THEORIES OF SUICIDE:

A Review of S o c i a l A t t i t u d e s and S o c i o l o g i c a l and

Psychological Theories, and t h e i r S o c i a l Work Implications.

by

IAN DOUGLAS WALLIS

Thesis Submitted i n P a r t i a l F u l f i l m e n t
of the Requirements f o r the Degree o f
MASTER OF SOCIAL WORK
i n the School of S o c i a l Work

Accepted as conforming t o the standard

required f o r the degree o f
MASTER OF SOCIAL WORK

School o f S o c i a l Work

1960

The University of B r i t i s h Columbia

 In presenting t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of

the r e q u i r e m e n t s f o r an advanced degree at the University

o f B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree t h a t the L i b r a r y s h a l l make

i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e and study. I further

agree t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e copying of t h i s thesis

for s c h o l a r l y purposes may be g r a n t e d by t h e Head o f my

Department o r by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e . I t i s understood

that copying or p u b l i c a t i o n of t h i s t h e s i s f o r financial

g a i n s h a l l not be a l l o w e d w i t h o u t my w r i t t e n permission.

Department o f So CLycJ2
The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia
Vancouver 8, Canada.

Date io

j
 (i)

ABSTRACT

It i s becoming increasingly apparent that suicide i s a

socio-psychiatric phenomenon with e t i o l o g i c a l roots i n both the s o c i a l
system and i n the individual personality. Suicide as a problem i s
worth studying for only as further research sheds l i g h t on the
complexity of motives and causes can c l i n i c a l and educative programmes
be improved and s o c i a l p o l i c i e s and changes be introduced. In the
past the treatment of attempted suicide has been the prerogative of
psychiatry but with the r e a l i z a t i o n that the suicide act has important
s o c i a l aspects, the place of the s o c i a l worker i s being given greater
emphasis.

This thesis examines s o c i a l attitudes toward s e l f -

destruction as they have evolved through the course of the history
of c i v i l i z a t i o n . It reviews the major theories which have been
advanced to account for the occurrence of suicide, c l a s s i f y i n g them
broadly into two groups: those which assign the causes to various
forms of s o c i a l disorganization and those which assign the causes to
psychic disturbances and disorders. It i s recognized that these
approaches to the problem — the s o c i o l o g i c a l and the psychological —
are complementary and that a consideration of their mutual relevance
i s especially important in planning the establishment of e f f e c t i v e
preventive s e r v i c e s .

The existing treatment and preventive f a c i l i t i e s are

c r i t i c a l l y examined as Is the present state of the law regarding s u i c i d e .
It i s concluded that the law r e s t s on e c c l e s i a s t i c a l postulates which
no longer appear binding i n a predominantly secular society. Some
proposals for the development of a treatment and prevention programme
are made i n l i g h t of the experimental work of the Suicide Prevention
Center in Los Angeles.
 (ii)

Table of Contents
page
Chapter 1. Suicide as a Human Problem and a Public
Issue.

1. The Problem of Suicide 1

A. Dimensions of the Problem 1

B. Suicide as a Personal and Family Tragedy 1
C. Suicide as a Professional and C l i n i c a l
Problem...... * 2

D. The V a r i e t i e s of S u i c i d a l Expression.. 3

2. S o c i a l Attitudes Toward Suicide...... 4

A. Historical Attitudes... 5
(i) Primitive Peoples 5
(ii) Eastern Peoples 7
( i i i ) Jewish People..... 9
(iv) The C l a s s i c a l World 10
(v) The C h r i s t i a n World 12
Bo Contemporary Attitudes 16

3. The Etiology of Suicide 21

4. Implications fer the Study of Suicide 22

Chapter 2. The Sociology of Suicide

1. Early Theories of Suicide 23

2. Durkheim's Theory of Suicide. 25

A. Extra-Social Factors 25
B. E g o i s t i c Suicide 27
C. A l t r u i s t i c Suicide « 32
D. Anomic Suicide......................... 33
E. Suramar y............................... 36

3. C r i t i c a l Appraisal of Durkheim's Theory..... 36

4. Halbwach's Theory of Suicide 43

5. S o c i o l o g i c a l Co-ordinates of Suicide,. 43

A. Suicide and Climate........... 44

B. E c o l o g i c a l D i s t r i b u t i o n . . . , , . , , , , . . . . . 45
C. Urban and Rural Differences.., 48
D. Marital Status. 51
E. Age and Sex........................... 52
F. War ...........,....o............**..** ^3
G. Socio-Economic Status................. 54
H. The Business Cycle 60

6. Summary of the S o c i o l o g i c a l Insights 61

 (iii)
page

Chapter 3. The Psychology of Suicide.

1. Early Theories of Suicide . • 63

2. Contemporary Theories of Suicide....... 66

A. Non-Psychoanalytic Theories...... 66
B. Psychoanalytic Theories of Suicide 69
3. C r i t i c a l Appraisal of the Psychoanalytic
Theories of Suicide...... 78

4. Attempted Suicide 81

5. C l i n i c a l Correlates of Suicide 85

A. Psychiatric C l a s s i f i c a t i o n s of
Suicidal Persons.. 86
B. Motivational Determinants and
Clinical Classification..., 88
C. The Methods of Self-Destruction and
their Significance. 89
D. Alcoholism and Suicide. 90
E. Suicide and the Aged.,... 91
F. Prodromal Aspects of Suicide..... 92

Chapter 4. Implications for Social Policy and Services

1. An Outline for the Strategy of a Mental

Health Programme 95

A. Findings of S o c i o l o g i c a l and Psycholo-

g i c a l Studies 95
B. The Need for a Synthetic Approach 96
C. The Treatment and Prevention of
Suicide.«s...«.«»..o..»o......... 98
D. Recommendations for a Suicide
Control Programme 99
E. The Need for Continuing Research. 103

2. Suicide and the Law.................... 104

A. The Legal Status of Suicide...... 104

B. Sources of the Law: A C r i t i c a l
Analysis 104
C. A C r i t i q u e and a Proposal 108

Appendices

Bibliography
 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I should l i k e to express my appreciation to Mr.

Adrian Marriage, my thesis advisor, for h i s contribution
of creative ideas and for h i s c r i t i c i s m s and valuable
suggestions* His acute sense of s o c i o l o g i c a l relevance
helped me to see the problem of suicide in i t s broader
perspective*

A special vote of thanks goes to a former instructor

of mine, Mrs. Dorothy Murphy of the Department of English,
McMaster University, who provided me with an introduction
to the many suicides recorded i n the pages of l i t e r a t u r e
and who stimulated me to pursue further t h i s facet of
the subject; and to Mrs. Dorothy Wallis.who generously
gave of her time in the proof-reading of the material.

F i n a l l y , I wish t o acknowledge my indebtedness to

my wife Marian. She spent countless hours i n editing
and typing the early drafts and offered encouragement
from the time the ideas for t h i s thesis were conceived
u n t i l their t r a n s l a t i o n into the f i n i s h e d product.
 CCv)

A STUDY OF SUICIDE

A Review of Historical and Contemporary-

Social Attitudes and the Sociological and
Psychological Theories of Suicide, and Their
Implications for Social Policy.
 Chapter 1.

S u i c i d e as a Human Problem and a P u b l i c I s s u e .

l o The Problem of S u i c i d e .

A. Dimensions of the Problem

In Canada, d u r i n g 1958, 1271 p e r s o n s , or 7.5 per 100,000

p o p u l a t i o n , d e c i d e d t h a t l i f e was no longer worth l i v i n g and

committed s u i c i d e . * ' A breakdown of f i g u r e s shows t h a t B r i t i s h

Columbia w i t h 172 s u i c i d e s (11.1 per 100,000) had t h e h i g h e s t

r a t e i n the c o u n t r y . O n t a r i o and the P r a i r i e P r o v i n c e s f o l l o w e d . '

The peak f i g u r e fox Canada o f 9.9 o c c u r r e d i n 1930 and the lowest

l e v e l , 6.1, was recorded i n 1944." The r a t e has remained, on

t h e whole, c o n s t a n t i n t h e past ten y e a r s .

B. S u i c i d e as a P e r s o n a l and F a m i l y T r a g e d y .

Whether i t be s u c c e s s f u l or u n s u c c e s s f u l , whether i t

be t h e s e q u e n t i a l outcome of a mental d i s o r d e r , a d i s t u r b a n c e

of i n t e r p e r s o n a l r e l a t i o n s , p h y s i c a l p a i n , or any combination of

t h e s e , the s e l f - d e s t r u c t i v e a c t r e p r e s e n t s a t r a g i c e v e n t . It

i n v o l v e s f o r the s u i c i d e , b e f o r e h i s d e a t h , overwhelming f e e l i n g s

1. The s u i c i d e m o r t a l i t y r a t e s per 100,000 p o p u l a t i o n f o r somaother

c o u n t r i e s a r e p r e s e n t e d f o r purposes of comparison: Denmark, 24.1;
S w i t z e r l a n d , 21.8; J a p a n , 20.5; Sweden, 18 6; F r a n c e , 15.3; England
s

and Wales, 10.8; U n i t e d S t a t e s , 10.1; H o l l a n d , 6.5; I t a l y , 6.4; S p a i n ,

5.9; E i r e , 2.3. " M o r t a l i t y from S u i c i d e . " E p i d e m i o l o g i c a l and
V i t a l S t a t i s t i c s R e p o r t . (Geneva, S w i t z e r l a n d : World H e a l t h O r g a n i z a t i o n ) ,
v o l . 9:4 (1956), pp. 250-253.
2. V i t a l S t a t i s t i c s 1958. Dominion Bureau of S t a t i s t i c s , H e a l t h and
W e l f a r e D i v i s i o n , V i t a l S t a t i s t i c s S e c t i o n , The Queen's P r i n t e r and
C o n t r o l l e r of S t a t i o n e r y , (1959).

3. "The I n c r e a s i n g Concern About S u i c i d e s . " Maclean's, v o l . 73:11

(21 May 1960), . p i

 2.

of h o p e l e s s n e s s , and f o r the would-be s u i c i d e , much t h e same

emotions w i t h the a d d i t i o n , a f t e r t h e u n s u c c e s s f u l attempt,

of shame, g u i l t and h u m i l i a t i o n . It involves f o r the family

a n g u i s h , shame and p r o b a b l y self-reproach.

O f t e n t h e s u i c i d a l a c t comes a s a t o t a l s u r p r i s e t o t h e

r e l a t i v e s and a s s o c i a t e s o f t h e deceased, c r e a t i n g an a u r a o f

mystery and even i n t r i g u e , and g i v i n g r i s e t o w i l d speculations as

t o antecedent causes and t o q u e r i e s a s t o whether t h e event might

have been p r e v e n t e d ,

C 0 Suicide as a P r o f e s s i o n a l and C l i n i c a l Problem,

The physician, t h e lawyer and t h e l e g i s l a t o r , , t h e

clergyman, t h e s o c i o l o g i s t , t h e p s y c h i a t r i s t and the s o c i a l worker

a r e a l l concerned w i t h t h e problem o f s u i c i d e , i t s causes and i t s

prevention. T r a d i t i o n a l l y t h e r o l e of the p h y s i c i a n has been

the r e p a i r o f t h e damaged body o f t h e u n s u c c e s s f u l s u i c i d e . The

lawyer and t h e l e g i s l a t o r have been concerned w i t h t h e l e g a l

aspects of suicide w i t h i t s s t a t u s a s a c r i m i n a l o f f e n s e and

w i t h measures t o modify and r e f o r m t h e law. The clergyman's r o l e

as a p a s t o r a l counsellor t o the bereaved and s u f f e r i n g family

and t o t h e d e p r e s s e d contemplate* o f s u i c i d e i s w i d e l y r e c o g n i z e d .

The s o c i o l o g i s t * s i n t e r e s t i n the subject, primarily theoretical,

has been c o m p a r a t i v e l y r e c e n t and c e n t r e s on t h e i n t e r v e n i n g

conceptual v a r i a b l e s operative i n the causation of s u i c i d e .

The p s y c h i a t r i s t has been perhaps t h e most c l o s e l y i d e n t i f i e d

w i t h t h e treatment of t h e attempted s u i c i d e He sees t h e a c t a s

 3.

i n d i c a t i v e o f i n t r a - p s y c h i c s t r e s s e s and c o n f l i c t s and he

f o r m u l a t e s h i s treatment plan on t h e b a s i s o f h i s d i a g n o s i s o f

the p s y c h i c d e t e r m i n a n t s . The i n c r e a s i n g awareness o f s u i c i d e

as a s o c i o - p s y c h i a t r i c phenomenon, t h e r e a l i z a t i o n t h a t inter-

personal a s w e l l a s i n t r a - p s y c h i c f a c t o r s a r e o p e r a t i v e and

c o n t r i b u t i n g a s d e t e r m i n a n t s o f the s u i c i d a l attempt has r e s u l t e d

i n a greater emphasis b e i n g given t o t h e r o l e o f s o c i a l casework

i n t h e treatment programme. I t i s recognized t h a t an important

f a c e t o f any programme i s t h e improved s o c i a l f u n c t i o n i n g o f

t h o s e who t h r e a t e n or attempt t o k i l l themselves, and i n t h i s

area <— t h e p a t e n t ' s or c l i e n t ' s s o c i a l f u n c t i o n i n g - t h e caseworker

makes a v a l u a b l e contribution,

D. The v a r i e t i e s o f s u i c i d a l expression.

Psychoanalytic t h e o r i s t s hold that i n addition t o

immediate and d i r e c t a c t s o f s e l f - d e s t r u c t i o n , t h e r e a r e s u b t l e ,

i n d i r e c t and o f t e n prolonged forms o f s u i c i d e which m a n i f e s t

themselves i n a v a r i e t y o f ways. Few w r i t e r s have p r e s e n t e d an

a n a l y t i c v i e w p o i n t a s a r t i c u l a t e l y and w i t h such extensive

documentation a s Menninger.^ He contends t h a t asceticism,

1. K a r l Menninger, Man A g a i n s t H i m s e l f . New York, H a r c o u r t ,

B r a c e & Company, 1938.

4
 4.

martyrdom, n e u r o t i c i n v a l i d i s m and " p u r p o s i v e " accidents are 1

forms of e i t h e r c h r o n i c 2
or f o c a l 3
suicide. Drawing e x t e n s i v e l y
4 5

from the w r i t i n g s of Lecky and Mason , and from h i s own p r a c t i c e ,

he d e s c r i b e s a number o f h i s t o r i c examples and c l i n i c a l c a s e s o f

m a r t y r s and a s c e t i c s whose p r o v a c a t i v e behaviour and s e l f - i n f l i c t e d

h a r d s h i p s were, he b e l i e v e s , t h e f u l f i l l m e n t of unconscious

s u i c i d a l wishes. Among t h e most prominent of t h e h i s t o r i c a l

f i g u r e s i n Menninger*s account were S t Q F r a n c i s of A s s i s i , Simeon

S t y l i t e s and John Brown ( o f Harper's F e r r y f a m e ) D Numerous

other personages and s e c t s a r e a l s o c i t e d .

