Sex Roles (2014) 71:197–207
DOI 10.1007/s11199-014-0408-2
Belly Dance as an Embodying Activity?: A Test
of the Embodiment Model of Positive Body Image
Marika Tiggemann & Emily Coutts & Levina Clark
Published online: 27 August 2014
# Springer Science+Business Media New York 2014
Abstract The study aimed to test Menzel and Levine’s
(2011) embodiment theory of positive body image in the
context of belly dance. Participants were 213 women from
Adelaide, South Australia. They comprised 112 belly dancers
recruited from two belly dance schools, and a sample of 101
college women who had never participated in belly dance.
Participants completed questionnaire measures of positive
body image, body dissatisfaction, self-objectification, and
enjoyment of sexualization. It was found that belly dancers
scored higher on positive body image and lower on body
dissatisfaction and self-objectification than the college stu-
dents. There was, however, no difference between groups in
enjoyment of sexualization. Importantly, in support of the
embodiment model, the effect of belly dance group on posi-
tive body image was mediated by reduced self-objectification.
It was concluded that belly dance represents an embodying
activity, one associated with a number of benefits for its
practioners, including positive body image.
Keywords Belly dance . Positive body image . Embodiment .
Self-objectification . Enjoyment of sexualization
Introduction
The present study focuses on the body image of Australian
recreational belly dancers. It sought to extend existing re-
search in two main ways. First, it sought to increase knowl-
edge about how different forms of dance are associated with
body image. Previous studies conducted in the United States
and United Kingdom have shown that street and modern
M. Tiggemann (*) : E. Coutts : L. Clark
School of Psychology, Flinders University, GPO Box 21010,
Adelaide, SA 5001, Australia
e-mail: marika.tiggemann@flinders.edu.au
dancers have more positive body image, while exotic dancers
have poorer body image, than college student comparison
groups. In this, belly dance represents an interesting dance
form, as it has been conceptualized as both sexually alluring
(like exotic dance) and embodying (like street dance). Second,
the study sought to test a recent theoretical model, namely the
embodiment model of positive body image (Menzel and
Levine 2011), in the context of belly dance. This is an impor-
tant general model that holds embodying experiences as core
to understanding and developing positive body image, but one
which has not yet been subject to empirical test. To this end, a
cross-sectional design was used to compare body image and
related constructs in a group of Australian recreational belly-
dancers with a group of Australian college students, and to test
the mediational pathways proposed in the embodiment model.
Thus the present study adds to the existing scant literatures on
belly dancing and on the predictors of positive body image.
Although body image is a complex and multi-faceted con-
struct that encompasses a whole range of a person’s percep-
tions, thoughts, feelings, and behaviours toward their body
(Cash 2004; Grogan 2008), the major focus has come to be on
body shape and weight. This is likely due to current societal
beauty ideals in many Western countries, including Australia,
emphasizing body shape and weight. For women in Australia,
like their counterparts in the United States, the societally
sanctioned ideal is of a thin and toned body, while for men,
the ideal is a muscular v-shaped body (Grogan 2008). For both
genders, these ideals are so extreme as to be impossible for
most individuals to attain by healthy means (Halliwell and
Dittmar 2008; Leit et al. 2002). Hence it is not surprising that
many individuals suffer some level of body dissatisfaction.
Nevertheless, reviews of studies across a number of Western
countries (e.g., Tiggemann 2004) have uniformly found great-
er body dissatisfaction for women than for men. In addition,
Miller and Downey’s (1999) meta-analysis indicated that the
effect size of the relationship between body dissatisfaction and
198
self-esteem was larger in samples of women than men, indi-
cating that appearance was more central to women’s self-
concept. Indeed, body dissatisfaction is so widespread among
women that weight has been conceptualized as a “normative
discontent” (Rodin et al. 1985, p. 267) for United States,
British, Canadian, and Australian women (Grogan 2008).
Furthermore, a large-scale cross-cultural survey of body im-
age ideals across 26 countries found few differences in
women’s body dissatisfaction across urban settings in the
different countries (Swami et al. 2010). The authors concluded
that the thin ideal and body dissatisfaction have become
international phenomena, likely due to the increasing global-
ization of Western media. Importantly, such body dissatisfac-
tion is not benign. It has been shown to have negative conse-
quences in terms of excessive dieting, disordered eating, lower
self-esteem, and increased depression (for a review, see
Wertheim et al. 2009), conditions which in Western countries
occur more frequently among women than men (Fredrickson
and Roberts 1997). Stice’s (2002) meta-analytic review par-
ticularly identified body dissatisfaction as the single most
consistent and robust risk factor for eating pathology.
