SE MLMACI ZY, vee + pata hyp Tose Baas 7) doctmentan, ayy ir sit peering (22 Be ADU Bilt, DSEIL DD BP ¢ THE EXECUTION OF FATHERS JOSE BURGOS, MARIANO GOMEZ, and Jacinto Zamora in 1872 marks a turning point in the history of Filipino nationalism, a catalyst which brought together the liberal | teformist elements in Philippine society with the growing \ self-awareness of a people into a movement that before long would ' be directed at independent nationhood. José Rizal himself looked back to that date as decisive in his own development as a nationalist in a letter to his fellow Filipinos in Barcelona in 188%: eet ytorica’ Mehadyeria, 2 Shes Without 1872 there would not now be a Piéridel, a Jaena, a i Sancianco, nor would the brave and generous Filipino colonies . exist in Europe. Without 1872 Rizal would now be a Jesuit and ; instead of writing the Noli me lingere, would have written the con- i trary. At the sight of those injustices and cruelties, though still a i child, my imagination awoke, and T swore to dedicate myself to i avenge one day so many victin's. With this idea T have gone on j studying, and this can be read in all my works and writings. God { will grant me one day to fulfill my promise! i The reader familiar with the writings of Rizal and Marcelo det Pilar will notice in some of the writings of Burgos reproduced. in i this volume the nationalist intellectual heritage on which they drew. : Although the struggle for the rights of the Filipino clergy suffered eclipse with the death of the theee priests in 1872, and the efforts of i the Propaganda Movement of the 1880s and 1890s would be directed. i to a much wider field of civil and political rights, the concern of Burgos for the equality of Filipino with Spaniard and for justice to all rermained at the core of the nationalist aspirations and representations. These ideals and aspirations had taken root in the course of the dispute over the rights of Filipino secular priests to the parishes, an intrachurch dispute which only gradually took on radal, and later nationalist, overtones. Yet, even though the movement was increas- ingly nationalist by the 1870s, the campaign was still auried on, for i the most part, within the framework of the long-standing dispute in the Philippine church between regular and secular clergy. It i nec- essary, then, to sce something of the origins and development of this j latter problem to understand fully the developments of the second half of the nineteenth century. 1. Epistolario Rizating (5 vols.; Manila: Bureau of Printing, 1930-38) 2166.storia ntroducioe Historical eatation — 3 2 Roots of the Controversy sult was disastrous for the church. In retrospect, howe, from the Point oF view of Fitipino nationatism, this conversion of what was a Spanish secular priests to places of = Moreover, even thase whom they had were, for the most part, lack= ing both in the linguistic competence and the desire to undertake importantes jure a neti poationte nas [Maki tp. cle Bf Chor Peibico, min the Philippines ding the Spanish Reg hutch History od Gard H. Anderson Stace: Corel! University Press, 1969, #-64.seuueoguied Aq peuueog Historie ntotton parishes ote Mala 8 foe on One Sen ecre of tensions the ca population. The CaBBEME Pious Hence, although $t notorious of these was Fray Gaspar 20 a vivid denunciation of the new See De fa Costa, “The Development ofthe Native Clergy in the Philip: i spplemented and corrected by Luciano P. R. San’ Tee First Fine Prissis (Quezon City: New Day 5. Some Indie (ative Fp Suan de Len ad San jce ce adit to the Colegio de San Historical ntratetion 5 ‘The Ino who sacks holy orders does so not because Be has a all toa more perf stat of ie, but because of the great and infinite advantoges which accrue le hi it which he chooses. How much and being conveyed in one!... What reverence will the indiog ves have for such a priest, when they see that he i of 1 and race? Especilly when they realize that they are or betters perhaps. of one who managed ta get hiowelf ordained, when his proper station in Iie shoud have been that of 2 convict or a slave the dire predictions of San Agustin, Flipinos were"or- it in sinall summbers. And if one is to believe Fr ‘writing to refute Fray Gaspar some fifty years Tater, I proved themselves adequate to their alfing: y this resistance ofthe rlgious orders to episcopat visitation was the lack, ‘of a secular clergy to fill the parishes vacated by the religious when, attempls were made to enforce visitation. Few