2. S o c i a l A t t i t u d e s Toward S u i c i d e .

A t t i t u d e s toward s u i c i d e a r e c o n d i t i o n e d by t h e s o c i a l

e t h i c , and t h i s , i n t u r n , i s determined i n important ways by

religious beliefs. The i n f l u e n c e of broad r e l i g i o u s philosophies

on a t t i t u d e s toward s u i c i d e has tended throughout t h e h i s t o r y of

c i v i l i z a t i o n t o be somewhat i n c o n s i s t e n t , and from an examination

of t h e l i t e r a t u r e on t h e s u b j e c t i t would seem t h a t i n a l l times

and i n a l l p l a c e s a t t i t u d e s v a r y i n g from condemnation t o

1. He a l s o i n c l u d e s i n t h i s l i s t a l c o h o l i s m , a n t i - s o c i a l b e h a v i o u r ,
c r i m i n a l i t y , s e x u a l d e v i a t i o n s , p o l y s u r g e r y and m a l i n g e r i n g . (To the
many who do not s u b s c r i b e t o t h e orthodox p s y c h o a n a l y t i c v i e w p o i n t
the r e l a t i o n s h i p between these phenomenon and t h e s u i c i d a l impulse
may be remote and u n t e n a b l e . )

2. T h i s i s ^ l e f i n e d a s slow, drawn-out s u i c i d e .
3. By t h i s i s meant s e l f - d e s t r u c t i v e a c t i v i t y c o n c e n t r a t e d on t h e body.
4. W.E.H. L e c k y , H i s t o r y o f European M o r a l s , London, Longmans,
Green & C o „ , 1911.

5. James A r t h u r Mason, H i s t o r i c M a r t y r s o f t h e P r i m i t i v e Church,

London, Longmans, Green & Co., 1905.
a c c e p t a n c e have e x i s t e d , o c c a s i o n a l l y i n harmony but more o f t e n i n

c o n f l i c t w i t h each o t h e r .

These a t t i t u d e s , i n some o f t h e i r d i v e r s i t y , w i l l now

be surveyed.

A) Historical Attitudes,

(i) P r i m i t i v e Peoples.

The a t t i t u d e s and moral judgments of p r i m i t i v e people

toward s e l f - d e s t r u c t i o n v a r y c o n s i d e r a b l y . The a c t may be taken

as a matter of course w i t h n e i t h e r a p p r o v a l nor d i s a p p r o v a l b e i n g

a t t a c h e d t o i t ; i t may be h i g h l y censured, or i t may be regarded

as honourable and courageous. Among those peoples who attach

a decided stigma t o s u i c i d e the performance of e l a b o r a t e rituals

to prevent the ghost of the body from v e x i n g the l i v i n g i s common.

The soultbf t h e s u i c i d e i s c o n s i d e r e d t o be an e v i l s p i r i t which

has f o r f e i t e d i t s r i g h t of e n t r y t o t h e a f t e r - l i f e and so

s t i g m a t i z e d t h a t i t i s d e s t i n e d t o e v e r l a s t i n g damnation and

torment by good spirits.

In A f r i c a , Dahomeans and the T s h i r e g a r d s u i c i d e as a

crime on t h e grounds t h a t the l i f e o f every man belongs t o t h e

monarch. ' 1
The Bogos r e g a r d i t as a g r e a t i n d i g n i t y b e l i e v i n g

t h a t a man should never d e s p a i r t o the p o i n t of s u r r e n d e r i n g himself.

In Burma, the K a r e n s , who c a l l s u i c i d e a cowardly a c t , deny the

1. L o u i s I . D u b l i n , and B e s s i e B u n z e l , To Be or Not To Be; A Study

of S u i c i d e , New York, H a r r i s o n Smith and Robert Haas, 1933, p. 140.

2. Ibid.
body honourable burial. The P a h a r i s o f I n d i a c o n s i d e r i t a

crime and b e l i e v e t h a t t h e s o u l of one who so o f f e n d s s h a l l n o t

be admitted i n t o heaven but must hover e t e r n a l l y a s a ghost between

2
heaven and h e l l . Both t h e Dyaks and the Kayans of Borneo b e l i e v e

t h a t t h e s o u l o f t h e s u i c i d e goes t o a s p e c i a l p l a c e where i t i s
3

tormented. S u i c i d e (except t o escape c a p t u r e , t o f o l l o w a

b e l o v e d one t o t h e l a n d o f s p i r i t s , or t o a v o i d r i d i c u l e ) i s

c o n s i d e r e d a s i n by t h e A s h a n t i o f t h e Gold C o a s t . The dead body

of t h e s u i c i d e i s d e c a p i t a t e d and the h e a d l e s s t r u n k c a s t i n t o t h e
4
bush. Among N o r t h American I n d i a n s the Omahas b e l i e v e t h a t t h e
s o u l of a s u i c i d e ceases t o e x i s t . The Thompson I n d i a n s o f B r i t i s h
5

Columbia h o l d a s i m i l a r b e l i e f . Among t h e Z u n i o f New Mexico,

t h e Yahgans o f T i e r r a d e l Fuego, and t h e Andaman I s l a n d e r s , t h e

a c t i s extremely rare. 6

In c o n t r a s t , a number o f p r i m i t i v e groups do n o t s t i g m a t i z e

s u i c i d e and, indeed, may encourage i t under c e r t a i n circumstances.

The A c c r a negroes o f t h e B r i t i s h G o l d Coast see n o t h i n g wrong i n

1. Ibid.

2. Ibjjl,
3. D u b l i n and B u n z e l , To Be or Not To Be, p . 139
4. R. S. R a t t r a y , A s h a n t i Law and C o n s t i t u t i o n , O x f o r d , Clarendon
P r e s s , 1929, pp. 299-301.

5. D u b l i n and B u n z e l , To Be or Not To Be, p . 140.

6. O t t o K l i n e b e r g , S o c i a l P s y c h o l o g y , New York, Henry H o l t & Co.,

1954, p . 120. See a l s o Ruth B e n e d i c t , P a t t e r n s o f C u l t u r e , New
York, The New American L i b r a r y , 1953, pp. 107-108.
 7.

suicide."*" In North America, the Chippewas hold that suicide

i s foolish but not a blameworthy act. Amongst the Navaho, Greek,

Cherokee, Ojibway, and Sioux Indians where there are no strong

2
prohibitions against self-destruction, the act i s f a i r l y common.
Aged Polar and Hudson Bay Eskimos, feeling themselves helpless and

economically useless, consider i t their duty to terminate their

3
lives. Amongst the Dobu and the F i j i Islanders suicide i s not

infrequent and i s permissible.^

(ii) Eastern Peoples.

In the Orient the institutionalized custom of "suttee"

was, until the mid-nineteenth century, quite prevalent. Although

the earliest and most sacred of Brahmin books, the Rigveda, did

not commend i t , the practice received religious sanction when

priests altered the original text to make i t read as though suttee

were o f f i c i a l l y authorized. "They taught that voluntary death was

the surest passport to heaven and that the dutiful wife could, by

immolating herself, atone for the sins of her husband, free the latter
i

from punishment, and open to him the gates of paradise."^

1. Dublin and Bunzel, To Be Or Not To Be. p.139

2. Ibid

3. Leo W. Simmons, The Role of the Aged i n Primitive Society. New

Haven, Yale University Press, 1945, p.229.

4-.. Reo F. Fortune, Sorcerers of Dobu. London, George Routledge &

Sons, Ltd. 1932, passim.

5. Dublin and Bunzel, To Be Or Not To Be. p.154.

 8.

One w r i t e r , Maine, 1
b e l i e v e d t h a t t h e p r a c t i c e was s a n c t i o n e d because

of t h e Hindu d i s l i k e of a l l o w i n g widows t o own property. Suttee,

death by drowning, s e l f - d e c a p i t a t i o n , b u r i a l a l i v e and other common

forms of s e l f - i m m o l a t i o n were c o n s i s t e n t w i t h a r e l i g i o u s philosophy

which taught the d o c t r i n e of d e n i a l of the f l e s h and elevation of

the s o u l . The body was r e g a r d e d as a mere a c c i d e n t i n the p l a n

of redemption, a vestment to be c a s t o f f when n e c e s s a r y , a d w e l l i n g

to be r e l i n q u i s h e d a t the d i s c r e t i o n of i t s t e n a n t . "The underlying

t h e s i s of the whole r e l i g i o n was t h a t o f an a l l - p e r v a d i n g s o u l i n

nature." The i n d i v i d u a l s o u l , a f t e r death, l o s t i t s personal

i d e n t i t y and was absorbed i n t o Brahma, t h e w o r l d - s o u l . S i n c e the

body stood i n the way of the r e t u r n t o t h e w o r l d - s o u l , i t was

d e r i d e d and maltreated.

S i m i l a r l y , i n Buddhist sacred w r i t i n g s there e x i s t

contradictions. The t a k i n g of any form of l i f e i s s t r i c t l y prohibited

and a man i s o b l i g a t e d t o l i v e out h i s a p p o r t i o n e d span of life.

Yet t h e s e t e a c h i n g s were not w h o l l y a c c e p t e d and s u i c i d e came t o be

s o c i a l l y and r e l i g i o u s l y sanctioned. Self-destruction after military

d e f e a t or dethronement, i n memory o f an ancestor and in protest

a g a i n s t p o l i t i c a l p o l i c i e s was common. Other honourable causes of

s u i c i d e i n C h i n a were i n s o l v e n c y , p e r s o n a l i n s u l t , d i s h o n o u r , and

a d e s i r e f o r revenge ( i n v o l v i n g the a d v e r s a r y in legal proceedings

1. Henry Sumner Maine, L e c t u r e s on the E a r l y H i s t o r y o f Institutions

London, John Murray, 1914. p. 335-336,
2. D u b l i n and B u n z e l , To Be Or Not To Be, p. 158.
3. Durant, W i l l , The S t o r y of C i v i l i z a t i o n , P a r t I, Our O r i e n t a l
Her i t a g e , New York, Simon and S c h u s t e r , 1954, pp. 428-436.
 9.

and h a r a s s i n g him by g h o s t l y v i s i t a t i o n s ) . A l t h o u g h baser motives

for s u i c i d e were p r o h i b i t e d i n r e l i g i o u s w r i t i n g s t h e a t t i t u d e toward

t h e a c t remained a condoning one.

In c o n t r a s t t o o t h e r r e l i g i o n s o f t h e E a s t , Islam has

always accorded severe d i s a p p r o b a t i o n to the s u i c i d a l a c t .

Mohammed taught t h a t God has p r e s c r i b e d t o every man h i s " k i s m e t "

and t h a t He had decreed t h e time o f each person's d e a t h . It

f o l l o w e d , t h e r e f o r e , t h a t t o be d i s s a t i s f i e d w i t h one's l o t and

t o consider s e l f - d e s t r u c t i o n was immoral. R e p e a t e d l y , i n t h e Koran,

suicide i s expressly forbidden. Such r e l i g i o u s p r o h i b i t i o n s have

served t o d e t e r Moslems from the a c t even t o t h i s d a y .

(iii) The Jewish P e o p l e .

The O l d Testament, a r e c o r d o f the h i s t o r y o f t h e Hebrew

people, notes four instances of s u i c i d e : Samson, S a u l , A b i m e l e c h ,

and A h i t o p h e l . I t g i v e s no i n d i c a t i o n t h a t they were viewed w i t h

d i s f a v o u r and indeed t h e l a s t , A h i t o p h e l , i s r e c o r d e d as h a v i n g

received traditional burial i n the sepulchre of h i s f a t h e r . 1

L a t e r , as Williams p o i n t s o u t , "both Orthodox J e w i s h and C h r i s t i a n

i n t e r p r e t e r s had t o r e s o r t t o a somewhat s t r a i n e d i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f

t h e S i x t h Commandment i n order to stigmatize s u i c i d e as a s i n . " 2

Probably the f i r s t J e w i s h w r i t e r t o e x p r e s s the l a t e r

view was Josephus (37-95 A D ) h i s t o r i a n and w a r r i o r . When

threatened w i t h c a p t u r e by the Romans, h i s army advocated mass

s e l f - d e s t r u c t i o n but he p r o h i b i t e d i t on t h e grounds t h a t (1) i t

was a g a i n s t n a t u r a l law, and (2) t h e s o u l , a g i f t o f God, c o u l d

1. I I Samuel, X V I I , 23.

2. G l a n v i l l e W i l l i a m s , The S a n c t i t y o f L i f e and t h e C r i m i n a l Law,

New York, A l f r e d A . Knopf, 1957, p . 249.
 10.

not be v o l u n t a r i l y c a s t from t h e body w i t h o u t s i n b e i n g i n v o l v e d

in the a c t . " A f t e r Josephus the p r o h i b i t i o n a g a i n s t s u i c i d e i s

f r e q u e n t l y found i n J e w i s h s c r i p t u r e and t h a t p a r t o f the Talmud

known as t h e Mishnah p r o v i d e s t h a t the person who destroys h i s own

life i s t o be g i v e n no f u n e r a l rites." 1

There has been, however, some d e p a r t u r e i n p r a c t i c e

from t h e s e p r o h i b i t i o n s e s p e c i a l l y i n times of/group c r i s i s .

Durant g i v e s a v i v i d account of Jews i n Germany, England, and

France who, d u r i n g pogroms i n t h e time of Crusades, committed

s u i c i d e en masse r a t h e r than r e p u d i a t e t h e i r f a i t h as a c o n d i t i o n

for continued l i f e . But a s i d e from s e l f - d e s t r u c t i o n d u r i n g

2

p e r s e c u t i o n s , s u i c i d e among Jews has been r e l a t i v e l y uncommon,

(iv) The C l a s s i c a l World

The a t t i t u d e s o f the c l a s s i c a l world t o the a c t of self-

d e s t r u c t i o n were by no means u n i f o r m . P y t h a g o r a s , t o whom many

of the w i s e s t s a y i n g s of a n t i q u i t y were a t t r i b u t e d , i s s a i d

to have f o r b i d d e n men " t o d e p a r t from t h e i r station in l i f e without

the order of t h e i r commander, t h a t i s , o f God." 3

Plato held

s u i c i d e t o be immoral on r e l i g i o u s grounds but admitted e x c e p t i o n s

of the most e l a s t i c c h a r a c t e r . ^ A r i s t o t l e condemned the a c t on

1. I b i d . , p. 251.

2. D u b l i n and B u n z e l ( p . 179-180) o f f e r the e x p l a n a t i o n t h a t t h e

t e a c h i n g s o f the O l d Testament r e g a r d i n g the sacredness of l i f e have
had a profound i n f l u e n c e on the mind of the Jew and have d e t e r r e d
him from t h i s a c t .

3. Lecky, European M o r a l s , p. 212.

4. The e x c e p t i o n s (extreme sorrow, s t a t e judgment, shame, p o v e r t y

and d i s t r e s s ) tended t o d e s t r o y the s i g n i f i c a n c e of h i s condemnation.
 11.

civic grounds as being an injury to the state. Plutarch held i t

to be an affront to human dignity, and an act of cowardice unworthy

of man. The Cynics, Epicureans, and Stoics favoured suicide and,

indeed, rather actively encouraged i t . Diogenes, the Cynic, writes:

"A wise man w i l l quit l i f e when oppressed with severe pain, deprived
1

of his senses or vrtien labouring under desperate diseases." But i t

was l e f t to the Stoics to extol the virtues of self-destruction and no

one among them wrote more eloquently of i t s desirability than

Seneca. His words, recorded by Lecky, remain perhaps the most moving

defence of the act ever made.

The attitude of the Greek and Roman world toward suicide

was, on the whole, a permissive one. At a l l times i n antiquity there

were certain circumstances that were considered legitimate reasons
2

for suicide. That the act was not considered immoral follows

from the classical viewpoint on death. "The main object of the pagan

philosophers was to dispel the terrors the imagination has cast around
death, and by destroying this last cause of fear to secure the liberty
3
of man.

Since this point of view i s i n striking contrast to that of

the Christian concept of death as a consequence of sin, with the

growth and expression of Christianity came new and revolutionary concepts

of morality.