Nevertheless, within any one particular culture, there will
likely be different subcultural norms (Tiggemann 2011a). It
has been suggested that in Western countries some forms of
dance may represent a subculture in which there exist partic-
ularly extreme pressures to be and to remain thin (Le Grange
et al. 1994). In particular, ballet dancers have been identified
as a specific group likely to suffer from negative body image.
A number of studies have documented higher body image
concerns and disordered eating among ballet dancers in the
United States (e.g., Pierce and Daleng 1998) and Australia
(e.g., Abraham 1996). Further, Tiggemann and Slater (2001)
found that Australian women who had previously participated
in classical ballet had greater self-surveillance and disordered
eating than (non-ballet dancing) college students. In their
meta-analysis of female sports participation and eating
problems across Western countries, Smolak et al. (2000) con-
cluded that, while participation in sports was generally pro-
tective of body image, dancers were at higher risk of body
image and eating problems than their non-dancer counterparts.
This is not surprising given that at least some dancers (e.g.,
ballet dancers) exist in a demanding environment likely to
accentuate appearance concerns, and one in which their bodies
are continually displayed and scrutinised.
However, Smolak et al. (2000) noted significant heteroge-
neity in their results. Although this may reflect sample differ-
ences between different studies, another possibility is that
there are a number of different styles or genres of dance that
differ in their aesthetic requirements, as well as in their sub-
cultural norms. In support, Swami and Tovée (2009) found
that British street-dancers (e.g., hip hop, break-dance) scored
higher on body appreciation than did community and college
women. Similarly, Langdon and Petracca (2010) found United
Sex Roles (2014) 71:197–207
States women engaged in modern dance had lower self-
objectification and drive for thinness than non-dancer
(college) norms. These two forms of dance demonstrate a
more obvious physicality and allow a greater diversity in
physique than more traditional forms of dance, such as
ballet. On the other hand, Downs et al. (2006) found that
United Staes exotic dancers (women who dance in adult
sexualized settings, e.g., “gentlemen’s clubs”, for the pleasure
or titillation of the viewer), scored higher on body surveillance
and body shame and lower on relationship satisfaction than
college women.
Langdon and Petracca (2010) likened belly dance to exotic
dance and categorized both as appearance-focused forms of
dance (in contrast to modern and street dance which were
categorized as athletically-focused forms), with the clear im-
plication that belly dance would relate negatively to body
image. However, although exotic dance and belly dance share
the features of being visually appealing and potentially sexu-
alizing, they seem quite different in other important ways. In
Australia, the most common form of belly dance is Middle
Eastern, with some Tribal Style elements, and classes are
promoted on the basis of fun and fitness (bellydanceoz.com).
Accordingly, in contrast to exotic dance, belly dance is acces-
sible to women of all shapes and sizes. If anything, a fatter and
curvier body type is valued as more suitable for belly dance’s
shimmies, rolls, and undulating movements (Bock and
Borland 2011). As yet there exists little quantitative research
on the body image of Australian or other belly dancers, but in
their preliminary survey of U.S. belly dancers, Downey et al.
(2010) reported that the vast majority saw belly dance as a
positive influence on their feelings about their body (and none
cited it as a negative influence). Consequently, in contrast to
Downs et al. (2006) finding for U.S. exotic dancers, we
predicted that belly-dancers would show less body dissatis-
faction and more positive body image than non-belly dancing
college students.
Although the complexity of body image has long been
acknowledged (Pruzinsky and Cash 2002), the focus has been
very much on the negative aspects of body image, particularly
body dissatisfaction. Recently, however, it has been argued
that such a negative focus has limited our theoretical under-
standing of body image, as well as treatment and prevention
options (Tylka 2011). Positive body image, on the other hand,
refers to love and acceptance of one’s body (including aspects
inconsistent with societally-prescribed ideals) and apprecia-
tion of its uniqueness and the functions it performs (Tylka
2011). Importantly, positive body image is conceptualized as
something more than just the absence of body dissatisfaction.
A small but increasing body of research conducted in North
America, the United Kingdom, and Australia has shown pos-
itive body image to be associated with a range of positive
outcomes that go beyond body satisfaction, including intuitive
eating (Augustus-Horvath and Tylka 2011; Iannantuono and
Sex Roles (2014) 71:197–207
Tylka 2012), self-esteem (Avalos and Tylka 2006; Swami
et al. 2009), self-compassion (Wasylkiw et al. 2012), positive
health behaviours (Andrew et al. 2014), and better sexual
functioning (Satinsky et al. 2012).
Recently, Menzel and Levine (2011) have proposed a
theoretical model of the development of positive body image
which draws together the ideas put forward by Tylka (2011)
and Piran (2001, 2002). They propose that participation in
‘embodying’ activities is key, because embodying experiences
lead to a sense of embodiment and positive body image.
