been abandoned, or would Newton’s theory have been
falsified? The answer is clearly not, for Galle’s failure could have been
attributed to any number of causes other than the falsity of Newtonian
physics (e.g., the interference of the earth’s atmosphere with the telescope,
the existence of an asteroid belt which hides the new planet from the earth,
etc). The suggestion is that the “falsification/corroboration” disjunction
offered by Popper is unjustifiable binary: non-corroboration is not
necessarily falsification, and falsification of a high-level scientific theory is
never brought about by an isolated observation or set of observations.
Such theories are, it is now widely accepted, highly resistant to
falsification; they are “tenaciously protected from refutation by a vast
‘protective belt’ of auxiliary hypotheses” (Lakatos 1978: 4) and so are
falsified, if at all, not by Popperian critical tests, but rather within the
elaborate context of the research programmes associated with them
gradually grinding to a halt. Popper’s distinction between the logic of
falsifiability and its applied methodology does not in the end do full justice
to the fact that all high-level theories grow and live despite the existence
of anomalies (i.e., events/phenomena which are incompatible with them).
These, Lakatos suggests, are not usually taken by the working scientist as
an indication that the theory in question is false. On the contrary, in the
context of a progressive research programme he or she will necessarily
assume that the auxiliary hypotheses which are associated with the theory
can in time be modified to incorporate, and thereby explain, recalcitrant
phenomena.
to open minds to the real possibilities of human life, and sees it as the
philosophy best calculated to promote the ideals of the open society to
which he, like Popper, subscribes. Hudelson (1980) argues that Marxian
economics survives the Popperian critique of historicism and that, in any
case, Marx did not hold many of the tenets of historicism identified by
Popper. He also contends that Popper fails to show that there cannot be,
and that we cannot know, laws of social development and that Marx did
not in fact confuse trends and laws in the way that Popper suggests.
that this assumption is false, in that in some cases at least the statements
required to bridge this gap (which he calls “auxiliary hypotheses”) are
general rather than particular, and consequently that when the prediction
turns out to be false we have no way of knowing whether this is due to the
falsity of the scientific law or the falsity of the auxiliary hypotheses. The
working scientist, Putnam argues (Putnam 1974; see also the 1991
reprinting with its retrospective note), always initially assumes that it is
the latter, which shows not only that, but also why, scientific laws are,
contra Popper, highly resistant to falsification, as Kuhn (1962) and
Lakatos (1970, 1978) have also argued.
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