1. Dublin and Bunzel, To Be Or Mot To Be. p.194

2. Sumner suggests that i n classical times a general weariness of

l i f e accounted for the readiness to commit suicide. (Folkways,
Boston,Ginn and Company,1906. Lecky (European Morals, p . l l l l )
points, as motives for suicides i n antiquity, to codes of honour,
indifference to death, fear of torture and a desire of self-sacrifice
in religious r i t e s .
3. Ibid, p.210
 12.

(v) The C h r i s t i a n World

That the moral a t t i t u d e s o f t h e C h r i s t i a n Church differed

markedly from those o f t h e n o n - C h r i s t i a n w o r l d i s c l e a r l y m a n i f e s t

when the Church's judgment r e g a r d i n g tiie e t h i c s o f s u i c i d e i s

reviewed. S i n c e t h e time o f S t . A u g u s t i n e t h e Church has opposed

the a c t w i t h g r e a t d e t e r m i n a t i o n , r e g a r d i n g i t a s form murder.

Lecky writes:

They c a r r i e d t h e i r d o c t r i n e o f t h e s a n c t i t y o f human
l i f e t o such a p o i n t t h a t they m a i n t a i n e d d o g m a t i c a l l y
t h a t a man who d e s t r o y s h i s own l i f e has committed a
crime s i m i l a r both i n k i n d and magnitude t o t h a t o f
an o r d i n a r y murderer, and they a t the same time gave
a new c h a r a c t e r t o death by t h e i r d o c t r i n e s c o n c e r n i n g
i t s p e n a l n a t u r e and c o n c e r n i n g the f u t u r e d e s t i n i e s of
the s o u l . 1

Yet so s t r o n g a censure came g r a d u a l l y .

There i s no d i r e c t condemnation o f s u i c i d e i n the New

Testament and l i t t l e t o be found among t h e v e r y e a r l y
C h r i s t i a n s who, were, indeed, m o r b i d l y obsessed w i t h
d e a t h . Those were t h e days when, i n s t e a d of l e a r n i n g
how t o l i v e , men s t u d i e d how t o d i e .

The C h r i s t i a n b e l i e f was t h a t e a r t h l y l i f e had b u t one o b j e c t i v e ,

one aim: t o prepare one f o r the h e r e a f t e r . R e f r a i n i n g from sinful

conduct which would r e s u l t i n e v e r l a s t i n g chastisement was t h e

supreme d u t y , but s i n c e many i n h e r e n t d e s i r e s tended toward s i n , the

r i s k of f a i l u r e was g r e a t . A s a r e s u l t , many C h r i s t i a n s , r a t h e r

than y i e l d t o t e m p t a t i o n , committed suicide.

1. Lecky, European Morals, p. 45.

2. W i l l i a m s , The S a n c t i t y o f L i f e , p . 254.
 13

Two motives f o r s e l f - d e s t r u c t i o n were r e g a r d e d i n t h e

e a r l y Church w i t h some t o l e r a n c e and h e s i t a t i o n - martyrdom and the

p r e s e r v a t i o n of c h a s t i t y . 1
" i t was e s p e c i a l l y good i f t h e b e l i e v e r

c o u l d commit s u i c i d e by p r o v o k i n g i n f i d e l s t o martyr him, or by

•2 3
a u s t e r i t i e s s o s e v e r e a s t o undermine t h e c o n s t i t u t i o n . " Mason
4

and Lecky have g i v e n i n t e r e s t i n g a c c o u n t s o f the s u i c i d e s o f a

number o f e a r l y e c c l e s i a s t s , eminent and humble a l i k e , and D u b l i n

and B u n z e l quote S t . C y p r i a n a s h a v i n g s a i d t h a t " t h e C h r i s t i a n s

were i n v i n c i b l e because they d i d n o t f e a r death and d i d n o t defend

themselves a g a i n s t a t t a c k but r a t h e r gave t h e i r b l o o d and l i v e s t o

escape from a c r u e l and wicked w o r l d . " Many o f t h e e a r l y Church

F a t h e r s expressed i n t h e i r w r i t i n g s c o n s i d e r a b l e a d m i r a t i o n f o r

t h o s e who d e s t r o y e d t h e i r l i v e s f o r a noble cause.

The s e c t whom S t . A u g u s t i n e p a r t i c u l a r l y noted f o r t h i s

p r a c t i c e was t h e C i r c u m c e l l i o n e s . These p e o p l e , s e l f - a p p o i n t e d

a p o s t l e s of death and beyond the p a l e of t h e c h u r c h , n o t o n l y

a c t i v e l y pursued martyrdom by d e f i l i n g pagan temples, b u t , when

a l l other e x p e d i e n t s f a i l e d , l e a p t i n e x a l t a t i o n from lofty

1. Lecky g i v e s a s h o r t and i n t e r e s t i n g account o f s u i c i d e s m o t i v a t e d

by such c o n s i d e r a t i o n s . S t . P e l a g i a , a g i r l o f f i f t e e n , and a
famous C h r i s t i a n l a d y , Domnina, both took t h e i r l i v e s t o a v o i d
b e i n g raped by Roman p e r s e c u t o r s . The former was warmly e u l o g i z e d by
S t . Chrysostom and S t . Ambrose o f M i l a n . (European M o r a l s , p . 4 6 ) .

2. W i l l i a m s , The S a n c t i t y of L i f e , p . 255.

3. Mason, H i s t o r i c M a r t y r s , pp. 85-105 & 290-292.

4. Lecky, European Morals, p. 49.

5. D u b l i n and B u n z e l , To Be Or Not To Be, p . 199.

 14.
1
cliffs.

It was probably i n reaction to religious excesses that

St. Augustine became the f i r s t ecclesiast to denounce suicide

under a l l circumstances and i n doing so he became the "chief

2
architect of the later Christian View." In The City of God he
3
argues the matter at length. His position i s lucidly summarized

by Dublin and Bunzel who wrote:

He concludes that suicide i s never justifiable, even

in the case of a woman whose honor i s i n danger.
He bases this opinion on the arguments that suicide
precludes the possibility of repentence; that i t
is a form of homicide and therefore a violation of
the Sixth Commandment; that a person who k i l l s
himself or herself has done nothing worthy of
death; and f i n a l l y that suicide to escape violation
is at best, the commission of a greater sin
to escape a lesser. While granting that virgin
suicides are worthy of a l l compassion, he holds
that not even actual violation i s sufficient excuse
for self-murder. After asking how pollution of
the body can defile one who does not consent to the
act, he argues that bne can s t i l l be chaste i n
spite of forced pollution, as, on the contrary
one may be unchaste from impure desires, though
the body be kept inviolate* At the same time
St. Augustine found himself i n a dilemna regarding
those suicides who had already been canonized by the
Church; and he was obliged to admit certain exceptions -

1. Lecky, European Morals, p. 4 9 .

2. Williams, The Sanctity of Life, p. 255.

3. Williams examines St. Augustine's stand on suicide, counters

his arguments,and concludes that they were, i n the main, rationalizations.
He,Writes: "The true reason for Augustine's stand against suicide
appears plainly enough from the historical events of his age. These
indicated that a prohibition of suicide was a necessary corollary of
the church's other teaching, which would, without this corollary,
have operated, and did i n fact operate, as an incitement to suicide. I f
death means annihilation, there can be no point i n suicide except
as an escape from suffering. But i f a man's l i f e on earth i s merely
a period of waiting for a divine glory to be revealed, the true
believer i s naturally subject to the temptation to accelerate his
eternal b l i s s , unless'.a new religious rule i s devised to forbid i t . "
p.256.
 15.

s u g g e s t i n g t h a t S t . P e l a g i a , fox example, had

r e c e i v e d a d i v i n e x e v e l a t i o n which a b s o l v e d hex from
the r u l e s a p p l y i n g t o ordinary m o r t a l s . 1

By t h e time o f Thomas A q u i n a s , s e l f - d e s t r u c t i o n had come t o be

c o n s i d e r e d a crime as w e l l as a s i n . In h i s monumental work, Summa

T h e o l o g i c a l , which c o d i f i e d church t e a c h i n g s and law, A q u i n a s framed

the a t t i t u d e toward s u i c i d e which the Roman Church has h e l d

c o n s i s t e n t l y ever s i n c e . He xegaxded i t an unpaxdonable o f f e n c e

fox three reasons. First, i t i s u n n a t u r a l and c o n s e q u e n t l y a

mortal s i n . Secondly, i t i s an a c t i n j u r i o u s t o t h e w e l f a r e of

t h e community of which the s u i c i d e i s a member. Thirdly, l i f e i s

a d i v i n e g i f t which has been bestowed upon man — a gift which

God a l o n e can a b r o g a t e , and anyone who would usurp s u p e r n a l power

2

and tamper w i t h h i s l i f e s i n s a g a i n s t God.

These arguments a g a i n s t s u i c i d e , t h e n , axe d e e p l y r o o t e d

i n b a s i c C h r i s t i a n t e n e t s such as t h e duty of t o t a l surrender

to God's w i l l , the s a c r e d n e s s of human l i f e and the significance

a t t a c h e d t o the moment of death.

As a consequence o f t h e condemnation of s u i c i d e t h e r e

came i n t o e x i s t e n c e t h e p r a c t i c e of d i s h o n o u r i n g the c o r p s e .

T h i s took the form of m u t i l a t i o n , dismemberment, and d e n i a l o f

Christian burial r i t e s . A number of w r i t e r s have d e a l t with

the s u b j e c t and D u b l i n and Bunzel 3

have drawn r i c h l y upon

1. D u b l i n and B u n z e l , To Be Or Not To Be, pp. 201-202.

2. Edward Westexmaxck, O r i g i n and Development o f Moral Ideas, London,

Macmillan & Company, 1908, V o l . I I , pp. 252-254.

3. D u b l i n and B u n z e l , To Be Or Not To Be, pp. 203-208.

 16.

t h e i r works t o d e p i c t q u i t e g r a p h i c a l l y the i n d i g n i t i e s and

a t r o c i t i e s p r a c t i s e d on the body of the s u i c i d e .

Apart from s p o r a d i c o u t b r e a k s o f s u i c i d e o c c a s i o n e d by

e p i d e m i c s and r e l i g i o u s and p o l i t i c a l persecutions, religious

p r o h i b i t i o n d u r i n g the c e n t u r i e s when Church and S t a t e were

i n s e p a r a b l e a c t e d as a s t r o n g d e t e r r e n t i n f l u e n c e . Bitter

c l e r i c a l o p p o s i t i o n , the f o r c e of condemnatory p u b l i c o p i n i o n and

severe p e n a l t i e s a g a i n s t attempted s u i c i d e were so e f f e c t i v e t h a t

r e l a t i v e l y few p e o p l e had the t e m e r i t y t o take t h e i r own lives. 1

B) Contemporary A t t i t u d e s .

Beginning i n the s i x t e e n t h century new t r e n d s o f thought

i n o p p o s i t i o n t o C h r i s t i a n Orthodoxy were d e v e l o p i n g . "Geographical

d i s c o v e r y , u r b a n i z a t i o n , commercialism and industrialization, the

growth o f l i b e r a l i s m , t h e crude b e g i n n i n g s of s c i e n t i f i c techniques

and the development of the c r i t i c a l spirit — a l l these combined

t o undermine r e l i g i o u s a u t h o r i t y and t o promote s e c u l a r i s m and

g r e a t e r freedom of thought." The dogmas of t h e c h u r c h , long

unchallenged, came under c r i t i c a l s c r u t i n y .

John Donne was one of the e a r l i e s t t o question the

t r a d i t i o n a l a t t i t u d e toward s u i c i d e . In B i a t h a n a t o s , published

posthumously i n 1646, he a t t a c k s both t h e p a t r i s t i c p o i n t o f

view and the b e l i e f t h a t s u i c i d e was t h e most i r r e m i s s i b l e o f sins.

1. Ibid, pp. 203-208

2. W i l l . Durant, The S t o r y of C i v i l i z a t i o n , P a r t V I , The Reformation.

New York, Simon and S c h u s t e r , 1957, pp. 14-25.
 17.

He c o n c l u d e s t h a t s e l f - h o m i c i d e (as he c a l l e d i t ) i s not a

v i o l a t i o n o f moral law nor i s i t an i r r a t i o n a l a c t . S i n c e Donne's

t h e s i s was not soundly reasoned i t s i n f l u e n c e on t h e p r e v a i l i n g

a t t i t u d e was limited.

D u r i n g the "Age of Enlightenment", about one hundred

y e a r s l a t e r , c r i t i c i s m of e x i s t i n g i n s t i t u t i o n s reached i t s height.

I t was an epoch when p h i l o s o p h y , having thrown o f f i t s bondage

as t h e o l o g y ' s s e r v a n t , became b o l d l y s e c u l a r and skeptical.'''

T h i n k e r s came t o concern themselves w i t h every a s p e c t of human

conduct, including self-destruction. Hume's "Essay on S u i c i d e "

proved t o be a document of c o n s i d e r a b l e i n f l u e n c e . He insisted

t h a t t h e a c t was f r e e from imputation o f g u i l t and blame

and t h a t condemnation of i t was incompatible with liberty.

In F r a n c e , c r i t i c i s m of e x i s t i n g i n s t i t u t i o n s , practices

and a t t i t u d e s was even s t r o n g e r than i n E n g l a n d . B e f o r e Donne,

Montaigne had s h a r p l y q u e s t i o n e d the c u r r e n t a t t i t u d e toward

s u i c i d e but c h i e f l y due t o t h e i n f l u e n c e of Montesquieu, V o l t a i r e ,

and Rousseau — p r o t a g o n i s t s of i n t e l l e c t u a l and religious

freedom and opponents of dogmatism and e c c l e s i a s t i c a l a u t h o r i t y «~

3
F r a n c e l e g a l i z e d s u i c i d e by a s t a t u t e i n 1790.

The w r i t i n g s of Immanuel Kant on the s u b j e c t h e l p e d shape

4
(probably i n d i r e c t l y ) German a t t i t u d e s toward s u i c i d e . In The

1. I b i d , p. 16.

2. D u b l i n and B u n z e l , To Be Or Not To Be, p. 209-210,

3. W i l l i a m s , The S a n c t i t y o f L i f e , p, 266.

4. I n d i r e c t l y because Kant's p h i l o s o p h y p r o f o u n d l y i n f l u e n c e d t h e
t h i n k i n g of the German i d e a l i s t s , and t h e y , i n t u r n , i n f l u e n c e d
German p o l i t i c a l i d e a s and i n s t i t u t i o n s .
 18.

C r i t i q u e o f P r a c t i c a l Reason and t h e M e t a p h y s i c o f E t h i c s , Kant

d e c l a r e d t h a t s i n c e human l i f e was s a c r e d i t must be preserved

at a l l costs. The moral law, he s a i d , was a c a t e g o r i c a l imperative,

a u n i v e r s a l and n e c e s s a r y law, i n h e r e n t i n reason i t s e l f . Human

e x i s t e n c e , he h e l d , was an end i n i t s e l f and worthy o f c o n t i n u a n c e .

To t e r m i n a t e i t v o l u n t a r i l y was t o f o l l o w a p r i n c i p l e o f s e l f

love — a p r i n c i p l e u n f i t a s a u n i v e r s a l law o f n a t u r e and

t h e r e f o r e immoral. A s D u b l i n and Bunzel^peftnt o u t , Kant r e a c h e d

the same c o n c l u s i o n r e g a r d i n g the a c t o f s u i c i d e a s have Judaism,

Islam and C h r i s t i a n i t y but h i s l o g i c f o l l o w e d a d i f f e r e n t course.