Embodiment refers to the sense of ownership of the body
and experiencing it as trustworthy and deserving of respect,
as well as a key means of expressing competence, interper-
sonal relatedness, self-expression, and power (Menzel and
Levine 2011). According to Piran’s empowerment-relational
model (e.g., Piran 2001, 2002), it is this close and connected
relationship with her body that allows a girl or woman to act
effectively in the world. Embodying activities, then, are those
that are situated ‘in’ the body and involve an integration or
inter-connectedness of the mind and body, resulting in a sense
of flow (Csikszentmihalyi 1990) and of physical (and psycho-
logical) empowerment. In this, they represent the very oppo-
site of activities oriented toward how the body appears to
others in accordance with cultural standards. This latter ob-
server’s perspective on the physical self, with accompanying
habitual surveillance of one’s external appearance, has been
termed ‘self-objectification’ (Fredrickson and Roberts 1997).
Self-objectification has itself been associated with a host of
negative body image and other outcomes (see Tiggemann
2011b, for a recent review). Thus Menzel and Levine (2011)
argue that, in addition to leading to the development of pos-
itive body image directly, embodying conditions may lead to
both decreased exposure to objectifying experiences and a
greater ability to cope with body image challenges without
internalizing them. Thus they predict an additional indirect
pathway from embodying activity to positive body image
through a reduction in self-objectification.
Menzel and Levine (2011) present competitive athletics as
a theoretical example of a source of embodying experiences
and identify frequent states of mind-body integration, in-
creased body awareness and responsiveness, an increased
sense of physical empowerment, and an overall sense of
physical competence as embodying features. We argue here
that these features are largely shared by belly dance. In par-
ticular, we propose that belly dance as practised in Australia is
an embodying activity, in that it is highly skilled and requires
focused attention on breathing and muscles of the mid-torso,
as well as strength and flexibility. Indeed, it has been argued
that belly dance brings together mind, body, and spirit (Kraus
2009). Belly dance requires dancers to train their bodies to
move in new ways, thus requiring concentration and commu-
nication with their body. It has been argued that getting to
know and training the body helps connect it to the mind
199
(Kraus 2009). In addition, as indicated earlier, belly dance
does not subscribe to the one narrow (thin and youthful) ideal,
but is accepting of different physiques and the whole range of
ages (Bock and Borland 2011). In Australia it is also typically
practised in a female social environment, thus enabling a sense
of connectedness between women.
This conceptualization of belly dance as an embodying
activity is supported by Moe’s (2012) qualitative analysis of
journal narratives provided by U.S. belly dancers. A set of
broad themes as to why women participate in belly dance were
identified, namely, healing and well-being, spirituality, sense
of community and sisterhood, and empowerment. In particu-
lar, empowerment comes as women experience enhanced
strength, confidence, self-esteem, and personal liberation
through belly dance. A number of participants explicitly stated
that belly dance enabled them to reconnect with their bodies,
to appreciate their own unique beauty and sensuality, and to
transcend concern about the gaze of others. Moe (2012)
concluded that belly dance is “a form of leisure that allows
women a means through which to reclaim and reconnect with
their physicality in empowering, self-affirming ways by
supporting women’s reconciliations with their physical size
and composition” (p. 225). Thus belly dance was deemed an
apt context in which to test Menzel and Levine’s (2011)
model. More specifically, it was predicted that belly dance
(as an embodying activity) would be associated with more
positive body image and less self-objectification, with the
effect of the former being partially mediated by the latter.
Belly dance is also a particularly interesting form of dance
because it is seen as sexually alluring in both its moves and
costuming. It likely provides both a means of expressing one’s
sexuality in a creative way (self as subject), as well as a means
of enjoying sexualized attention (self as object). More broadly,
there is no doubt that the sexualization of women and girls is
pervasive in both United States and Australian culture, per-
haps most obvious in media portrayals of women (American
Psychological Association 2007). Although feminist theorists
(e.g., Gill 2008) have argued that sexualization represents a form
of oppression used to control women, more recent theorizing has
suggested that some women might enjoy sexualization and
engage in self-sexualizing behaviours, e.g., wearing revealing
clothing or dancing provocatively, to gain power and agency
from the receipt of positive male attention (Liss et al. 2011). The
incidence of such self-sexualizing behaviours has been docu-
mented among U.S. college women (Nowatzki and Morry 2009;
Smolak et al. 2014; Yost and McCarthy 2012), with Smolak
et al. (2014) concluding that self-sexualization is a highly
gendered activity that is largely confined to women. Feeling
empowerment from one’s sexuality has also been framed
positively as part of third-wave feminism (Attwood 2007).
However, using their recently developed scale, Liss et al.