secular priests came from Spain to the Philippines, except to fill positions inthe cathedral ‘of Manila. Not many more were the Phitippine-bom Spaniards or- dained from the cokegies of San José, Sento Tomds, and San Juan de Letra, given the relatively smal Spanish population of the country, never exceeding a few thousands until the nineteenth century. When ‘one attempt was made to replace the religious by secular pciests in 1654 under ArcNbishop Miguel Millin de Poblete. & was found that there were only 59 secular priests in the whole county, not all of 6. Cited in De la Costa, “Developercnt of Native Clergy,” 8-89. “Convict” in the original was Bifanggo sich inthe eighteenth century, want “police officer” 7. hid, 89-90,seuuzogused Aq peuur 6 Historical Intofacton ipino language, a number quite unable to 1 ng mengaged parish try? ishop Saicho de Santa Justa mode up nerves ence and for al here rapid increase in the number of agit nl the ava ofthe Vince Seminaries dd te en aS in the 1860s to take over Bde 7 Come Ee scion Historical tteatuction 7 By the action of Archhishop Sanco de Santa Justa then, the age-old controversy Beficeen the bishops and the religious orders was trans- formed inte the controversy a5 it would exist in the ess destined lo become not merely an. bat the,catalys of Filipino nationatisyg. The role real was tobe the decisive one, and the interests of chat were conceived to be such™rather than the in- church were to determine the tortuous twistings of policy’ over the next century. The operation of that poticy deserves detailed attention. ‘The Policy of Secularization the throne of Spain ix 1759 had iticereccosiatical policy aimed at intro] of the crown in such a ficient instrument of government. vesign of the regatist ministers uf ML was the religious orders, which, as intemationat bodies perishes in Pampanga and elsewhere and tured over these parishes to Wis newly ordained secular clergy, ‘with the rests that we Fave seen, Under Gov. Gen, Simdn de Anda, the process was acwterated and a policy of replacing with secular priests all religious parish priests, even those whe had submitted to episcopal visitation and the re- gime of the patronato real, was adopted and implemented. A royal cedula of 1774 made this policy official. By this time, however, the effects of the overapid secularization of the parishes were evident even to so bitter an enemy of the religious orders as Anda, and on.the execution of the royal cedula sauuesguieg Aq sou in Spain to volunteer fr the Philippines to be their effective separation from theit ‘Archbishop Sancho de Santa Justa, fhe disruption caused by the French Revolution and Napokconic ay in the love of traning given in the seminaries, coneuritont with the general decadence of educa- ‘A new factor now entered which contributed to the total reversal of Sparsh goverament policy about to take place—the emancips- tion of Spuin’s Arverican colonies begins the teaders in these wars of indepeniden nish governments after 1823, , a trved by such events as the Novates revolt of 1823. Seer ay ee to-be looked on as a poten : moved more and more in the direc igor stulig eis agence nO SS Vidal, Histor i “Seri sel de ips, 3 ols, (Madi: Tele donde nace el wat (Barcetona, 1958), Msgr etratection 9 The politcal aspects ofthe secularization question were furber ac contuated by the fae thatthe gu cergy was wholly peninsular Span ish in composition, while the secular dergy was in great majority composed of nal only a smatl number of Philippine bom Sporias, sx perinsifas. A very few Fir ‘pinos might have been admitted to the priestho! in the religious or- ders i the eighteenth century, bu apparendy aot even PAppiae-born Spaniards were admitted in the savor hal ofthe nineteenth century.” The struggle between regular ad secular Gegy Bad now Devome one betwen Spanish and Fino clergy for al praca purposes, much a5 the Fliping desgy tied to doomphasize this aspect in ther efforts to influence goveruent policy in the matter of svtazation. Reversal of Secutarization ‘which had been turned over to the secutar ergy inthe tine of Arch~ ‘bishop Sancho de Santa Justa should be restored to the religious as ‘soot as they became vacant because of the death of the incumbent Parish priest. This process was lo take soute forty-five years to com plete, and as Archbishop Gregorio Melitén Martinez was to observe in 1870, the long, period was Uke a wourkd ever opened anev with ‘each new transfer ofa parish from the secuar to the