Schopenhauer, t o o , argued a g a i n s t s u i c i d e but on t h e grounds t h a t

moral freedom, t h e h i g h e s t ethical i d e a l , can o n l y be a t t a i n e d

by a d e n i a l o f t h e w i l l t o l i v e and s u i c i d e i s n o t such a d e n i a l

s i n c e t r u e d e n i a l means r e j e c t i n g t h e j o y s and not t h e sorrows o f

life. The s u i c i d e , he s a i d , i s d e s i r o u s o f l i v i n g — he i s

discontented only with those c o n d i t i o n s o f l i f e which a f f e c t

him. S u i c i d e i s , i n s h o r t , not a n e g a t i o n o f t h e w i l l and

2

therefore not j u s t i f i a b l e .

By the l a t e nineteenth century the s p i r i t o f i n v e s t i g a t i o n

was markedly m a n i f e s t i n g i t s gradual e v o l u t i o n from a b s t r a c t ethical

d i s p u t a t i o n t o s t a t i s t i c a l and m e d i c a l i n q u i r y . Yet t h e l a s t

75 y e a r s has not been w i t h o u t i t s a r t i c u l a t e a p o l o g i s t s and

1. D u b l i n and B u n z e l , To Be Or Not T o Be, p . 220.

2. Y e t t h i s was not t h e way i n which Schopenhauer has been p o p u l a r l y

interpreted.
 19 0

c r i t i c s of s u i c i d e , William James w i t h h i s c a l l t o v i t a l existence

e x p r e s s e d i n h i s e s s a y " i s L i f e Worth L i v i n g ? " t h e conviction

t h a t r e l i g i o u s f a i t h and t h e enhancement o f harmonious human

r e l a t i o n s h i p s through s a t i s f y i n g work made l i f e worth l i v i n g r e -

g a r d l e s s o f what i s b r o u g h t . He wrote, "Be not a f r a i d o f life.

Believe that life i £ worth l i v i n g , a n d your b e l i e f w i l l h e l p create

the f a c t . " 1
In h i s E t h i c s of S u i c i d e , Sidney Hook w r i t e s , "Any

system o f thought which a b s o l u t e l y r e f u s e s t o countenance s u i c i d e as

a rational possibility i s either i r r e s p o n s i b l y o p t i m i s t i c or

„2
utterly immoral. He proceeds t o r e v i e w s i x t r a d i t i o n a l arguments

against s e l f - d e s t r u c t i o n , c o u n t e r s f i v e of them and s u g g e s t s

t h a t t h e s i x t h argument — the c r u e l t y o f i n f l i c t i n g pain upon

one's f r i e n d s and f a m i l y — constitutes the o n l y justifiable

deterrent. Yet sometimes even l o v e and f r i e n d s h i p , he believes,

must be s a c r i f i c e d . Hook w r i t e s :

" I f t h e s a c r e d n e s s o f human l i f e be invoked t o

f u r n i s h grounds a g a i n s t a l l forms o f s e l f - d e s t r u c t i o n ,
then we a r e duty bound i n l o g i c and i n humanity t o
adopt t h e same a t t i t u d e toward war and c a p i t a l
punishment." 3

He i n s i s t s t h a t i t i s not l i f e i t s e l f that i s worth l i v i n g , but

o n l y t h e good l i f e . From t h i s , two c o r o l l a r i e s , he b e l i e v e s , must

1. W i l l i a m James, " i s L i f e Worth L i v i n g , " i n , The W i l l t o B e l i e v e ,

New York, Longmans, Green & Co., 1927, p . 62.

2. Sidney Hook, "The E t h i c s of S u i c i d e " , International Journal of

E t h i c s , V o l . 37, 1927, p. 175.

3. Hook, I n t e r n a t i o n a l J o u r n a l o f E t h i c s , v o l . 37 (1927) p . 186.

 20,

follow:

(1) No r a t i o n a l m o r a l i t y can compel us t o p e r p e t u a t e

l i v e s t h a t a r e i r r e t r i e v a b l y b l a s t e d by a c c i d e n t or
b i r t h , or b l i g h t e d by some h o r r i b l e malady b e f o r e
which r e m e d i a l measures a r e u n a v a i l i n g ; and more
i m p o r t a n t , (2) no s o c i a l m o r a l i t y can be e q u a l l y
b i n d i n g .Upon everyone u n l e s s a s o c i a l r e c o n s t r u c t i o n
makes p o s s i b l e a more equable d i s t r i b u t i o n of t h e
n e c e s s i t i e s of l i f e .1

Fedden h o l d s t h a t s e l f - d e s t r u c t i o n i s a matter of i n d i v i d u a l

d i s c r e t i o n , t h a t t h e o r e t i c a l l y i t i s not wrong though i t may, in

s p e c i f i c instances, be irresponsible. He o f f e r s an e x p l a n a t i o n for

the p r e v a i l i n g condemnatory a t t i t u d e s toward s u i c i d e .

S u i c i d e shows a contempt f o r s o c i e t y . It i s rude.

As Kant s a y s , i t i s an i n s u l t t o humanity i n one-
s e l f . T h i s most i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c o f a l l a c t i o n s
d i s t u r b s s o c i e t y p r o f o u n d l y . S e e i n g a man who
appears not t o c a r e f o r the t h i n g s which i t p r i z e s ,
s o c i e t y i s compelled t o q u e s t i o n a l l i t has thought
d e s i r a b l e . The t h i n g s which makes i t s own life
worth l i v i n g , the s u i c i d e b o l d l y j e t t i s o n s . Society
i s t r o u b l e d , and i t s n a t u r a l and nervous r e a c t i o n
i s t o condemn the s u i c i d e . Thus i t b o l s t e r s up
a g a i n i t s own values. 2

A l b e r t Camus, the F r e n c h n o v e l i s t and playwright , wrote

in 1955, "Even i f one does not believe i n God, s u i c i d e i s not

1. Ibid.

2. H. R o m i l l y Fedden, S u i c i d e , London, W.B. Saunders, 1938, p. 42.

3. A s o c i e t y ' s moral v a l u e s a r e r e f l e c t e d , o f t e n complexly, i n i t s

literature. In the p o e t r y of the Romantics a l o n g i n g f o r death
i s o f t e n f o c a l and can be i n t e r p r e t e d as a r e s p o n s e t o t h e i r
sense of a l i e n a t i o n and perhaps, t o o , as a p r o t e s t a g a i n s t the
s o c i e t y of t h e i r day. The theme of s u i c i d e has been used c e n t r a l l y
and d r a m a t i c a l l y and without d i r e c t condemnation i n the n i n e t e e n t h
centurykby Ibsen i n The W i l d Duck and Hedda G a b b l e r , by Chekov i n
Ivanov and The S e a g u l l , and i n the t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y by Eugene
O ' N e i l l i n D i f f ' r e n t . Dynamo, and Mourning Becomes E l e c t r a and by
A r t h u r M i l l e r i n A l l my Sons and Death of a Salesman.
 21.

l e g i t i m a t e ... even w i t h i n the l i m i t s of n i h i l i s m i t i s p o s s i b l e

t o f i n d the means t o proceed beyond nihilism." 1

The s u b j e c t of the m o r a l i t y of s u i c i d e has been disputed

for over two thousand y e a r s and there i s l i t t l e hope o f o b t a i n i n g

consensus on the m a t t e r . A t t i t u d e s toward the a c t have, i n t h a t

t i m e , ranged on a continuum from condemnation t o a p p r o v a l . It

seems s a f e t o say, however, t h a t the b a l a n c e o f contemporary

C h r i s t i a n thought i s a g a i n s t suicide. Yet one can d e t e c t a d e f i n i t e

t r e n d away from t r a d i t i o n a l m o r a l i t y and i n the d i r e c t i o n o f

a " s o c i a l morality? — a m o r a l i t y more i n harmony w i t h the i n s i g h t s

of s o c i a l and m e d i c a l s c i e n c e s . This trend i s r e f l e c t e d i n the

e v o l u t i o n o f the law as i t a p p l i e s t o s u i c i d e .

3. The E t i o l o g y of Suicide

The l a t e nineteenth century ushered i n a new era of

s c i e n t i f i c i n v e s t i g a t i o n i n t o human problems. Nowhere was the

new s p i r i t of i n q u i r y better exemplified than i n the w r i t i n g s of

E m i l e Durkheim on the s u b j e c t of s u i c i d e and Sigmund Freud on the

s u b j e c t of the p r o c e s s e s of depression. T h e i r works, s o c i o l o g i c a l l y

and p s y c h o a n a l y t i c a l l y o r i e n t e d , r e s p e c t i v e l y , c o n s t i t u t e the
2

frames of r e f e r e n c e b a s i c t o much of the r e s e a r c h which followed.

I t i s g e n e r a l l y agreed t h a t the most p r o m i s i n g l i n e s of

i n q u i r y have been and continue t o be t h o s e which look t o the

s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e and to personality for e t i o l o g i c a l clues to

1. A l b e r t Camus, The Myth o f S i s y p h u s and Other E s s a y s , ( t r a n s , by

J u s t i n O ' B r i e n ) , New York, A l f r e d A. Knopf, 1958, (From the P r e f a c e ) .

2. Accompanying t h i s i n v e s t i g a t i o n or perhaps a s a r e s u l t o f i t was

a demand f o r a more f u n c t i o n a l , u t i l i t a r i a n c o n s i d e r a t i o n o f m o r a l i t y .
 22.

suicide. I t i s , t h e n , the s o c i o l o g y o f s u i c i d e and t h e psychology

of s u i c i d e which w i l l be examined i n the next two c h a p t e r s .

4. I m p l i c a t i o n s far t h e Study o f S u i c i d e .

The study of s u i c i d e , i t s causes and e f f e c t s , s e r v e s a

dual function: i t p e r m i t s an examination and a r e s u l t i n g

c l a r i f i c a t i o n of t h e i n s i g h t s d e r i v e d from the s o c i a l and

m e d i c a l s c i e n c e s , and i t p o i n t s t o or s u g g e s t s , f o l l o w i n g from

such an e x a m i n a t i o n , t h e most a p p r o p r i a t e and e f f e c t i v e p r e v e n t i v e

measures on t h e t h e r a p e u t i c , e d u c a t i o n a l and s t r u c t u r a l levels*

 Chapter 2

The Sociology of Suicide.

1. Early Theories 1
of Suicide.

The e a r l y " s c i e n t i f i c " i n v e s t i g a t i o n s of s u i c i d e were

m e d i c a l or f o r e n s i c i n o r i e n t a t i o n , but by the t h i r d decade o f

the n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y e m p i r i c a l d a t a i n the form of statistical

t a b l e s came t o be' i n c l u d e d i n t h e s e works. This innovation

marks the crude b e g i n n i n g s o f the s o c i o l o g i c a l approach t o the

subject.

One such study of s u i c i d e was that of E s q u i r o l , the

French a l i e n i s t . H i s Mental M a l a d i e s : A T r e a t i s e on Insanity

deals i n the main w i t h the r e l a t i o n s h i p between s u i c i d e and

i n s a n i t y but he devotes a s u b s t a n t i a l s e c t i o n t o a p r e s e n t a t i o n of

s t a t i s t i c a l d a t a on age and sex d i s t r i b u t i o n , of the i n f l u e n c e of

2

c l i m a t e and of methods used i n s e l f - d e s t r u c t i o n . Winslow's

Anatomy of S u i c i d e , p u b l i s h e d i n 1840, represents another early

i n v e s t i g a t i o n o f the subject. The author, a physician, concerns

himself p r i m a r i l y w i t h m e d i c a l m a t t e r s and questions of medical

3

jurisprudence but he does f u r n i s h some s t a t i s t i c s . Just after

the middle of the n i t B t e e n t h c e n t u r y two important works appeared

d e a l i n g t h o r o u g h l y w i t h the subject. The book Du Suicide, Statistique,

1. The w r i t e r does not b e l i e v e t h a t these e a r l y works on s u i c i d e
c o n s t i t u t e what can p r o p e r l y be termed u n i f i e d " t h e o r y " ; r a t h e r , they
r e p r e s e n t c o n t r i b u t i o n s , o f t e n fragmentary, t o f a c t u a l d a t a . For t h i s
r e a s o n the term " t h e o r i e s " may be somewhat m i s l e a d i n g .
2. Jean E t i e n n e Dominique E s q u i r o l , Mental M a l a d i e s : A T r e a t i s e on
I n s a n i t y , ( t r a n s l . E.K. Hunt) P h i l a d e l p h i a , Lea and B l a n c h a r d , 1845.
C i t e d i n D u b l i n and B u n z e l , To Be Or Not To Be, p. 227.
3. F o r b e s Winslow, The Anatomy of S u i c i d e , London, Henry Renshaw, 1840.
 24.

Medecine, H i s t o i r e e t e g i s l a t i o n , written by Lisle i n 1856, contains

"many s t a t i s t i c a l t a b l e s g i v i n g the number of s u i c i d e s , t h e i r

g e o g r a p h i c d i s t r i b u t i o n , the influence of climate and seasons,

age and sex c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s , professions and occupations, education,

methods and causes." ' 1

The l e n g t h y study o f B r i e r r e de Boismont

p u b l i s h e d i n 1865 c o n t a i n s d e t a i l e d s t a t i s t i c s and a discussion of

2

causes of p h y s i o l o g i c a l f a c t o r s and legal issues.

M o r s e l l i ' s S u i c i d e , An Essay on Comparative M o r a l S t a t i s t i c s ,

p u b l i s h e d i n 1881, r e p r e s e n t s a major c o n t r i b u t i o n t o the l i t e r a t u r e

on the subject. Although written by a p s y c h i a t r i s t , the work i s

primarily sociologic in orientation. I t examines the influences

on s u i c i d e of cosmic, e t h n i c , s o c i a l , " i n d i v i d u a l b i o l o g i c a l " and

"individual psychological" f a c t o r s , d i s c u s s e s the significance of

ethnic and individual differences i n t h e methods of self-destruction,

r e l a t e s s u i c i d e t o M a l t h u s i a n and Darwinian p r i n c i p l e s , and

3
f i n a l l y s u g g e s t s broad t h e r a p e u t i c measures f o r i t s prevention.

In 1882 the book S u i c i d e , S t u d i e s on i t s P h i l o s o p h y , Causes,

and P r e v e n t i o n appeared. The author> O'Dea, d i s c u s s e s suicide

i n r e l a t i o n t o the r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f s , moral t e n e t s and laws e x t a n t

1. P i e r r e - E g i s t e L i s l e , Du S u i c i d e ; S t a t i s t i q u e , Medecine, H i s t o i r e
et L e g i s l a t i o n , P a r i s , J.B. B a i l l i e r e , 1856. Quoted i n D u b l i n and
B u n z e l , To Be Or Not To Be, p. 227.

2. Alexander Jacques F r a n c o i s B r i e r r e de Boismont, Du S u i c i d e et de la

F o l i e S u i c i d e , P a r i s , L i b r a i r i e Germer B a i l l i e r e , 1865. IbIB, p. 228

3. Henry M o r s e l l i , S u i c i d e , An E s s a y on Comparative M o r a l Statistics,

London, C. Kegan P a u l & Co. 1881.
 25,

a t v a r i o u s s t a g e s i n t h e h i s t o r i c e v o l u t i o n of civilization.