(2011) found that enjoyment of sexualized or appearance-
based attention was still related to negative outcomes such
200 Sex Roles (2014) 71:197–207

as body shame and disordered eating in a predominantly Method

college sample of United States women. In other words, there
was little support for the benefits of enjoying sexualization. Participants
This presents somewhat of a conundrum in the case of belly
dance. We expect that belly dancers will score higher on A total of 213 women participated in this study. A sample of
enjoyment of sexualization than college students, as belly 112 belly dancers was recruited from two belly dance schools
dance is a performing art that entails the potential for sexual- in metropolitan Adelaide, South Australia. A sample of 101
ized self-expression. But we have also predicted that belly undergraduate students who had never participated in belly
dancers will have more positive body image (and less body dance was recruited from Flinders University, South Australia.
dissatisfaction) than college students. We tentatively predict The available demographic characteristics are presented in
that the context of belly dance may render these constructs as Table 1. The modal educational level of the belly dancers
independent of each other, that is, although enjoyment of was undergraduate university. The two groups did not differ
sexualization will be high in belly dancers, it will not be significantly in BMI, t(183) = 1.67, p>.05, with the mean
negatively correlated with positive body image. In contrast, BMI being in the “slightly overweight” category for both
on the basis of Liss et al.’s (2011) finding, we predicted a groups (Garrow and Webster 1985). Nor did the groups differ
negative relationship between enjoyment of sexualisation and on ethnicity, X2(1) = .16, p>.05; participants in both groups
positive body image for the college women. overwhelmingly identified as Caucasian/White (>90 %). The
In sum, the present study sought to establish belly dance as belly dancers were, however, significantly older than the
an embodying activity and to test Menzel and Levine’s (2011) college students, t(203) = 8.92, p<.001.
embodiment model in the context of belly dance. In order to
add to the general literature on the body image of dancers, a Measures
group of belly dancers were compared with a group of (non-
belly dancing) college students, the most common comparison The questionnaire, entitled “Activities and Body Image”,
group. Body image has been shown to be an important issue contained the same body image-related measures for the
for Australian undergraduate women (Rodgers et al. 2011). belly dance and student groups, namely, positive body
Here it was predicted that belly dancers would have more image, body dissatisfaction, self-objectification, and enjoy-
positive body image than non-belly dancing college students. ment of sexualization. Demographic information obtained
It was also predicted that they would score lower on self- for both groups included age, height, weight, and ethnicity.
objectification, and that this difference would mediate the The belly dancers were also asked their highest level of
difference in positive body image. A secondary aim was to education.
investigate the newly-developed construct of enjoyment of Questionnaires differed only in information pertinent to
sexualization. As belly dance is sexy and exotic in nature, belly dance participation. The belly dance group were asked
belly dancers were predicted to have higher enjoyment of
sexualization than the college women. In addition, in contrast Table 1 Demographic characteristics for belly dancers and college
to college women, it was thought that enjoyment of students
sexualization would be largely independent of body image
for belly dancers. These aims gave rise to the following Belly Students
dancers
specific hypotheses:
Age (years) Mean 38.31 24.93
Hypothesis 1. Belly dancers will score higher on positive SD 12.01 9.21
body image and lower on body dissatisfac- Range 19–67 18–56
tion than college women. BMI Mean 26.84 25.05
Hypothesis 2. Belly dancers will score lower on self- SD 6.90 7.69
objectification than college women. Range 17.1–51.1 15.4–61.7
Hypothesis 3. The difference between groups on positive Ethnicity (N, %) Caucasian/White 98 (92.5 %) 90 (90.9 %)
body image will be mediated by the differ- Asian 5 (4.7 %) 5 (5.1 %)
ence in self-objectification. African 1 (.9 %) 2 (2.0 %)
Hypothesis 4. Belly dancers will score higher on enjoyment Other 2 (1.8 %) 2 (2.0 %)
of sexualization than college women. Level of education (N, %) Secondary 14 (13.4 %)
Hypothesis 5. There will be a negative relationship between Further training 27 (25.7 %)
enjoyment of sexualization and positive body Undergraduate 38 (36.2 %)
image, which will be greater for college wom- Postgraduate 26 (24.8 %)
en than for belly dancers.
Sex Roles (2014) 71:197–207
how long they had been dancing and rated some reasons for
participating in belly dance on a 5-point Likert scale (1 = not
at all important, 5 = extremely important). In order to support
the cover story (“physical activity”) and to exclude any col-
lege women who participated in belly dance, the student group
were asked to indicate whether or not they participated in
sports or dance.
Positive Body Image Positive body image was assessed by the
Body Appreciation Scale developed by Avalos et al. (2005).