regular clergy. ‘Nor was this the only source of irtation, though it was # very painful one, inasmuch as these parishes had been in the possession of the secular dergy for fity years or more. in addition, other par ishes which had been entrusted to the secular ergy on an interim basis Because of the lack of friars since the end of the eighteenth 1. the testimony of the friar provincia before the Philippine Com- mission in the US, Senate: Land Hal fe Eesti o Rfgious Uses i the 9, Sh Congress, 24 Session Wash "64, 72. See also Rolando V. demed by the latter as new re- to bra Fri Ns pod the J missionary colleges in the supply of men to the Philippines, yeuueaguieg Aq posndy Histovieat tatvetction 11 egtaded condition in which the rash measures of AxsBihop Sancho and the subsequent wretched tining hed left thea, were to be met no longer with passive resentivent, but with active measures to de- fend their rights. to be in the hands of Fr. Gomez. With the tragic death on to Fr, José Burgos -of the Filipino priests Pedro Peléer, seconded by Fr, Mor question, a5 the Filipino with a firm and cinging asser~ cone Cathelic church. The opening sal struggle was fired in 1849, when the Recoleto procurator in Madrid petitioned the adjudication of the par- ishes in Cavite to his order n the ground that the order needed ‘parishes in which to place its definidores, those religious whs formed: the council of the provincial, and secondly, because the order pos in that province. The motive behind this request is he offered no oppusition, but remarked somewhat noncommittally, that the alleged reasons applied hot only to the Recaletos but also to the Dominicans, who likewise possessed hacivadas in Cavite. What to all appearances was a merely factuat remark, intended perhaps even to register mild disapproval of the reasons brought forvrard by the Recoleto procucator, was seized upon by the gavertunent to award parishes of the secular clergy riot only to the Recstetos but also to the Dominicans. The political motive behind the transter seums obvi- ‘ous, based on a mistrust ofthe Filipiae ergy and a purpose of reduce ing the influence of the latter to the benefit ofthe Spanish friars.” 14. Documentos importantes, 78-85; Bishop Gxinza to the riuncio, 21 Kebru- ary 1862; ASV, Arch. Nunz, Madtid, 447, no. 968. Acconing to a series of documents enming from Pelicz, found in APPS, entitled “Quejas y ‘exposiciones del elero secular de Caeite contra la Real Orden de 9 de Marzo de 1849, que disponia pasacen af lero regular (Recoktas y Dorninicos) le administaciin expiritual de sie parouias que af devo indigena poseia fen aquella provincia, 1849-1851," the Revofetos had fist asked for all the atishes of Cavite, When this was proposed to the archbishop, Ne made ‘mention of the Dominicans.dauuedgued Aq peuur Historical tatoxtuction. 13 sources, in the defense of the Fights of the Wm a peried when Burgos and Zamora capitulae, afler the death of Spanish biood ng some agent in it scems clear that Madrid, Very likely, too, the funds were used to publish the articles Which appeared in Madrid cewspapers én of the Filipino in the chap- rights fo the parishes, paticutaly EI Clanor allied himself with the cause of the Filipina clergy. After . a yt re SE deh, Ans Gregorio Nelin Mastne, who was hil lar and action by Peléez, testified to his ea ve and preparing the way for mote vig- the peninsulas as well Exemplary as a priest, by the testimony of all, ‘orous opposition in the future. he was a briant acai and an extraordinarily capable ma of ion aswell. Alle tesCinones confirm the primary role fame eprauced bere seems to give him in organizing the Filipino The Campaign of Petiez clergy to work foe he pea! of the royal order which had so unjustly espaied them of the pushes in Cavite'S The occasion was not too many years in forthcoming. Partly as a the generat restructuring of the Spanish church eccastoned 1S. The picture of ven here is based on his. fer anc that of Abo Mae Sn Tio Cale ning effective rue over Mindanao and Jolo, a wifereaching re. Raphi ASV, Arch Naz Madi, 447, aka the conan 16 Sce the biographical sketch in E. Arsenio Manuel, Dictionary of Pilip= raply (Quezon City: Fiipiniana Publications, (955), 1195-99. Manuel 0 different dates and schoots for his degree of Bader en teologl, is name appavently does wot appear in the records ofthe University Cf Santo Tomas. Nonetheless it seems certain that he possessed the degree, since he is so Ket in the various editions ofthe Guis de