He examines what he terms " p e r s o n a l " and " s o c i a l " causes, (the

l a t t e r b e i n g f o r him t h e p r e d i s p o s i t i o n s i n h e r e n t i n c e r t a i n

c a t e g o r i e s of such f a c t o r s as age and sex, o c c u p a t i o n , domestic

l i f e , " e d u c a t i o n and l i t e r a t u r e " , r a c e and n a t i o n a l i t y ) and

c o n c l u d e s w i t h p r o p o s a l s f o r measures of prevention. 1

2. Durkheim's Theory o f S u i c i d e ,

Durkheim's t r e a t i s e on s u i c i d e i s r e g a r d e d as a sociological

classic. In i t he attempts t o a n a l y z e t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p between

s u i c i d e and v a r i o u s s o c i a l and n a t u r a l phenomena. H i s p o i n t of

departure i n t h i s work i s the n e g a t i o n of what he terms " e x t r a - s o c i a l

factors"—psychopathy, the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of r a c e and heredity,

cosmic f a c t o r s such as c l i m a t e and s e a s o n a l temperature, and the

p s y c h o l o g i c a l mechanism of i m i t a t i o n — - a s p o s s i b l e causes o f

suicide.

A Extra-Social Factors

For Ourkheim p s y c h o p a t h i c s t a t e s can bear a d i r e c t

r e l a t i o n s h i p t o s u i c i d e o n l y i f every s u i c i d e were c o n s i d e r e d t o be,

i n i t s e l f , a mental d i s e a s e or a m a n i f e s t a t i o n of i n s a n i t y ; this

p o s s i b i l i t y Durkheim s t r o n g l y d e n i e s . Employing s t a t i s t i c a l data

he attempts t o show t h a t t h e r e was no p o s i t i v e c o r r e l a t i o n i n

n i n e named European c o u n t r i e s between the number of insane persons

and t h e number of s u i c i d e s .

1. James J . O'Dea, S u i c i d e , S t u d i e s on i t s P h i l o s o p h y , Causes, and

P r e v e n t i o n , New York, G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1882.
2. Ourkheim uses the term " p s y c h o p a t h i c " i n a d i f f e r e n t sense from
t h a t common t o d a y . He i s r e f e r r i n g t o a l l forms o f p s y c h i c d i s -
f u n c t i o n i n g and mental d i s o r d e r s .
 26.

After an examination documented by statistics of race

and heredity as potential determinants o f suicide Durkheim asks:

"Does not this prove that the cause of the variations of suicide

cannot be a congenital and invariable impulse, but the progressive

action of social l i f e ? " ^ He concludes that there exists no

definite and automatic predisposition to suicide (except in the

insane) but rather a general "aptitude" which assume a variety

of forms depending on circumstances which permit but do not

specifically cause suicide,,

Durkheim notes that suicide i s more prevalent i n the

temperate zone of Europe and he attempts to disprove the conclusions

or Morselli and Ferni who, also observing this fact, ascribed i t

to the mysterious effects of heat acting as a suicide stimulant

on cerebral functioning. Using s t a t i s t i c a l tables he shows that

the number of suicides i n Europe i s greatest i n the spring

and summer and i n the morning and afternoon of the twenty-four

hour period. He attributes this not to any cosmic or natural

force but rather to the intensification of social l i f e at these

times.

Durkheim next examines the hypothesis that imitation

i s a cause of suicide. He criticized the theory that imitation

i s the main source of a l l collective l i f e and holds that,

Certain as the contagion of suicide i s from

individual to individual, imitation never seems
to propogate i t so as to effect the social
suicide-rate. Its radiating influence

1 0 Mile Durkheim, Suicide, (Originally published i n 1897) trans 8

by John A.Spaulding and George Simpson, Glencoe, The Free Press,

1951, P. 102 a
 27.

i s always v e r y r e s t r i c t e d ; and what i s more,

intermittent.

In s h o r t , t h e n , Durkheim d i s p a t c h e s those t h e s e s which

require r e c o u r s e t o i n d i v i d u a l and extra-social causes i n the

e x p l a n a t i o n of s u i c i d e . He suggests t h a t the r e s u l t o f h i s process

of e l i m i n a t i o n has not been t o t a l l y n e g a t i v e . He writes:

We have i n f a c t shown t h a t f o r each s o c i a l

group t h e r e i s a s p e c i f i c tendency t o s u i c i d e
e x p l a i n e d n e i t h e r by the o r g a n i c - p s y c h i c
c o n s t i t u t i o n o f i n d i v i d u a l s nor the n a t u r e of
the p h y s i c a l environment. C o n s e q u e n t l y ,
by e l i m i n a t i o n , i t must n e c e s s a r i l y depend
upon s o c i a l causes and be i n i t s e l f a c o l l e c t i v e
phenomenon; some of the f a c t s examined, e s p e c i a l l y
the g e o g r a p h i c and s e a s o n a l v a r i a t i o n s o f s u i c i d e ,
2

had d e f i n i t e l y l e d us t o t h i s c o n c l u s i o n .

B. Egoistic Suicide.

Durkheim h o l d s t h a t c u r r e n t s of s u i c i d e a r e not related

t o p e r s o n a l and i n d i v i d u a l concomitants but rather t o the social

structure and i t s ramifying functions, and that there are social

types of s u i c i d e i d e n t i f i a b l e and c l a s s i f i a b l e by the causes

which produce them. Once the s o c i a l d e t e r m i n a n t s have been

i s o l a t e d , i n d i v i d u a l s u i c i d e may, he b e l i e v e s , be placed in i t s

proper e t i o l o g i c a l s e t t i n g .

The t h r e e t y p e s a r r i v e d a t by Durkheim a r e egoistic

s u i c i d e , a l t r u i s t i c s u i c i d e , and anomic suicide.

From an examination of r e l i g i o u s a f f i l i a t i o n , m a r r i a g e

and the f a m i l y , and p o l i t i c a l and national communities, Durkheim i s

1. I b i d . , p. 140.

2. I b i d . , p. 145.
 28.

led t o the first o f h i s t h r e e c a t e g o r i e s o f s u i c i d e , namely,

egoistic suicide. T h i s may be d e f i n e d as the insufficient

presence of s o c i e t y i n the i n d i v i d u a l or t h e l a c k of integration

o f the i n d i v i d u a l i n t o the society i n which he lives. 1

A c c o r d i n g l y , when the s o l i d a r i t y of group l i f e isweakened, when

the i n d i v i d u a l i s l e s s s u b j e c t t o group c o n t r o l , and when s o c i a l

f o r c e s throw him o n t o h i s own r e s o u r c e s , the tendency toward

suicide i s greater.

Durkheim f i r s t examines what he terms " r e l i g i o u s

society". Showing, by use of s t a t i s t i c a l compilations, that the

suicide rate i s h i g h e s t i n predominantly P r o t e s t a n t c o u n t r i e s and

lowest i n p u r e l y C a t h o l i c c o u n t r i e s and J e w i s h communities, he

o f f e r s an i n t e r p r e t a t i o n f o r these f a c t s . He suggests that

Protestant propensity for self-destruction i s related to i t s

2

animating s p i r i t of f r e e inquiry, which grows out of or

follows naturally from the overthrow of t r a d i t i o n a l t e n e t s ; that

schisms, t a k i n g the form of a d i v e r s i t y of b e l i e f s and practices,

s e r v e t o weaken common bonds. "We t h u s r e a c h the conclusion

t h a t the s u p e r i o r i t y of P r o t e s t a n t i s m w i t h r e s p e c t t o suicide

r e s u l t s from i t s b e i n g a l e s s s t r o n g l y integrated c h u r c h than the

Catholic church.

By contrast, he c o n t e n d s , C a t h o l i c thought prohibits

religious individualism and d o c t r i n a l v a r i a t i o n , and demands

1. I b i d . , p. 258.

2. Durkheim p o i n t s out t h a t f r e e i n q u i r y l e a d s i n e v i t a b l y t o i n c r e a s e d
knowledge and t h i s , i n t u r n , can f u r t h e r uproot r e l i g i o u s f a i t h ,
r e s u l t i n g i n a weakening of s o c i a l bonds, (p. 169).
3. I b i d . , pp. 152-159.

4. I b i d . , p. 159.
 29.

1
c o n f o r m i t y and submission t o e c c l e s i a s t i c a l a u t h o r i t y . The

r e s u l t i n g u n i t y of t h e Roman Church thus o p e r a t e s t o minimize

2
s u i c i d e among i t s a d h e r e n t s .

The low i n c i d e n c e o f s u i c i d e amongst Jews can be

3

e x p l a i n e d , Durkheim b e l i e v e s , by the compactness and coherence

o f the J e w i s h community and by t h e s t r o n g f e e l i n g of self-

c o n s c i o u s n e s s and onenesso

For Durkheim, t h e n , t h e d e t e r r e n t e f f e c t s o f

r e l i g i o u s f a i t h on s u i c i d e cannot be a t t r i b u t e d t o dogma

but r a t h e r t o t h e f a c t t h a t r e l i g i o n i s , in i t s e l f , a society —•

a s o c i e t y c o n s t i t u t e d o f commonly h e l d b e l i e f s and practices

which s e r v e a c o h e s i v e , p r e s e r v a t i v e , and i n t e g r a t i v e f u n c t i o n .

Durkheim next c o n s i d e r s t h e f a m i l y and political

society. He i n t r o d u c e s two c o n c e p t s , " t h e c o e f f i c i e n t of

preservation" 4
and " t h e c o e f f i c i e n t of a g g r a v a t i o n " , 5
and

from t h e a p p l i c a t i o n of t h e s e c o n c e p t s t o s t a t i s t i c a l d a t a he

d e r i v e s four laws:

1. Durkheim imputescthe low r a t e of s u i c i d e i n B r i t a i n t o the

f e a t u r e s o f s i m i l a r i t y between the Church of England and the
Roman C a t h o l i c Church, (pp. 160-161).

2. I b i d . , pp. 157-158.

3. Durkheim a t t r i b u t e s t h i s s o l i d a r i t y t o t h e r e a c t i o n of the
J e w i s h people t o t h e i r h o s t i l e s u r r o u n d i n g s , (pp. 159-160).

4. He d e f i n e s t h i s as " t h e number showing how many t i m e s l e s s

f r e q u e n t s u i c i d e i s . i n one group than i n another a t t h e same
age." ( p . 177).

5. T h i s concept may be d e f i n e d as " t h e number showing how many times

more f r e q u e n t s u i c i d e i s i n one group than another a t t h e same
age." ( p . 177).
 30. -
Too early marriages have an aggravating influence
on suicide, especially as regards men.
From twenty years, married persons of both sexes
enjoy a coefficient of preservation i n comparison
with unmarried persons.
•The coefficient of preservation of married persons
by comparison with unmarried persons varies with
the sexes 0

Widowhood diminishes the coefficient of married

persons of each sex, but i t rarely eliminates i t
entirelyo 1

He holds that the immunity of married persons to

suicide can be ascribed to one of two causes: matrimonial selection'

or the influence of the domestic environment.^ By a series of

deductions, s t a t i s t i c a l l y documented, he concludes that "the

immunity of married persons i n general i s thus due, wholly for

one sex and largely for the other, to the influence not of

conjugal society but of the family society."^ Durkhein holds,

too, that the greater number of members composing the family

the less i s the tendency of each member toward suicide. He

writes:

But for a group to be said to have less common

l i f e than another means that i t i s less power-
f u l l y integrated; for the state of
integration of a social aggregate can only
reflect the intensity of the collective l i f e
circulating i n i t . It i s more unified and
powerful the more active and constant i s the
intercourse among i t s members. Our previous

1. Ibid., pp 178-179

2. By this Durkheim means the Gtoice of an organically-psychologically

superior mate. Allegedly, the end result of selection w i l l be the
superiority of the married over the single population, (pp.180-181)

3. Durkheim distinguishes between conjugal society (the husband-wife

unit) and family society (parents and children). Domestic en-
vironment and family society refer to the latter, (pp. 185-189)
 31

c o n c l u s i o n may t h u s be completed t o r e a d : just

as the f a m i l y i s a p o w e r f u l s a f e g u a r d a g a i n s t
s u i c i d e , so the more s t r o n g l y i t i s c o n s t i t u t e d
the g r e a t e r i t s p r o t e c t i o n . 1

The t h i r d and f i n a l " s o c i e t y " examined by Durkheim i s

political society. Perceiving t h a t t h e s u i c i d e r a t e drops i n

t i m e s o f war, political c r i s e s , and s o c i a l u p h e a v a l s , he argues

t h a t o n l y one explanation can account f o r t h i s phenomenon:

Great s o c i a l . d i s t u r b a n c e s and great popular wars

rouse c o l l e c t i v e sentiments, stimulate p a r t i s a n
s p i r i t and p a t r i o t i s m , p o l i t i c a l and n a t i o n a l
f a i t h , a l i k e , and c o n c e n t r a t i n g a c t i v i t y toward
a s i n g l e end, a t l e a s t t e m p o r a r i l y cause a
s t r o n g e r i n t e g r a t i o n o f s o c i e t y . The s a l u t a r y
i n f l u e n c e which we have j u s t shown t o e x i s t i s due not to
the c r i s i s but t o the s t r u g g l e s i t o c c a s i o n s . As
they f o r c e men t o c l o s e r a n k s and c o n f r o n t the common
c a u s e . B e s i d e s , i t i s comprehensible t h a t t h i s
i n t e g r a t i o n may not be p u r e l y momentary but may
sometimes o u t l i v e i t s immediate c a u s e s , e s p e c i a l l y

when i t i s I n t e n s e .

In c o n c l u d i n g h i s a n a l y s i s o f e g o i s t i c s u i c i d e Durkheim

suggests t h a t t h r e e p r o p o s i t i o n s have been f o r m u l a t e d :

1. S u i c i d e v a r i e s i n v e r s e l y w i t h the degree
of i n t e g r a t i o n of r e l i g i o u s s o c i e t y .
2. S u i c i d e v a r i e s i n v e r s e l y w i t h the degree
of i n t e g r a t i o n o f domestic s o c i e t y .
3. S u i c i d e v a r i e s i n v e r s e l y w i t h the degree
of i n t e g r a t i o n of p o l i t i c a l s o c i e t y . 3

He writes:

T h i s g r o u p i n g shows t h a t whereas t h e s e d i f f e r e n t
s o c i e t i e s have a moderating i n f l u e n c e upon
s u i c i d e , t h i s i s due not t o s p e c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s
of each but t o a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c common t o a l l .
R e l i g i o n does not owe i t s e f f i c a c y t o the s p e c i a l
n a t u r e of r e l i g i o u s s e n t i m e n t s , s i n c e domestic
and p o l i t i c a l s o c i e t i e s both produce the same
e f f e c t s when s t r o n g l y i n t e g r a t e d . T h i s , moreover,

1. I b i d . , p. 202.

2. I b i d . , p. 208.

3. Ibid.
 32

we have a l r e a d y proved when s t u d y i n g d i r e c t l y

the manner of d i f f e r e n t r e l i g i o n s upon s u i c i d e *
I n v e r s e l y , i t i s not t h e s p e c i f i c n a t u r e o f the
domestic or p o l i t i c a l t i e which can e x p l a i n the
immunity they c o n f e r , s i n c e r e l i g i o u s s o c i e t y
has the same advantage«, The cause can o n l y be
found i n a s i n g l e q u a l i t y possessed by a l l t h e s e
s o c i a l groups, though perhaps t o v a r y i n g d e g r e e s .
The o n l y q u a l i t y s a t i s f y i n g t h i s c o n d i t i o n i s
t h a t they a r e a l l s t r o n g l y i n t e g r a t e d s o c i a l
groups. So we r e a c h the g e n e r a l c o n c l u s i o n :
s u i c i d e v a r i e s i n v e r s e l y w i t h the degree of
i n t e g r a t i o n o f the s o c i a j . groups o f which the
i n d i v i d u a l forms a p a r t .