This 13-item scale contains items addressing the appreci-
ation, acceptance, respect, and attention given to one’s
body (e.g., “I respect my body”, “Despite my flaws, I
accept my body for what it is”). Responses are made on a
5-point scale (1 = never, 5 = always) and summed and
averaged to produce a score ranging from 1 to 5. Avalos
et al. (2005) reported unidimensionality of the scale, as
well as good construct validity, 3-week test-retest reliability
(r=.90), and internal reliability (α=.91–.94). In the present
sample, internal reliability was similarly high for both the
belly dancers (α=.92) and students (α=.91).
Body Dissatisfaction Body dissatisfaction was measured by
the Body Areas Satisfaction Subscale of the Multidimensional
Body-Self Relations Questionnaire (Brown et al. 1990).
Participants indicate their degree of dissatisfaction or satisfac-
tion with nine body areas (e.g., mid torso, face, weight) using
a 5-point Likert scale (1 = very dissatisfied, 5 = very satisfied).
Items were reverse-scored and averaged, to produce a total
body dissatisfaction score ranging from 1 to 5, with higher
scores indicating greater dissatisfaction. Cash (2000) reported
good reliability and validity for the Body Areas Satisfaction
Scale with a 1-month test-retest reliability of .74 to .82, and
internal consistency ranging from .70 to .89. In the present
sample, internal reliability was within this range for both the
belly dance (α=.81) and student groups (α=.78).
Self-Objectification Self-objectification was measured by the
Surveillance Subscale of the Objectified Body Consciousness
Scale (McKinley and Hyde 1996). This 8-item scale addresses
habitual body monitoring, the behavioural manifestation of
self-objectification, and has become the most commonly
used measure of self-objectification (Calogero 2011).
Items (e.g., “During the day, I think about how I look
many times”) are responded to on a 7-point Likert scale
(1 = strongly disagree, 7 = strongly agree). Scores are
averaged to produce a total score ranging from 1 to 7, with
higher scores representing greater self-objectification.
McKinley and Hyde (1996) reported adequate construct
validity and 2-week test-retest reliability (r=.79) for the mea-
sure. Internal consistency was also adequate (α=.76–.89). In
the present sample, internal reliability fell within this range for
both groups (belly dancers α=.85; students α=.87).
201
Enjoyment of Sexualization Enjoyment of sexualization was
measured by the Enjoyment of Sexualization Scale recently
developed by Liss et al. (2011). This 8-item scale measures
reported empowerment from feeling sexy or attractive, and
enjoyment of sexualised or appearance-based attention from
men. Items (e.g., “I feel complimented when men whistle at
me”, “I feel empowered when I look beautiful”) are rated on a
6-point Likert scale (1 = disagree strongly, 6 = agree strongly).
Scores are averaged to produce a scale ranging from 1 to 6.
Liss et al. (2011) reported unidimensionality of the scale, good
construct validity (moderate correlations with body surveil-
lance, appearance-based self-worth, and participation in self-
sexualizing behaviours), and adequate internal reliability
(α=.85). Internal reliability was very similar in the present
samples (belly dancers α=.85; students α=.87).
Procedure
Following approval by the Institutional Research Ethics
Committee, and with the permission of the principals, belly
dancers at two belly dance schools in metropolitan Adelaide
were approached after belly dance classes. They were provid-
ed with Letters of Introduction and Information Sheets intro-
ducing the study (“Physical activity and body image”) and its
voluntary and confidential nature. They either completed a
hard-copy questionnaire which they returned into a secure box
at the belly dance school, or an on-line questionnaire via a
secure website. The undergraduate college students were re-
cruited through an online Psychology registration system and
were provided with the same information as the belly dancers.
Individuals interested in participating followed the provided
link to the website and completed the questionnaire on-line.
Any student who indicated they had ever participated in belly
dance was excluded from this sample. Students received
course credit for their participation.
Results
Characteristics of the Sample
The belly dancers had been participating in belly dance for a
mean of approaching 7 years (M=6.9, SD=4.9). Their most
highly rated reason for participation was “It is fun” (M=4.8,
SD=.6), followed by “I enjoy the movements” (M=4.6,
SD=.5). The item “It makes me feel sexy” was moderately
endorsed (M=3.2, SD=1.3). For the student group, 20.2 %
reported currently participating in organized sport, 22.6 %
going to the gym, 2.1 % doing ballet, and 7.4 % other forms
of dance.
Table 2 provides the mean scores on the measured outcome
variables. This sample of Australian college students was
202
Table 2 Mean scores (SD) for body image measures
Scale Range Whole sample
Belly dancers (n=112)
Positive body image 1–5 3.70 (.68)
Body dissatisfaction 1–5 2.58 (.67)
Self-objectification 1–7 3.92 (1.10)
Enjoyment sexualization 1–6 3.42 (.99)
*p<.05; ** p<.001
similar in positive body image to Avalos et al.’s (2005) vali-
dation sample of United States college students (M=3.44).