frsteros Various letters sateen Gomer and Pelee appear scatter though the archives used here. 17. Thece articles from £! Clamor Pilbtico from 1850 are reprodaced in Pelsez's pamphlet, Dacumsotes importantes, 78-85, 86-102.yauuroguued Aq peuue 1A Historia Snteicton , ish churches overseas took place by a de. argon sion of this dectee concerned the mis. ae peo sions of ‘Mindanao. or vo centrist had beer litle ware t i ‘rasy in the north of Mindanao, se byte fas and Recletos. When the former had been cae ee thes pashes and missions had passed on to the ‘bot due tothe grave shortage of personnel spoken of ear- Fc ae progres had been made towards the evangebzation of the to sy nothing ofthe Muslims. Spanish concern nly thee misons would be under th older towns along the coast held by the Recoletos, whi 48 bases from which the missions into the interior ofthe would Pot Mealy he Recoletos protested such an arrangement, fot for dears Oey abmibistered the towns founded by the early Jesuits founder cettay now, but also some of them had been Recoleto 'p2l Provisions in. P, abla Pa ‘ FS Slo Xx astls, S}, Mision de ta Compan de 3 i “ls (Barcelona: Etitoriat Barevtonesa, Historica Yntvatuction 15, ‘The decree deasly spelled the almost total refuction of the Fili- ino clergy in the archdiocese of Maaila to the role af permanent coadjutots fo the fiar parish priests. The response was not slow in coming, In spite of the critic Antipolo fell vacant an Father Peldez inmmediately appointed as in- terim parish priest Fr. Francisco’ Campmas, a Filipino secular priest. ‘The provincial of the Reccietos in turn presented three names to the governorgeneral from which he as vice-rayal patron might name ‘one to “Antipoto, though the govemor suspended the course of the see. Though the latter Was forced to give canonical instafation to the nomination of the govemor, he clearly sided with the secular clergy and did so only after express- ing his own protest" All these events fid aroused animosities on both sides. Farther incidents were to give fuel to the fire. Early in 1863 Bishop Romeatdo 10, OP, had come to Manila to assist the archbishop at the con- secration of Fr. Francisco Gainza, OP, as bishop of Nueva CSceres. Gatnza, formedly professor of canon law at the University of Santo Tomds, had for some time been in correspondence with the nuncio in Madeid, Mage. Lorenzo Baril, making known to him the need for reform in the Philippine church, and suggesting measures which ‘ought to be taken, The archbishop Ikewise had continued the corre- spondence with the nuncio begun under the administration of Far various documents ftom the governinent, achbishop, Peliez, the ‘Campmas, are to be found in Documentos mportantes, 1019.yauuzoguied Aq rand et " Hiscied bonstuction AT se paey of onconmutation sti the eth Be Fe paroato real” With the 6 ‘The other proposal was to apply the law of cloister observ the major refigious honces also to the parish conventas, as wi current practice af Dominicans and Jesuits, though it Rad fale attack om the regular clesgy, comparing them unfavor la clergy secut as well the old polem- Justa agai the religous, calling in all he Parishes: et was rected by the & Madcid ct the August many months with such bitterness that the acchbishop was sorely templed to subsidize a newspaper Niself to expose bis detractors, and only refrained from doing $0 out of deference to the nuncio. The later, though siding fully with the archbichop, wished to re. rmoave the issue from the public press 2 Ibid; also the conusponitence Of the aghbishep and Bishop Gainza in ASV, Arch, Nunz. Madi, 447, pascirn. 2, ASV, Arch, Nunz. Madrid, 447, letter of the arcishop, no, 2256, 4 ‘88. reappear frequently in the antifror arti- ila, 497, archbishop © eumcio, no. 1354, 23stored tntrdetion a staggering blow when of the cathedtal Peléez was not the eid, and of extruntinay intel he had ban a formidable cham HistcsicatIntrabuction 19. Gomez, Agustin Mendora, and José had participated in the compaign, but clearly under the Petia. This leadership was abv to pass on 19a young iscigle—stil mare than a year short of endination tO the priesthood. fast Burgos. Burgos Replaces Peldex and angabtshed oth had sat totter a5 members of the, | of Santo Took, aud sharing as they did, ing the rights of the clergy t© which they, to balleve that thei eeltionship was Fox the academe career of Burgos, see the thosough stuly by Fidel Villaroel. Of, Father food Burges, University Stdent Mana University of