C. Altruistic Suicide.

The second broad c a t e g o r y of s u i c i d e developed by

Durkheim i s the a l t r u i s t i c .

Drawing upon a f a i r l y e x t e n s i v e l i t e r a t u r e he cites

numerous examples of a c t s o f s e l f - d e s t r u c t i o n among p r i m i t i v e groups

and c l a s s i c o r i e n t a l s o c i e t i e s — a c t s compelled by a sense o f

d u t y , honour, or t h e j o y of s a c r i f i c e . He r e a s o n s t h a t one

cause o n l y can account f o r t h e s e a l t r u i s t i c s u i c i d e s : a limited

sense of p e r s o n a l i d e n t i t y and worth i n persons l i v i n g i n an

e x t r e m e l y c o h e s i v e s o c i e t y which r i g o r o u s l y governs custom and

habit. He writes:

For the i n d i v i d u a l t o occupy so l i t t l e p l a c e

i n c o l l e c t i v e l i f e he must be almost c o m p l e t e l y
absorbed i n the group and the l a t t e r , a c c o r d i n g l y ,
v e r y h i g h l y i n t e g r a t e d . For t h e p a r t s t o have
so l i t t l e l i f e o f t h e i r own, t h e whole must indeed
be a compact, c o n t i n u o u s mass. And we have shown
elsewhere t h a t such massive c o h e s i o n i s i n d e e d ^ t h a t
of s o c i e t i e s where the above p r a c t i c e s o b t a i n .

1. I b i d . , pp. 208-209.

2. I b i d * P» 220-221.
 33

And again:

H i s person has so l i t t l e v a l u e t h a t a t t a c k s upon

i t by i n d i v i d u a l s r e c e i v e o n l y r e l a t i v e l y weak
restraint. I t i s t h u s n a t u r a l f o r him t o be
yet l e s s p r o t e c t e d a g a i n s t c o l l e c t i v e n e c e s s i t i e s
and t h a t s o c i e t y s h o u l d not h e s i t a t e , f o r t h e v e r y
s l i g h t e s t r e a s o n , t o b i d him end a l i f e i t v a l u e s
so l i t t l e . 1

Durkheim admits t o a p r o b a b l e r e l a t i o n s h i p between t h e

phenomenon o f a l t r u i s t i c s u i c i d e and pantheism but he d e n i e s

t h a t pantheism produces suicide.

I f t h e essence of pantheism, t h e n , i s a more

or l e s s r a d i c a l d e n i a l of a l l i n d i v i d u a l i t y ,
such a r e l i g i o n c o u l d be c o n s t i t u t e d o n l y i n
s o c i e t y where t h e i n d i v i d u a l r e a l l y counts f o r
n o t h i n g , t h a t i s , i n almost w h o l l y l o s t i n the
group. For men can c o n c e i v e of t h e w o r l d
o n l y i n t h e image o f t h e s m a l l s o c i a l w o r l d i n
which they l i v e . R e l i g i o u s pantheism i s
t h u s o n l y a r e s u l t and, as i t were, a r e f l e c t i o n
of the p a n t h e i s t i c o r g a n i z a t i o n o f s o c i a t y . 2

Another environment examined by Durkheim i n which

altruistic suicide i s prevalent i s m i l i t a r y l i f e . A g a i n , by a

s e r i e s of d e d u c t i o n s supported by s t a t i s t i c a l d a t a , he attempts to

show t h a t m i l i t a r y l i f e demands such a h i g h degree of i m p e r s o n a l i t y ,

s e l f - a b n e g a t i o n , and r e n u n c i a t i o n t h a t i t i s c o n d u c i v e t o

suicide.

D. Anomic S u i c i d e .

The t h i r d t y p e of s u i c i d e i n Durkheim's c l a s s i f i c a t i o n

i s anomic s u i c i d e . He n o t e s t h a t i n time of economic c r i s i s the

 34.

r a t e of s u i c i d e r i s e s , but he a l s o observes t h a t "even f o r t u n a t e

c r i s e s , t h e e f f e c t of which i s a b r u p t l y t o enhance a country's

prosperity, affect s u i c i d e l i k e economic d i s a s t e r s . " 1

This

f a c t he s u p p o r t s w i t h a b r i e f review of contemporary European

p o l i t i c a l and economic events and w i t h r e l a t e d s t a t i s t i c a l data.

He o f f e r s a g e n e r a l e x p l a n a t i o n f o r t h i s phenomenon and poses

a question:

I f t h e r e f o r e i n d u s t r i a l or f i n a n c i a l c r i s e s i n c r e a s e
s u i c i d e s , t h i s i s not because they cause p o v e r t y ,
s i n c e c r i s e s o f p r o s p e r i t y have the same r e s u l t ;
i t i s because they a r e c r i s e s , t h a t i s , d i s t u r b a n c e s
of t h e c o l l e c t i v e o r d e r . Every d i s t u r b a n c e
of e q u i l i b r i u m , even though i t a c h i e v e s g r e a t e r
comfort and a h e i g h t e n i n g o f g e n e r a l v i t a l i t y , i s
an impulse t o v o l u n t a r y d e a t h . Whenever s e r i o u s
readjustments take p l a c e i n the s o c i a l o r d e r ,
whether or not due t o a sudden growth or t o an
unexpected c a t a s t r o p h e , men a r e more i n c l i n e d t o
s e l f - d e s t r u c t i o n . How i s t h i s p o s s i b l e ? How can
something c o n s i d e r e d g e n e r a l l y t o improve e x i s t e n c e s e r v e
t o detach men from i t ?

Durkheim then attempts t o answer these q u e s t i o n s . He suggests

t h a t man's p a s s i o n s , needs, and f e e l i n g s a r e s u b j e c t t o an

e x t e r n a l f o r c e of r e s t r a i n t , namely s o c i e t y ; t h a t s o c i e t y p l a y s

the r o l e of moderating t h e i n d i v i d u a l ' s d e s i r e s i n k e e p i n g with

i t s s o c i a l requirements; and that society, a c t i n g c o l l e c t i v e l y as

a r e g u l a t i v e mechanism, a s s i g n s t o each i n d i v i d u a l h i s p l a c e i n

t h e s o c i a l order and sets l i m i t s t o h i s ambitions and a s p i r a t i o n s .

The r e s u l t , c l a i m s Durkheim, i s a sense of s e l f - s a t i s f a c t i o n and

stability. He w r i t e s :
 35.

T h i s r e l a t i v e l i m i t a t i o n and the moderation i t

i n v o l v e s , make men c o n t e n t e d w i t h t h e i r l o t w h i l e
s t i m u l a t i n g them moderately t o improve i t ; and
t h i s average contentment causes the f e e l i n g o f
calm, a c t i v e h a p p i n e s s , the p l e a s u r e i n e x i s t i n g and
l i v i n g which c h a r a c t e r i z e s h e a l t h f o r s o c i e t i e s as
w e l l as f o r i n d i v i d u a l s . Each persons i s then
a t l e a s t , g e n e r a l l y s p e a k i n g , i n harmony w i t h h i s
c o n d i t i o n , and d e s i r e s o n l y what he may l e g i t i m a t e l y
hope f o r as the normal reward of h i s a c t i v i t y . 1

He p o i n t s o u t , however, t h a t s i n c e i n t i m e s of c r i s e s

and sudden t r a n s i t i o n s , s o c i e t y becomes t e m p o r a r i l y unable t o

e x e r c i s e i t s r e g u l a t i n g and c o n t r o l l i n g f u n c t i o n , the suicide

rate increases. Economic d i s a s t e r s , or abrupt changes i n the

d i s t r i b u t i o n of w e a l t h and power, he h o l d s , produce a d i s e q u i l i b r i u m ,

f a c i l i t a t e excessive s o c i a l m o b i l i t y , promote a w h e t t i n g of

u n s a t i a b l e economic a p p e t i t e s and a weakening of t h e influence

o f t r a d i t i o n a l r u l e s , and found c o n d i t i o n s t o which the

i n d i v i d u a l cannot adapt w i t h o u t extreme d i f f i c u l t y . As these

d i s r u p t i v e f o r c e s then r e i n f o r c e each o t h e r , a s t a t e of deregulation

or anomie e x i s t s .

I t i s Durkheim*s c o n t e n t i o n that i n the sphere of

t r a d e and i n d u s t r y the lack of organization causes a chronic

s t a t e of anomie. He quotes f i g u r e s t o show t h a t " i n d u s t r i a l and

commercial f u n c t i o n s a r e r e a l l y among the o c c u p a t i o n s which

f u r n i s h the g r e a t e s t number of s u i c i d e s . Economic anomie i s

not t h e o n l y anomie which g i v e s r i s e t o s u i c i d e . N o t i n g what

3
he terms "the p a r a l l e l development of d i v o r c e s and suicides",

1. I b i d . , p. 250.

2. I b i d . , p. 257.

3. I b i d . , p. 273.
 v 36,

Durkheim a t t r i b u t e s i t t o t h e s t a t e o f c o n j u g a l anomie produced

by divorce.

E. Summary.

In summary, t h e n , Durkheim d i s m i s s e s those theories

of s u i c i d e which would e x p l a i n t h e causes o f t h e phenomenon i n

terms o f p e r s o n a l m o t i v e s and e n v i r o n m e n t a l and h e r e d i t a r y factors,

and he d e v e l o p s i n s t e a d three " i d e a l types" of s u i c i d e , e g o i s t i c ,

a l t r u i s t i c and anomic. The f i r s t i s seen a s a m a n i f e s t a t i o n o f

the g r o s s incompleteness of t h e i n d i v i d u a l ' s i n t e g r a t i o n into

s o c i e t y , h i s e x c e s s i v e i n d i v i d u a t i o n and h i s sense o f s o c i a l

isolation. The second, i n c o n t r a s t , i s seen a s symptromatic

of an o v e r l y - s t r o n g group attachment, a s u b o r d i n a t i o n o f i n d i v i d u a l

t o group i n t e r e s t s , and a l o s s o f p e r s o n a l v a l u e s and a d i s t i n c t

identity. The t h i r d i s an e x p r e s s i o n of t h e absence f o r the.

i n d i v i d u a l o f t h e d i s c i p l i n e and r e g u l a t i o n s customarily

prescribed by s o c i e t y , and t h e l o s s of a sense o f o r d e r l i n e s s ,

equilibrium, and o r i e n t a t i o n .

3. C r i t i c a l Appraisal o f Durkheim's T h e o r y .

Basic t o an u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f Durkheim's w r i t i n g s i s an

u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f h i s view o f s o c i e t y and of t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p of

the i n d i v i d u a l t o t h e s o c i a l group. In r e s p e c t t o t h i s he adopted

a position 1
r a d i c a l l y opposed t o t h e p r e v a i l i n g i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c

1. T h i s has been termed by T a l c o t t Parsons a s " s o c i o l o g i s t i c "

positivism. (The S t r u c t u r e o f S o c i a l A c t i o n , G l e n c o e , The F r e e
P r e s s , 1949, pp. 343-344).
 37

1
versions o f t h e main t r a d i t i o n o f p o s i t i v i s t i c t h o u g h t . Dublin

and B u n z e l have l u c i d l y o u t l i n e d Durkheim*s c o n c e p t i o n o f s o c i e t y .

A s o c i e t y c o n s i s t s n o t o n l y o f the sum o f i t s members,

but a l s o o f t h e i n t e r a c t i o n s o f t h e s e i n d i v i d u a l s
upon each o t h e r , p l u s the m a t e r i a l t h i n g s which p l a y
an e s s e n t i a l p a r t i n community l i f e . In consequence,
s o c i a l t h i n k i n g i s n o t determined e x c l u s i v e l y by the
c o n s c i o u s n e s s o f i n d i v i d u a l s , or even by the sum
t o t a l o f t h e i n d i v i d u a l i d e a s c u r r e n t a t any g i v e n
t i m e , f o r i t s n a t u r e i s a l t e r e d by t h e v e r y f a c t t h a t
t h e s e d i f f e r e n t i d e a s have f u s e d . Any s o c i e t y i s
q u a l i t a t i v e l y d i f f e r e n t from t h e s e v e r a l c o n s t i t u e n t s
f o r m i n g i t ; and whether or n o t a person may choose t o
p a r t i c i p a t e i n group a c t i v i t y , he cannot escape from
the p r e s s u r e which t h e group e x e r t s . The p a t t e r n s
of l i f e and t h e p r a c t i c e s t h a t p r e v a i l , l a r g e l y
determine h i s a c t i o n s . Among f o r c e s e x t e r n a l t o
the i n d i v i d u a l v o l i t i o n i s t h e s u i c i d a l tendency
which i s a s o c i a l product — a s o c i a l f a c t w i t h which
we must r e c k o n . In other words, t h e r e exists always
i n s o c i e t y a c o l l e c t i v e f o r c e ( i n t h i s c a s e towards
s u i c i d e ) which i s c o n s t a n t l y e x e r t i n g upon t h e
i n d i v i d u a l , a p r e s s u r e , t h e a c t i o n o f which i s not
g r e a t l y i n f l u e n c e d by h i s p e r s o n a l p s y c h o l o g y , h i s
i d e a s or h i s d e s i r e s . 2

In h i s r e p u d i a t i o n o f the " p o s i t i v i s t " p o s i t i o n and

his r e j e c t i o n o f e x p l a n a t i o n s o f behaviour i n terms o f p s y c h o l o g i c a l

3

variables, Durkheim t r a v e l l e d extremely f a r i n t h e o p p o s i t e

direction. An u n f l i n c h i n g advocate o f t h e " r e a l i s t " position,

he postulated an independent s o c i a l r e a l i t y e x t r i n s i c t o human

personality, held s o c i e t y t o be a l o g i c a l c o n s t r u c t and i n s i s t e d

on t h e s e l f - s u f f i c i e n c y of s o c i o l o g i c a l e x p l a n a t i o n s o f b e h a v i o u r .

Durkheim's c r i t i q u e o f t h e e a r l i e r attempts t o e x p l a i n

v a r i a t i o n s i n t h e r a t e o f s u i c i d e by r e c o u r s e t o e x t r a - s o c i a l

1. I b i d . , p. 307.

2. D u b l i n and B u n z e l , To Be Or Not T o Be, pp. 228-229.

3. In p a r t i c u l a r d i d Durkheim take e x c e p t i o n t o G a b r i e l T a r d e ' s

view t h a t i m i t a t i o n was t h e p s y c h o l o g i c a l mechanism which made
l i f e possible.
 38.

f a c t o r s had been s u b j e c t t o c r i t i c i s m . Harry A l p e r t r e v i e w i n g

the Spaulding-Simpson t r a n s l a t i o n o f Le S u i c i d e d e s c r i b e s t h e

method of e l i m i n a t i o n as b e i n g used i n an " e x t r a v a g e n t and

c a v a l i e r " manner.' ' 1

W h i l e Durkheim a b l y demonstrated, f o r the

most p a r t on e m p i r i c a l grounds, t h a t p r e v i o u s t h e o r i e s embodying

t h e f a c t o r s of c l i m a t e , r a c e , h e r e d i t y , p s y c h o p a t h i c states,

and i m i t a t i o n a r e i n c a p a b l e of y i e l d i n g a s a t i s f a c t o r y and

a c c e p t a b l e s o l u t i o n t o t h e problem, he d i d not succeed i n showing

t h a t they can have n o t h i n g t o do w i t h i t . For the modern

reader Durkheim's d i s m i s s a l of mental d i s o r d e r s as a determinant

of s u i c i d e may i n d i c a t e g r o s s s h o r t s i g h t e d n e s s and a s e r i o u s

f a i l i n g , but as Parsons p o i n t s out:

The p s y c h o p a t h o l o g i c a l views he c r i t i c i z e s a r e
p r i m a r i l y those which a t t r i b u t e s u i c i d e t o a
s p e c i f i c , hereditary psychopathological condition
and he i s a b l e t o show e a s i l y t h a t t h i s cannot
account f o r the s i g n i f i c a n t v a r i a t i o n s of s u i c i d e
r a t e s . H i s arguments do n o t , however, a p p l y t o
the " e n v i r o n m e n t a l " and " f u n c t i o n a l " t y p e s of
mental d i s t u r b a n c e of which our u n d e r s t a n d i n g has
been so g r e a t l y i n c r e a s e d i n t h e l a s t g e n e r a t i o n ,
e s p e c i a l l y ^ t h r o u g h p s y c h o a n a l y s i s and r e l a t e d
movements.