They were also similar on body dissatisfaction to Cash’s
(2000) normative sample of United States women (reverse-
scored M=2.77). However, they scored a little lower on self-
objectification than McKinley’s (1998) sample of United
States college women (M=4.82), but were very similar to a
previous Australian college sample (M=4.59; Tiggemann and
Williams 2012). Finally, they scored considerably lower on
enjoyment of sexualization than Liss et al.’s (2011) sample of
United States college women (M=3.82). An initial MANOVA
indicated an overall significant difference between the two
groups, R2 =.073, F(4,208) = 5.31, p<.001.
Group Differences in Body Image
Because of the significant age difference between groups, age
was taken into account in the analyses. As the age distribution
was somewhat positively skewed in both groups, a log trans-
formation was applied (Tabachnick and Fidell 1996). Hence a
series of ANCOVAs was conducted controlling for log(age).
As can be seen from Table 2, the belly dancers scored
significantly higher than the college students on positive
body image, F(1,202) = 12.14, p<.001, ηp2 =.06, and sig-
nificantly lower on body dissatisfaction, F(1,202) = 13.33,
p<.001, ηp2 =.06, in support of Hypothesis 1. They also
scored significantly lower than the college students on self-
objectification, F(1,202) = 4.15, p<.05, ηp2 =.02, thereby
supporting Hypothesis 2.
As most of the previous research on body image has been
conducted with college women, participants were divide into
two groups on the basis of age: 18–30 years (typical college
student age), and >30 years. A series of 2×2 ANOVAs indi-
cated that there were no significant interactions between age
and dance group on positive body image, F(1,201) = 1.08,
p>.05, ηp2 =.01, body dissatisfaction, F(1,201) = .49, p>.05,
ηp2 =.00, or self-objectification, F(1,201) = 1.70, p>.05,
ηp2 =.01. Table 2 also displays the means for the subsample
of younger (college-age) women. It can be seen that the
subsample means for both belly dancers and college students
were very similar to the means for the whole sample.
Sex Roles (2014) 71:197–207
18–30 years
Students (n=101) Belly dancers (n=37) Students (n=79)
3.33 (.70)** 3.85 (.63) 3.33 (.67)**
2.90 (.64)** 2.45 (.64) 2.90 (.64)**
4.55 (1.13)* 3.96 (1.10) 4.67 (1.03)**
3.47 (.96) 3.55 (.83) 3.58 (.86)
Mediation of Positive Body Image by Self-Objectification
A series of regression analyses was conducted to examine
whether the relationship between belly dance participation
and positive body image was mediated by a reduction in
self-objectification (Hypothesis 3). Mediation is established
when the effect of the predictor variable (here dance group:
student = 0, belly dance = 1) on the outcome variable (here
positive body image) is less when the mediator variable (here
self-objectification) is entered in the regression equation than
when the predictor variable is entered on its own (Baron &
Kenny, 1986). The regression analysis to predict positive body
image indicated that the initial relationship with dance group
(β=.26, p<.001) was substantially reduced (β=.11, p=.06)
when self-objectification was included in the equation.
Figure 1 provides a diagrammatic representation of this result.
The bootstrapping protocol of Preacher and Hayes (2008)
was then used to estimate the indirect effect of group on
positive body image through the proposed mediator of
self-objectification. In this approach, mediation is signifi-
cant if the 95 % bias-corrected confidence interval (CI) of
the indirect path does not contain zero. Results, based on
10,000 bootstrapped samples, indicated that there was a
significant indirect effect of group on positive body image
through self-objectification, b = .216, CI [.110, .340].
Furthermore, this represents a moderate-to-large effect size,
κ2 =.163, CI [.084, .244], accounting for approximately
59 % of the total effect of group on positive body image.
Thus Hypothesis 3 was supported.
The Role of Enjoyment of Sexualization
Table 2 also contains the means for each group for enjoyment
of sexualization. As can be seen, in contrast to prediction, the
belly dance and college student groups had almost identical
levels of enjoyment of sexualization, F(1,202) = 1.25, p>.05,
ηp2 =.01. This was also the case for the subsample of younger
(18–30 years) participants, F(1,114) = .03, p>.05, ηp2 =.00.
Thus Hypothesis 4 was not supported.