Santo Tomas, 197, 33, See document 4 also Villacroel, 56. raion ies at Surges was, sity speak ‘which each played in his oven ime ‘enough By iself that Burgas ok over the leadership from Pier,yauueogwed Aq peuues no Historia erection Patiez, rumors had circulated ig Buen before beta cing him of being ds the Sparsh coma gine? ina conspiracy to overthrow Spin an ver snes! Whatever evidence there i goes ish rein the Pally baseless, but even one 50 friendly to tot the ors eabshop, bad been affected by the rumors rth death Pale he ohms i eon mess and agit the tStnued to appear in Madd newspopers, part ies whith be anhbishop dered to have he ugh B64. It was, however, the charge of dis. sed against the Filipino clergy and Father Peléez in par- sich finaly incited Burgos to & stinging reply in the Though the Mayfisto is anonym able evidence to support, and 0 rea Burgos. Though G5 tne that mos, there seems £0 be consider to doubt, the authorship of BOL The archbishop hi enti a Tetter to the nuncio Of that year, attibuting it merely to “the secular clergy." There is 5. Galore. ina teter tothe nuncio of 5 Au 2 woe ncio of 5 August 1862 (ASV, Arch, Nun amet ft fe ope accsatione of bet rebel already leveled against Pelder Pe asc oe? to the overseas sninistet Historical Introduction 2 gos, and most ly his fervent national feel ing. For Pelz, the major question is the rights ofthe secular clergy being violated by the friars. For Burges, there is an even more i= - portant point—that parishes were being denied 19 Filipinos because of their race and inferisity to Europeans. Burgos cleatly he does not preach diskyalty to Spain— ‘tthe is dearly conscious of his national ther cth the Manifest, as mentioned in note 38 ove Everything conlaived in Pamphlet View. is fom 189, so that Bisal eal sot ean that the ‘Manifesto i the work of Burgos reprinted at is tow, 42. The notes are enclose with a eter of Peli to the nuncio in ASV, ‘Arch. Nunz. Maid, H7, 2? May 183 tthe letter Peace apologies for the impertect copy Re is sending, but says that hs good copy és with a friend who ie studying them. Since ths fetter was writen lee than to weeks before the death of Pelie. it & not unlikely at they were with Burgos and remained with him at the Tate's death.yeuueagued Aq son i this not hard to see here the iny, inant de and Masteo del Pia. ence of Bas The Liberal Drie car bk of evden offre atviy i the net five i loeply no doubt Fang rey why Y oer events it Pt ines brow; ‘shes. in 189, events in Spain and the Philipp! Pestimens out ito the open, and Burgos emerged as + Revlon of 1868 drove Queen Isabel TT followed in which Marshal Fran- revolution, emerged as re. Amadeo abdicated in disgst became a republic After another ye year later the son of kabel, Alfonso XI, was Ta spite of these many changes in gover whole was buth Merl and anticlrial 43 See the sateen, ment 9, OF the archi SO othe eter reputed as des the friae orders hell so dorvinant a postion. Quly im an alliance berals did there stent to be hope of aterng the postion of ipino dergy. This hope was, however, 1o prove isn of the Revofution of 1868 was to rival numerous Fi _ placed under surveifance, il subjected to governinent Inspection, Though he remained intent on refocens within the gov ernment, De la Torre did not intend to allow any Herafization which ‘endanger Spanish rule in the Philippines. This became clear when a group of university students under the teadership of Felipe Buencamino began to agitate against the university administration 44. The aan tested to not ony by Burg’ presence at the mani festation i hon of Oe 3 Tor, but ako By Antonie Regio in the ache A tos mires de Ba Patio: Burges, Gooey Zamora” in Fis ante Exrape 29 GA Febuary 150, 6778, Though the ae anonymous, sections tare Tate cited by Artigas Cho was pat of the Noid nen ‘ager in 190) i is La cs de TEP as coming fon Rider. The ater for example, the accusations against De be Tore in Montera y- Vidal ior, 3 500-06, 51212. 