C r i t i c s have p o i n t e d t o t h e crudeness of Durkheim's

s t a t i s t i c a l t e c h n i q u e s and t o h i s o f t - t i m e s f o r c e d use o f statistics

3

when they h e l p e d support h i s contentions. There i s some

j u s t i f i c a t i o n f o r such a c r i t i c i s m , as even a c u r s o r y examination

o f t h e study w i l l show, but one should not l o s e s i g h t of the

1. Harry A l p e r t , (from a book review of the Simpson-Spaulding e d i t i o n of
Durkheim's Le S u i c i d e ) American S o c i o l o g i c a l Review, v o l . 16, 1951,
P. 566.
2. Parsons, S o c i a l A c t i o n , pp. 325-326.
3. A l p e r t , e s p e c i a l l y , c r i t i z e s t h i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c i n Durkheim's work
Simpson and Parsons comment on the l a c k of s t a t i s t i c a l r e -
finement but n e i t h e r c o n s i d e r i t p a r t i c u l a r l y d e t r a c t i n g .
 39.

broader p e r s p e c t i v e . For the body of e m p i r i c a l f a c t (i.e., the

s t a t i s t i c a l d a t a ) was of secondary importance, s e r v i n g as a

v e h i c l e f o r framing c o n c e p t s and developing theory. Parsons has

pointed t h i s out. He writes:

In t h e s o c i a l f i e l d most a v a i l a b l e s t a t i s t i c a l
i n f o r m a t i o n i s on a l e v e l which cannot be made
t o f i t d i r e c t l y i n t o the c a t e g o r i e s of a n a l y t i c a l
theory... In any e v e n t , i t i s out of the q u e s t i o n
t h a t i n t h e . u s u a l sense of s t a t i s t i c a l " e l e g a n c e "
he s h o u l d be h e l d t o have accomplished r i g o r o u s s t a t i s t i c a l
v e r i f i c a t i o n of h i s c o n c e p t u a l scheme. What i s t r u e
i s , r a t h e r , t h a t by means of a v e r y broad and
elementary s t a t i s t i c a l a n a l y s i s he has been a b l e t o
b r i n g out c e r t a i n broad f e a t u r e s of t h e f a c t s about
s u i c i d e and the v a r i a t i o n s i n i t s r a t e ... But t h e
v e r y broadness and l a c k of r e f i n e m e n t of the
s t a t i s t i c a l method i s perhaps an advantage from the
v i e w p o i n t o f t h e present i n t e r e s t ... I t i s almost
c e r t a i n t h a t r e f i n e d s t a t i s t i c a l a n a l y s i s of the d a t a
by modern t e c h n i q u e s would r e v e a l many c o m p l e x i t i e s
of which Burkheim was not aware, but i s very u n l i k e l y
t h a t any such a n a l y s i s would make i t p o s s i b l e t o
" r e f u t e " Durkheim on the^broad b a s i s on which h i s
analysis properly r e s t s .

The conceptual scheme used by Durkheim f o r the purpose

of t y p i n g v a r i e t i e s of s u i c i d e i s , i n r e a l i t y , an instrument

for c l a s s i f y i n g and a n a l y z i n g types of s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n ,

for, i n e s s e n c e , Durkheim was u s i n g h i s t h e o r y of s u i c i d e as

a means of d e v e l o p i n g g e n e r a l t h e o r i e s of s o c i a l phenomena.

Perhaps t h e s e v e r e s t t e s t of the r e l e v a n c y and v a l i d i t y of

Durkheim*s t y p e s of s u i c i d e l i e s , t h e n , not i n the d i r e c t i o n of

s t r i c t v e r i f i c a t i o n of h i s h y p o t h e s i s by more modern statistical

techniques but r a t h e r i n the d i r e c t i o n of t e s t i n g h i s c a t e g o r i e s

1. P a r s o n s , S o c i a l A c t i o n , p. 328-329.
 40.

of a n a l y t i c a l t h e o r y i n r e l a t i o n t o other k i n d s of behaviour.

As A l p e r t 1
has r i g h t l y pointed out, the t h e o r y of

s u i c i d e as embodied i n h i s book Le S u i c i d e r e v e a l s Durkheim's

b r i l l i a n c e and o r i g i n a l i t y , h i s astuteness in s o c i o l o g i c a l a n a l y s i s ,

h i s genius f o r bringing i n d i v i d u a l f a c t s into r e l a t i o n with

one another w i t h i n a m e a n i n g f u l c o n c e p t u a l framework, h i s f o r c e f u l

and p e r s i s t e n t demonstration t h a t even the a p p a r e n t l y highly

p e r s o n a l a c t of s e l f - d e s t r u c t i o n i s e x p l i c a b l e o n l y i n terms of

s o c i a l p r o c e s s e s and s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e s , and h i s concern w i t h

philosophical i m p l i c a t i o n s and p r a c t i c a l considerations as

w e l l as t h e o r e t i c a l generalizations.

Le S u i c i d e remains as t i m e l y and germane today as

when i t was written s i x t y y e a r s ago. As Henry and Short have

wr i t t e n :

Durkheim's was the f i r s t t h e o r e t i c a l and

empiric e x p l o r a t i o n of the p e r s i s t e n t v a r i a t i o n s
of s u i c i d e i n r e l a t i o n t o s o c i o l o g i c v a r i a b l e s .
H i s t h e o r e t i c a l t y p e s o f s u i c i d e and h i s frame
of r e f e r e n c e f o r t h e i r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n remain
b a s i c t o a l l r e s e a r c h by s o c i o l o g i s t s i n t h i s
area. 2

4. Halbwach's Theory o f Suicide.

Durkheim's approach t o the study o f s u i c i d e was

c a r r i e d f o r w a r d , t e s t e d and a p p l i e d f u r t h e r by h i s s t u d e n t ,

M a u r i c e Halbwachs, i n h i s work i n t e n d e d as a supplement to

1. A l p e r t , Am. Soc, Rev., v o l . 16, 1951, p. 566.

2. Andrew F. Henry and James F. S h o r t , J r . , "The S o c i o l o g y of S u i c i d e " ,

i n C l u e s t o S u i c i d e ( e d . by Edwin S. Shneidman, and Norman L»
Farberow, New York, McGraw-Hill Book Company, Inc., 1957, p. 58.
 41.

1
Le Suicide.

Halbwachs examines s u i c i d e i n r e l a t i o n t o comparative

urban and r u r a l r a t e s , t r e n d s i n rates i n different countries,

m a r i t a l s t a t u s , r e l i g i o u s a f f i l i a t i o n , homicide, p o l i t i c a l

and economic c r i s e s , a l c o h o l i s m , and p s y c h o p a t h i c s t a t e s .

Rather than a t t e m p t i n g t o amass new s t a t i s t i c s from o r i g i n a l

r e c o r d s , he c r i t i c a l l y re-examines t h e s t a t i s t i c a l t a b l e s published

by Durkheim and M o r s e l l i . By b r i n g i n g i n t o j u x t a p o s i t i o n

f a c t o r s n o t p r e v i o u s l y b e l i e v e d t o be r e l e v a n t and s t u d y i n g trends i n

one s e t o f f a c t o r s i n terms o f t h e o t h e r , he d i s t u r b s some o f t h e

o l d t h e o r i e s and i s a b l e t o advance new e x p l a n a t i o n s hitherto ignored

or dismissed.

One o f t h e most i n t e r e s t i n g hypotheses put f o r w a r d

concerns the high i n c i d e n c e o f s u i c i d e among men a s compared t o

women. This difference i n rates i s usually attributed to differences

2

i n t h e p s y c h o l o g i c a l c o n s t i t u t i o n o f men and women. Although

Halbwachs does n o t have c o n c l u s i v e d a t a he o f f e r s s t a t i s t i c s which

show t h a t when both attempted and s u c c e s s f u l s u i c i d e s a r e taken i n t o

c o n s i d e r a t i o n women appear t o show a s g r e a t a tendency toward

s u i c i d e a s do men. He then examines t h e methods used by men and

women and f i n d s t h a t whereas men choose r a t h e r r e l i a b l e methods o f

k i l l i n g themselves, women s e l e c t t h o s e which a r e l e s s c e r t a i n t o

1. Maurice Halbwachs, L e s Causes du S u i c i d e , P a r i s , L i b r a i r e

F e l i x A l c a n , 1930.

2. Durkheim, h i m s e l f , s u g g e s t s t h a t a woman's m e n t a l i t y i s l e s s
developed than a man's and t h a t she i s more " i n s t i n c t u a l . "
(Durkheim, p. 272.)
 42.

cause d e a t h .

The trend i n r a t e s over a p e r i o d o f y e a r s , Halbwachs

shows, must be viewed i n r e l a t i o n t o the p o p u l a t i o n growth and

the changing predominance o f o l d or young p e o p l e , f o r t h e s u i c i d e

r a t e i s much h i g h e r among o l d than among young p e o p l e . Although

the r a t e i n most European c o u n t r i e s i s i n c r e a s i n g , Halbwachs

demonstrates t h a t t h e i n c r e a s e has been a t a d e c r e a s e d r a t e .

He s u g g e s t s t h a t a p o i n t o f s t a b i l i z a t i o n w i l l p r o b a b l y be

reached i n each c o u n t r y — a point peculiar t o that country.

Halbwachs* d i s c u s s i o n o f t h e r e l a t i o n between p s y c h o p a t h o l o g i c

s t a t e s and s u i c i d e marks a new d i r e c t i o n o f thought on t h e s u b j e c t

of s e l f - d e s t r u c t i o n . Dispensing with s t a t i s t i c a l d a t a , he attempts

to devise a theory of causation o f s u i c i d e which a v o i d s t h e

t r a d i t i o n a l d u a l approaches o f t h e s o c i o l o g i s t and t h e p s y c h i a t r i s t .

As Parsons has n o t e d , Halbwachs sees no a n t i t h e s i s between t h e

s o c i a l and p s y c h o l o g i c a l e x p l a n a t i o n s o f s u i c i d e ; r a t h e r he

considers them complementary. ' 1

F o r Halbwachs t h e r e i s but one

cause f o r s u i c i d e : t h e detachment o f t h e i n d i v i d u a l from s o c i e t y

and h i s r e s u l t i n g sense o f s o c i a l i s o l a t i o n . He h o l d s t h a t

i t m a t t e r s l i t t l e whether i s o l a t i o n has i t s r o o t s i n p s y c h i c

d i s f u n c t i o n i n g or i n e x t e r n a l conditions.

The merit of Halbwachs' works l i e s i n t h e s i m p l i c i t y

of the s t a t i s t i c a l a n a l y s i s , i n the imaginative re-examination

of t h e d a t a b a s i c t o and u n d e r l y i n g M o r s e l l i ' s and Durkheim's

1. Parsons, S o c i a l A c t i o n , p . 326.
 43.

thesis, and i n the forthright endeavour to integrate two

seemingly opposed areas of investigation into one promising

line of inquiry. Alpert calls Halbwachs study a necessary

1

complement to Durkheim's and quotes Marcel Mauss, a student.of

the subject, as having referred to Les Causes du Suicide as the

"indispensable corrective" to Le Suicide,^"

5. Sociological Co-ordinates of Suicide.

After the publication of Durkheim's treatise there

gradually developed, primarily in an attempt to test his

2

hypotheses, a substantial body of empirical data. Investigations,

although empirical i n nature, were carried out within the broad

theoretical framework developed by Durkheim. To permit a more

systematic presentation and discussion of research findings a

number of summary topical categories are used.

1. Alpert.,Am. Soc.• Rev, vol. 16, 1951, p. 565-567.

2. The theme, i f not the focus, of much of this research i s

relating, often implicitly, the etiology and differing rates of
suicide to the strength of the relationship system (or the
degree of group solidarity) using as indices ecological d i s t r i -
bution, urban-rural differences, marital status and age. The
classic statement i n this approach i s , of course, Durkheim's but others
have followed. Dublin and Bunzel (152) writing about primitive societies
contend that to understand the reasons for suicide and the at-
titudes toward i t in any given primitive society, one must closely
examine the social organization of that society. They suggest
that the greater the emphasis on individuality and on personal
acquisition, the greater w i l l be the number of suicides and the
less the act w i l l be stigmatized. Where there i s less personal
striving for leadership, possessions and recognition, suicide, they
hold, w i l l not be as prevalent and the attitude towards i t much
more prohibitive. Faris, (Social Disorganization , New York,
Ronald Press, 1948, p. 66) borrowing from Halbwachs, holds that
social isolation promotes abnormal behaviour, of which suicide
i s but one manifestation.
 44

A) S u i c i d e and Climate e

S t a t i s t i c a l d a t a , past and present, have c o n s i s t e n t l y

shown t h a t the g r e a t e s t number of s u i c i d e s occur i n the spring

and e a r l y summer, and the fewest i n the winter season. Early

i n v e s t i g a t o r s such as M o r s e l l i , Lombroso and Ferri attributed

t h i s phenomenon t o the m y s t e r i o u s e f f e c t s of c l i m a t e on the

human o r g a n i s m . 1
M o r s e l l i has written:

S u i c i d e and madness a r e not i n f l u e n c e d so much

by the i n t e n s e heat of the advanced season as by
the e a r l y s p r i n g and summer, which s e i z e upon
the organism not y e t a c c l i m a t i z e d and s t i l l under
the i n f l u e n c e of the c o l d s e a s o n . And t h i s a p p l i e s
t o the f i r s t c o l d weather.

Durkheim, v i g o u r o u s l y o p p o s i n g the cosmic e x p l a n a t i o n , ascribed

seasonal v a r i a t i o n s i n s u i c i d e f r e q u e n c y t o the increased tempo

of s o c i a l l i f e i n the Northern Hemisphere i n May, June and

3

J u l y , and i t s d e c r e a s e i n November, December and January.

Miner, a s t a t i s t i c i a n , processing the date from the

o f f i c i a l compilations of n e a r l y t h i r t y European countries

( c o v e r i n g a p e r i o d of one hundred y e a r s ) , writes:

The maximum f r e q u e n c y of s u i c i d e o c c u r s i n
May or June, the minimum i n December or J a n u a r y .
T h i s appears t o be an e f f e c t of weather per s e . 4

1. Durkheim, S u i c i d e , pp. 104-113.

2. M o r s e l l i , S u i c i d e , p. 72.
3. Durkheim, S u i c i d e , pp. 119-122.

4. John R i c e M i n e r , " S u i c i d e and i t s R e l a t i o n t o C l i m a t i c and Other

F a c t o r s " , The American J o u r n a l o f Hygiene, Monographic S e r i e s , no.
2, J u l y , 1922, p. 111.
 45

D u b l i n and B u n z e l examined t h e monthly v a r i a t i o n s i n

s u i c i d e frequency during t h e y e a r s 1910-1923 i n a number o f

American c i t i e s l o c a t e d i n broadly scattered geographic a r e a s .