Table 3 displays the correlation coefficients between vari-
ables for the belly dance and student groups separately. It can
Sex Roles (2014) 71:197–207 203

Self-objectification

-.27* -.56*

Belly dance group Positive body image

.11 (.26*)
Fig. 1 Mediation pathways from belly dance group to positive body image. The number in parentheses is the regression coefficient for the direct
relationship between belly dance and positive body image. * p<.001

be seen that the pattern of correlations was very similar
for both groups. As expected, positive body image had a
strong negative correlation with body dissatisfaction and
self-objectification. Enjoyment of sexualization, on the
other hand, was significantly associated (positively) only
with self-objectification. It was not correlated with either
positive body image or body dissatisfaction. In addition, in
contrast to prediction, the correlations between positive body
image and enjoyment of sexualisation were almost identical
(and negligible) for the belly dance (r=−.04, p>.05) and
student groups (r=−.05, p>.05), Fisher z=.14, p>.05. Thus
Hypothesis 5 was not supported.
Discussion
The primary aim of the present study was to test the embodi-
ment model of positive body image (Menzel and Levine 2011)
within the context of belly dancing. The major findings are
clear. As predicted, participation in belly dance was associated
with positive body image. Further, as predicted by the em-
bodiment model, this association was mediated by reduced
self-objectification. This, to our knowledge, offers the first
explicit empirical test of the predictions of the model. It is also
consistent with our conceptualization of belly dance as an
embodying activity. Thus the findings extend existing knowl-
edge in two distinct ways. They offer confirmation of the
predictions of embodiment theory, and they contribute to the
scant literature on belly dance.
Although Menzel and Levine (2011) developed their em-
bodiment theory from a conceptual analysis of competitive
athletics, the present results empirically confirm that their
theorizing extends to other contexts. To the extent that the
theory provides an apt framework for belly dance, as shown, it
is likely to do so for a range of other ‘embodying’ activities.
Here it was found that the effects of belly dance on positive
body image were mediated by reduced self-objectification.
This suggests that one mechanism for the observed positive
effect lies in the reduction of the relative focus on external
appearance and commensurate increase in the relative focus
on internal experiences and competencies of the body. Future
research will need to test embodiment theory in a number of
different contexts. It may well be that other more ‘mindful’
activities such as yoga or meditation, which have been shown
to be associated with reduced levels of self-objectification,
body dissatisfaction, and disordered eating in United States
(Daubenmier 2005; Neumark-Sztainer 2014) and Australian
samples (Prichard and Tiggemann 2008), may have a more
direct effect on positive body image than that found here due
to their greater explicit focus on internal experience.
As a set, the results support a conceptualization of belly
dance, at least as practised in Australia, as an embodying
activity. Belly dancers scored higher on positive body image
and lower on body dissatisfaction and self-objectification than
college women. In addition, the most highly endorsed motiva-
tion for belly dance participation, “it is fun”, reflects a mental and
physical presence ‘in the moment’, characteristic of embodiment
(Levine and Piran 2004; Piran 2001). The findings confirm in an
Australian sample U.S. belly dancers’ beliefs that belly dance
has a positive influence on how they feel about their bodies
(Downey et al. 2010) and are consistent with Moe’s (2012)
qualitative accounts of belly dance enabling women to connect
or reconnect with their bodies in new and empowering ways.

Table 3 Correlations between body image measures

Positive body image Body dissatisfaction Self-objectification Enjoyment of sexualization

Positive body image – −.77* −.54* −.04

Body dissatisfaction −.81* – .44* −.12
Self-objectification −.59* .50* – .42*
Enjoyment of sexualization −.05 −.05 .45* –

Belly dancer correlations are above the diagonal; college student correlations are below the diagonal
*p<.001
204
The obtained positive finding for belly dance is similar to
those found previously for street dance (Swami and Tovée
2009) and modern dance (Langdon and Petracca 2010). It is in
marked contrast to the one previous finding for exotic dance
(Downs et al. 2006), whereby United States exotic dancers
had poorer body image than college students. Thus the cate-
gorization of belly dance as akin to exotic dance in this way
(Langdon and Petracca 2010) does not hold. Perhaps a crucial
difference between belly dance and exotic dance lies in the
fact that exotic dancers perform for others in a professional or
semi-professional capacity, whereas belly dance in Western
countries like Australia is largely a recreational activity (Moe
2012). Thus it may be less the physical activity itself that is
most important, but rather the purpose for which it is under-
taken, including especially the nature of any real or implied
audience. It is this observer’s perspective that is critical for the
experience of self-objectification (Fredrickson and Roberts
1997). In this light it would be most informative to investigate
the body image of recreational “exotic” dancers, for example,
participants in the increasing number of classes in Australia
offering pole dancing (Donaghue et al. 2011).
One curious and unexpected finding was that, despite belly
dance being seen as an erotic and sexually alluring activity,
belly dancers in fact scored no differently in their enjoyment
of sexualization than did college women. This supports the
earlier reasoning that belly dance is performed for the self
because it makes one feel good, rather than for the actual
or implied gaze of others. It may be that in belly dance
sexiness is achieved through being ‘in’ the dance (and is
therefore potentially achievable by all), rather than by
looking or acting in a particular way, specifically conforming
to an external societally-prescribed physical ideal. As sug-
gested by Moe (2012), belly dance may allow women a (rare)
safe and creative opportunity for exploring and expressing their
sensual and sexual selves.