46, Soe documents 6 and 600)yauueoguled fq \ storia datuction Historica tatrotuction 25 36 La Dicusiin® Given the fact that it was Father Coria who had fst written tis newspaper being the Filipino day, Wf hard {0 see what alterative ly open to Burgos other thas peace at any rice. He was not the man tobe content with that “ the creatine, the Filipina fiberas—priests and taymen—had sae through Regio, forthe foundation to Filipina interests, Labra declared suggested that the morey be used to Correa Espatit which could ato treat of Filipino interests" At about the same fim, a newspaper devoted totaly to the Philippines, Ef Ean Flying, began to be Madi by Federico peninsular who was brod clearly had no part, nor which destroyed is teformistdspi- the Philippines were José Maria Basa Indude advocacy of the rights of the the artic on the subjxt would seem ‘or any of the Filipino priests, For an ~almost all of them anonymous-~shows 1870, the date of his fst Teter. ICs unlikely that the amsachip would Ihave allowed 2 newspaper Uke La Disc into Manda, of # did, that Burgos would Lave been 2 read ofl However, since acérical newspaper like Alar y Trano would not have published his reftatios, Burgas was forced 10 go back to the orgical pubtiction, Lt Deicide. Ths Tength of time before Burgos became account of Bug's inval which { made wference in m ‘Manik: Fistral Conse 52. Toco, 172, 9-100, 10H.eric tion The Cavite Revolt He was in this atmosphere that th took pee the hat the outbreak of 20 January 1872 ihe tga ite. Rs exact nature and the extent to in the provinces Spaniards and to pro- Burgos, to prepare the Principal organizers in in the suppression of Historical tntroducton 27 the revolt), and Francisco Zaldua fexecuted together with : Fathers Burgos, Gomer, and Zamora, wha were in comlat wits the junta headed by Burgos, Pardo de Tavera, Regidor, and other awyjers and priest punt of the events is chielly taken from the letter of produced in this volume to the overseas minister, and accompanying transciption af the information given by 10 Octava, a deserter From one of the compromised regiments, escaped just before the attempt and was only captured some tater.” A close reading of Ocave's confession reveals, how ren granting that i was nol extored from him by torture ss of it in order to corraborate the sentence strady given ted, It says somewhat less than the letter of Foquierdo in- ip of the junta and its aims had come wholly from id and ZakdGa—both aiready dead—for he had dealt onty: m. If his testimony was true, therefore, it proves only that piracy was immediately directed by Lamadrid and Zaldia, who declared themselves to have support and direction fom the Priests and lawyers of Mania ‘There fs, of course, no evidence to positively rule out the involve iment of these laHer groups in the revolt or at Teast of some of them. But confining ourselves to the priests, certain obsérvations may be made. The first is that Izquierdo’s letter would seer to iemply that whatever may have been the evidence presented to the cpurt-mactial, at best it was not so clear a5 to fully prove the case, for Izquierdo speaks of the “camobocation” of the justice of the sentence offered by Octavo's testimony. Iti true he hastens fo add that such cor- oboration was not necessary because both he and the icfbunal were “convinced ... of the justice of theit judgment.” The reader of the documents of both De la Torre and Izquierdo contained in this vole ot help but notice how frequently both men had expressed “canvietion” on their part tong before the events, of the guilt ally on the part of the Filipino priests, in spite of their of taquierdo accompanying the transcription of Octavo's ‘be found in AHIN, Ultamar, tg, S216, exp. 26. The testi- ‘Seen published in Leasero Tonno Sanz, 1672, 152-68. Tapuerde’s personal colton, now found inthe Bauersauueague Aq > jtion by certain I ety which the arests the courts. The offi fn his last hours, spoke af the events a With exronksary severity the captain gesicral ordered the im- prsonent in Fart Saniage in Marita ofa] whom he thought i A perma: ocr en ong es wat wi much ete en 5A APTS), Etbas, ‘Datio.de le Misc, Jers 35d, Ete <2 Matra dl Cyn Comp ted se Fore pit te hae absolute pardon to ‘whether or not the sentences had been just was alowed SB, Some of the 7 1M. Bas, and Be Agustin Mendzd are fund in ARN, Umar, tg, S219. They were defended by such prominent cares in Spanish Repuicn pot fies as Rafa Libr, Niclts Sates ‘Rg. The lst pore dons wre fay given by the Comserstive goverment 15%.quuzsgved Aq peviue ‘Historical tniatuction vn that the three priests were no way Ih then amas etn are charged oF eveR of involve nth Na is Know of Yaqsendo, and the rent in any cmos ling to lake to preserve order and tp dexconian measure ew ahaut the guilt af all who spoke up, does enforce Ris “convictne” capable of having executed ten on rot ake it had toto Hen AP ir priesthood could hve vec may well have increased is en ty. Ba ne pase on any esteem for thera as Fveck the colonial society” Martyrs or Victims? is auch bei ‘a dilemma presents itself, If Fathers Burgos, ines es ‘were sieaply vicims.of gross in} an they be said - tional heroes? Can they be cal see why he would have irl arrested, together with Father Burgos, had i fr oman an est bishop in despite is 51 above, his 7 Historical introdsctin 34 to OU, 2 fable information rather Gomvtz in the years jst prior to 1672, bis mcivity it carly stges ofthe struggle for Filipino right in eonjincate wate Father Petiea’s activity in 1850, shows his concer and his Leeder, ship in the struggle. Lacki generation of Burgos, struggle would be less, but his posi Cavite is well atested, even if nol so thoroughly docusuented as that of his younger contemporary ®! ‘With Burgas, however, the answer is clear. Had he not been ex- costed, he would sill hold a secure place in the dewfopment of Filipino nitionalism. Iti under his pen that the seculicization cone troversy becomes more than a quarrel between regular and sect sleepy. tra way in which it never was with Peliez, his concern is is Hhewise meager with regard not merely with the possesion of parishes, bt with the Cet that they were withhetd on the bast of tace, Predominant Spanish by ancestry, he had idacfed Bimself with the ‘ith and wath iis fellow Filipinos, and was ready to be their champion against all detractors. He was Known as a “cura iodigena” and ke Rizal, worked to dissin Nimself as a Filipino to demanstate with pak of the Filipina to stand on an equa footing not content with proving By his own exe ty of Piipino and Spasiand. Us denial by rovoked his evest impassioned replies, even when he him- ged position and stood! fo gain nothing by impion of his fellow Filipinos. Though Span latds Tike Lequierdo might interpret his nationalism a5 Being 62. See the anonymous book (pwubably by Vicente Bacantes) Ajuntes Interest es Pps he pate se es pare ter bs rer sanity productions pase cf pay pare Bs cin Mad. CF Pacblo, 180, 49, whee the autor asses Out “Ihe wie tanwtaige and entror- inasy quate gave Suster inte capitate such cures indgemt ag Fe. Burges ‘and Fr. joeé Garcia in the arcabshopri, P. Vieewe Gate m Camarines, and others”“a yQuUeIgWED AQ Pou, Historical Intratuction i “Those Spaniands who Knew and respected Sette fe sends Peon Dostnicans and Jesuits, were aware Pet iy was fr this nationalism Ke had 10 die” strategy of proposisg Tor te friars, the appeal and Sancho de Santa Justa. Much mare ipo’ ‘rere the appeal tothe Bipino past the iny Baily of re Filipino against the insbwations Jenaed for equality before the Law—all these Inter themes fino naortist thought ofthe last fro decades of the century {heir expression in Bargas and many of them in Peldez. There can be Tine doubt for one who has read the writings of the Movement and even the few we possess of Burgos the ganisis were indeed familiar with what Burgos hi reager writen reed yields so much, one 's Jed. to wonder how ttuich may hace been the pessonal influence on students ike Paciano Rival and Marcle 4 Pil cf Filipino nationaian, paganda Source and Nature of the Documents ‘fourier. in dose nbiwta ‘ Parti thip with varia uninicans of (Somrintte ge 2h Ct, wre neta toc an pt Set eat IR 5 sly ne Cao Motorica Itrataction 33 Jesuit archives in Manita with other Peléer sil an hee wih are genuine, dating hore few aye a LTO Rites ts tm et so penetriae tec metrhanertoreis gangiruae ore rea eeg cease Swe anne aaa ro payee tate 167 The achive of Sant Copa contig copes ofthe quests of Pastels for document o be copie in Mazo aed sat hi, bt apace the ‘originals emacs were sent af any cass, since hey are now tbe ound there Bis poste alse tot the dasunents in question Bore were fn the personal pocerion of one ofthe Spich sults who ture to Spain, and that at hs death they passed int the Spanish archivesapparently have disappest gos a th he nani of de iyatanprovcn, Moseoves he posi fra foe 9 pesencr, bul fiom the by Sergeant Lamad Key Rote of Francisco Zatdia Aemunciations from cay » ef Bonifacio Octavo. Rep set mel} 35 the pritepal fg urnameanatanac waved by deluded men ‘Afarter confianation or lquicrdo was the auonyznons note th he and Catallohad reciied on £9 asa, informing hem ofthe forthcoming rest cited above. Such, smous note sors amos certainly to have came from a older tke Octaso, who had been apprached by Zain but Ahem tothe prospective rebels iis most cogation in bist Wo sa his fife, 1 with Bugs. By the sane reer fikenise untme. coted, SesAchGR HE CAUTEMASTION @