Although we predicted that relationships between body
image and enjoyment of sexualization would be weaker
among belly dancers than college students, this was clearly
not the case. In fact, enjoyment of sexualization was not
related to positive body image or body dissatisfaction in either
group. This is in contrast to the finding of Liss et al. (2011) in
United States female college students, but here suggests that
individuals can potentially be high (or low) on both positive
(or negative) body image and enjoyment of sexualization. The
overall pattern of inter-correlations between variables was also
somewhat curious. While enjoyment of sexualization and
body image were both related to self-objectification in the
predicted directions, enjoyment of sexualization was not
itself related to either positive body image or body dissatis-
faction at all (correlations close to zero). This perhaps
suggests that there is some other (positive) component to
enjoyment of sexualization that operates differently from the
(negative) self-objectification component. As concluded
Sex Roles (2014) 71:197–207
by Yost and McCarthy (2012) in their study of United
States heterosexual women kissing other women at parties,
it is also possible that the same behaviour can be simulta-
neously both objectifying and empowering. Given that the
enjoyment of sexualization concept (and associated measure)
is relatively new, these results await replication. It seems
likely, however, that enjoyment of sexualization will prove a
more complex and dynamic construct than thought. Future
research will need to disentangle this.
The set of findings has some practical implications.
Importantly, they show that engaging in embodying activity
(here belly dancing) is associated with positive body image,
which has itself been associated with positive physical and
psychological benefits in a variety of samples (Andrew et al.
2014; Avalos and Tylka 2006; Satinsky et al. 2012; Swami
et al. 2009; Wasylkiw et al. 2012). Thus women and girls
should be encouraged to participate in embodying physical
activities, such as (non-lean) sports, athletics, hiking, or circus
skills, right throughout the lifespan. Such activities will be
embodying to the extent that they focus on being ‘in’, and
using, the body. In addition, these activities have previously
been identified as ones likely to reduce self-objectification
(Tiggemann 2013) and thus, according to the logic of the
embodiment model, should result in positive body image.
Importantly, this recommendation represents a positive step,
in contrast to most strategies used to combat negative body
image, such as not reading fashion magazines or not engaging
in social comparison (e.g., Tiggemann and Polivy 2010). One
interesting question is whether or not there is some critical
period in the lifespan that embodying activities need to be
engaged in for maximum benefit. For example, such activity
might be particularly crucial in adolescence, a time when
many Australian girls currently drop out of organised sport,
often for appearance-based reasons (Slater and Tiggemann
2010, 2011). So future research will need to test the applica-
tion of the embodiment model to younger women and girls
than those sampled here. A related question is what happens
when women cease to engage in belly dance or another similar
activity. As other Australian research indicates that former
ballet dancers maintain a self-objectified view of themselves
(Tiggemann and Slater 2001), it is theoretically possible that
belly dancing might confer a permanently more positive body
image.
As with all research, the present findings need to be con-
sidered in light of a number of limitations. First, while college
students are the most common group used for comparison in
this and previous studies, they likely differ from belly dancers
in a number of ways besides belly dance participation. While
age, BMI, and ethnicity were assessed, there are a host of other
potential variables that were not measured, e.g., sexuality.
More generally, research has yet to investigate positive
body image among lesbian women. Of particular interest
here, both groups are likely to engage in a range of other
Sex Roles (2014) 71:197–207
physical activities which are potentially embodying or
disembodying. Future research could usefully attempt a
much more detailed assessment of the activities in which
participants engage. Second, the results are limited to the
two particular belly dance schools in Adelaide, South
Australia, and may not generalize to other belly dancers
in other geographical locations. Nor do we have informa-
tion on potential differences between the schools. Finally,
the present study is correlational and cross-sectional in
design. Thus it may be that participation in embodying
activity leads (causally) to positive body image, as proposed in
the embodiment model. But it is equally plausible that women
with certain characteristics, in particular those who already have
positive body image, self-select to engage in an activity like
belly dance. Most likely the relationship is reciprocal with both
processes occurring in a continuing cycle. Future experimental
designs that randomly assign participants to a belly dance
intervention, as well as prospective designs that follow up
women from when they start belly dance over some time, are
needed to come to any more definitive causal conclusion.
Despite the unanswered questions, the present study has
demonstrated that belly dance is an activity associated with
positive body image. It has also tested a critical prediction of
the embodiment model of positive body image in the context
of belly dance. In so doing, it has not only contributed to
knowledge about the body image of one specific group (belly
dancers), but also to a greater understanding of positive body
image more broadly.
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