After taking i n t o account c l i m a t i c d i f f e r e n c e s i n the widely

spread l o c a l i t i e s , they conclude t h a t t h e same s e a s o n a l

fluctuation i s , w i t h some v e r y minor d i f f e r e n c e s , prevalent

everywhere, and t h a t t h e maximum number o f s u i c i d e s occur i n

the e a r l y part of the year, coincident w i t h t h e coming o f

s p r i n g weather. 1
Almost i d e n t i c a l f i n d i n g s were d i s c l o s e d by

an examination of the i n f l u e n c e s o f s e a s o n a l f a c t o r s on s u i c i d e

i n New York c i t y d u r i n g t h e same p e r i o d of time and i n England

2

and Wales from 1921 t o 1925.

The c o n t e n t i o n s o f M o r s e l l i , M i n e r , and o t h e r s t h a t

climate i n i t s e l f accounts f o r the f l u c t u a t i n g r a t e of s u i c i d e

a t d i f f e r e n t times o f t h e year a r e h i g h l y d e b a t a b l e . Durkheim*s

h y p o t h e s i s t h a t changes i n s o c i a l l i f e a r e r e s p o n s i b l e f o r

s e a s o n a l v a r i a t i o n s i n s u i c i d e i s more t e n a b l e a s f a r a s i t

goes. I t suggests p r o m i s i n g l i n e s o f i n q u i r y — perhaps i n

the d i r e c t i o n o f i n v e s t i g a t i n g t h e r e l a t i o n o f s e a s o n a l changes

i n s u i c i d e f r e q u e n c y t o economic t r e n d s and t h e i r implications

for social living.

B) Ecological Distribution

Cavan, examining t h e d i s t r i b u t i o n o f a l l s u i c i d e s

1. D u b l i n and B u n z e l , To Be Or Not To Be, p. 87.

 46

occuring i n Chicago during the y e a r s 1919 t o 1921, isolated

f o u r d i s t r i c t s i n which the s u i c i d e r a t e was high. These a r e a s were

characterized by s h i f t i n g p o p u l a t i o n s , a preponderance o f cheap

h o t e l s , rooming houses and restaurants — i n s h o r t , a r e a s of

extreme s o c i a l and personal disorganization. 1

Studies of the

e c o l o g y of s u i c i d e i n other c i t i e s have on the whole substantiated

Cavan*s f i n d i n g s . Schmid showed t h a t i n S e a t t l e and Minneapolis

s u i c i d e tends t o predominate i n the c e n t r a l l y l o c a t e d , disorganized

sectors. The h i g h degree o f r e s i d e n t i a l m o b i l i t y , the impersonality

and anonymity of c i t y l i f e , the i n e f f e c t u a l n e s s of s o c i a l norms

i n the c o n t r o l o f i n d i v i d u a l behaviour and the r e s u l t i n g

s o c i a l d i s o r g a n i z a t i o n a r e r e s p o n s i b l e , he b e l i e v e d , f o r the
2 3
h i g h r a t e of s u i c i d e . Far i s ' study of P r o v i d e n c e and Mowrer*s
4

a n a l y s i s of s u i c i d e i n C h i c a g o ( u s i n g a longer p e r i o d of time

and therefore a greater number of c a s e s than d i d Cavan) i n

general confirm Cavan's p a t t e r n of d i s t r i b u t i o n of rates.

S a i n s b u r y s e t s out t o t e s t the h y p o t h e s i s t h a t differences

i n the s u i c i d e r a t e s of London boroughs w i l l d i s c l o s e t h e i r

social differences. He found thalithe boroughs showed:

1. Ruth Shonie Cavan, S u i c i d e , C h i c a g o , U n i v e r s i t y of C h i c a g o Press,

1928, pp. 77-105.

2. C a l v i n Schmid, " S o c i a l Saga of Two C i t i e s , An E c o l o g i c a l and

S t a t i s t i c a l Study of S o c i a l Trends i n M i n n e a p o l i s and S t . P a u l , "
The M i n n e a p o l i s C o u n c i l of S o c i a l A g e n c i e s Monograph S e r i e s No 1, 0

M i n n e a p o l i s , pp. 370-380 and " S u i c i d e i n S e a t t l e , 1914-1925: An E c o l o g i c a l

and B e h a v i o u r i s t i c Study," U n i v e r s i t y of Washington P u b l i c a t i o n s i n
t h e S o c i a l S c i e n c e s , V o l . 5 (October 1928).

3. Far i s , S o c i a l D i s o r g a n i z a t i o n , p. 208.

4. E . R. Mowrer, D i s o r g a n i z a t i o n P e r s o n a l and Social, Philadelphia,

J.B. L i p p i n c o t t Co., 1942, pp. 347-350.
 47

Significant differences between their suicide

rates, and a remarkable consistency i n rank
order of rate over three decades i n spite of
considerable changes i n the composition of their
populations.

A significant correlation of suicide rates

with rates for the following characteristicsr
social isolation (e.g. persons l i v i n g alone,
and i n boarding-houses)j social mobility (e.g.
daily turnover of population, and number of
immigrants); and two of the indices of social
disorganization (divorce and illegitimacy).

Sainsbury holds that by plotting on a map of North London

the distribution of some 409 suicides, the relations are corroborated.

He writes:

The findings (are related) to the ecological

structure of London, i . e . the unplanned process
by which, i n the course of i t s growth, districts
with particular social attributes have been
differentiated. Suicide rates were highest i n the
West End and North-West London where both class
and spatial mobility are highest, small f l a t and
boarding-house accommodation preponderates,
r shared mores are absent, and relationships impersonal.
•Suicide rates were low i n the peripheral southern
boroughs where family l i f e and stability prevail, and
in many of the working-class districts whose residents
are locally born and where l i f e i s more neighbourly.

The ecological approach, with i t s identification of

the social conditions i n a defined geographical unit i n reference

to pathologies, i s a f r u i t f u l one.

1. Peter Sainbury, Suicide i n London: An Ecological Study. London,

Chapman & Hall Ltd. 1955, p. 90.

2. Ibid.
 48,
C) Urban and Rural Differences,

That there i s a direct relationship between the

degree of urbanization and suicide rates has been shown i n a

number of sociological studies.

Miner, analyzing extensive European statistics covering

the period from 1871 to 1905, concludes that the suicide rate
1
i s usually higher in urban than in rural communities. Halbwachs

gives figures which show that i n France the suicide mortality

rate among the rural population in considerably lower than among

2
the urban. Comparative American statistics are examined by

Dublin and Bunzel with some interest findings. They show

that with the growth of urbanism came a progressive increase i n

suicide frequency i n the f i r s t three decades of the twentieth

century and a greater spread between urban and rural suicide

rates. They statistically demonstrate that the changes cannot

be attributed to a pronounced difference i n the age distribution

of the urban and rural population. Using data in a study by
3
Hoffman they point out, too, that i n general, the larger a city
4
i s the higher i s i t s suicide rate.

A striking demonstration of the relation of urbanism to

suicide can be seen by comparing, as did Dublin and Bunzel, the

1. Miner, Am. J. Hygiene, Monogr. 2, 1922, p.27

2. Halbwachs, Les Causes du Suicide, p. 172.

3. Frederick L. Hoffman, "The Suicide Record for 1931" The

Spectator. June 9,1932.

4. Dublin and Bunzel, To Be Or Not To Be. pp. 78-79«

 49,

low s u i c i d e r a t e s i n the s t a t e s of the r u r a l American South

w i t h the h i g h e r r a t e s of t h e more u r b a n i z e d s t a t e s of the North,

E a s t , and M i d w e s t . 1
As might be e x p e c t e d , though, t h e s u i c i d e

r a t e s i n l a r g e r southern urban c e n t r e s such as New Orleans,

Memphis, and A t l a n t a a r e c o n s i d e r a b l y h i g h e r than those in their

2

environs.

In order t o examine the s t a t i s t i c s w i t h more p r e c i s i o n

than a simple u r b a n - r u r a l d i v i s i o n p e r m i t s Cavan i n her book

S u i c i d e makes a t h r e e - p a r t d i v i s i o n of communities i n each s t a t e

of t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s (on the b a s i s of p o p u l a t i o n ) into rural and

towns ( l e s s than t e n thousand p e o p l e ) , secondary c i t i e s (ten

thousand t o one hundred thousand) and principal cities (over

100,000). Commenting on her f i n d i n g s she writes:

From these d a t a i t becomes apparent t h a t w h i l e
i n g e n e r a l the r a t e i n c r e a s e s from r u r a l through
secondary c i t i e s t o the p r i n c i p a l c i t i e s , t h e r e
i s on the one hand no d e f i n i t e and c o n s i s t e n t
r a t i o between the t h r e e r a t e s , and on the other
t h e r e a r e numerous e x c e p t i o n s , c a s e s i n which
the secondary c i t i e s and even the r u r a l s e c t i o n s
rank h i g h e r than the p r i n c i p a l c i t i e s . In t h e
t h i r d p l a c e , the r u r a l r a t e i n some s t a t e s i s
much h i g h e r than the r a t e o f t h e secondary and
even of the p r i n c i p a l c i t i e s i n other s t a t e s .
Mere r u r a l n e s s or urbanness does not f i x the
r a t e , a l t h o u g h i n a d j a c e n t s t a t e s ( t h a t i s , under
similar social conditions) a certain relationship
may be d e t e c t e d . Thus, i n the West, M i d d l e West,
and South the tendency i s f o r t h e p r i n c i p a l c i t i e s
t o exceed the secondary c i t i e s , which i n t u r n
exceed the r u r a l d i s t r i c t s .

1. I n t e r e s t i n g l y enough, the P a c i f i c c o a s t s t a t e s r e c o r d the

h i g h e s t s u i c i d e r a t e s i n the U n i t e d S t a t e s . Perhaps the " f r o n t i e r "
and anomic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of t h e r e g i o n a r e i n p a r t r e s p o n s i b l e .

2. Z.. D u b l i n and B u n z e l , To Be Or Not To Be, p. 81.

 50.

Ia the n o r t h e a s t e r n s t a t e s another p a t t e r n
t e n d s t o predominate. In New J e r s e y , f o r
i n s t a n c e , the r a t e f o r p r i n c i p a l c i t i e s i s 12 8 a

s u i c i d e s per 100,000; f o r secondary c i t i e s ,

11.9; and f o r r u r a l s e c t i o n s , 13.7. The same
r e l a t i o n s h i p and almost the i d e n t i c a l r a t e s h o l d
f o r New York. Rhode I s l a n d , M a s s a c h u s e t t s ,
New Hampshire, and Vermont a l l have r u r a l r a t e s
which equal or exceed the r a t e s not o n l y of
secondary c i t i e s but of primary c i t i e s as w e l l .

O f f e r i n g an e x p l a n a t i o n f o r the d i s p a r i t y between urban

and r u r a l s u i c i d e r a t e s , Henry and Short write:

One o f t h e c r i t i c a l d i f f e r e n c e s between r u r a l and

urban l i v i n g i s i n the s t a b i l i t y and c o n t i n u i t y of
f a m i l y and neighborhood l i f e . The s t r o n g c o n t r o l
e x e r c i s e d by the n e i g h b o r s on the farm or i n the
s m a l l town c o n t r a s t s s h a r p l y w i t h the anonymity
and i m p e r s o n a l i t y of l i f e i n the c i t y . These
c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the c i t y a r e m a g n i f i e d i n the
c e n t r a l , d i s o r g a n i z e d s e c t o r s . The steady r i s e i n
s u i c i d e from the t i g h t l y k n i t r u r a l community
t o the anonymity of the c i t y may r e f l e c t the
s t r o n g r e l a t i o n a l systems of the r u r a l small-town
d w e l l e r and the r e l a t i v e i s o l a t i o n from meaningful
r e l a t i o n s h i p s of many of the i n h a b i t a n t s of l a r g e
cities. 2

The c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of c i t y l i f e (graphically depicted

o 4

in the w r i t i n g s of Park and Burgess ° and W i r t h ) can be explained

on the b a s i s o f t h r e e v a r i a b l e s : number, d e n s i t y and degree o f

1. Cavan, S u i c i d e , pp. 46-48.

2. Henry and S h o r t , "The Sociology of S u i c i d e " , i n Clues t o S u i c i d e ,

P. 61. .

3. Robert E . Park, E r n e s t W. B u r g e s s , R o d e r i c k p. McKenzie, The C i t y ,

C h i c a g o , U n i v e r s i t y of C h i c a g o P r e s s , 1928.

4. L o u i s W i r t h , "Urbanism As a Way of L i f e " , American J o u r n a l of

S o c i o l o g y , V o l . 44, J u l y , 1938, pp. 1-24.
 51.

heterogeneity,^" Writers investigating the causes for the high

incidence of suicide i n cities tend to emphasize the f i r s t two

variables and overlook the third with i t s implications for

religious and socio-economic differences,

D) Marital Status,

The investigations of Durkheim, Halbwachs and others

amply demonstrate the complexity of the relation between suicide

and marital status. The d i f f i c u l t y i n a quantitative analysis

i s , of course, to hold constant variables which, i f uncontrolled

and unaccounted for, would produce a distorted s t a t i s t i c a l

picture. The following quotation i s a f a i r statement of research

findings.

The degree of involvement i n meaningful relation-

ships with other persons i s greater, on the average,
for the married than for the single, widowed, or
divorced. The married are by definition involved i n
at least one more meaningful relationship than
the non married. When the effects of age and sex are
held constant, the suicide rate of the married i s lower
than the rate of the single, the widowed, or the
divorced. Suicide i s highest for the divorced.
When the factor of age i s held constant, suicide
i s higher for the widowed than i t i s for the single,
up to the age of thirty-five. From age thirty-five
on, however, the suicide rate of the single
i s higher than that of the widowed. Strength of the
relational system i s related to the widowed and
single categories i n an extremely complex manner.
It i s probably weaker for the widowed than for the
single at the younger ages, when widowhood comes as
a greater shock and young family responsibilities
are most l i k e l y to be disrupted. On the other hand,
i t i s probably stronger for the widowed during the
older age periods, when they are more likely to have
the benefit of relations with their children grown
to adulthood and when the single find their re-
lationships curtailed by increasing morality of their
 52.

1
age group.

Such f i n d i n g s a r e c o n s i s t e n t w i t h the s u p p o s i t i o n t h a t the

propensity f o r s u i c i d e d e c r e a s e s when t h e i n d i v i d u a l i s i n v o l v e d

i n a web of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s .

E) Age and Sex.

Dublin and B u n z e l i n t h e i r compendium examine q u a n t i t a t i v e l y

the f a c t o r s of age and sex as r e l a t e d t o s u i c i d e . Summarising

American and European s t a t i s t i c a l d a t a they draw a number of

conclusions. F i r s t , numerically the number o f c h i l d r e n

2
(up t o age f i f t e e n ) who commit s u i c i d e i s n e g l i g i b l e . Second.

i n a d o l e s c e n c e (15-19) the female s u i c i d e r a t e i s s l i g h t l y

3
higher than the male but for neither sex a t t h i s time i s s u i c i d e

a s e r i o u s problem. T h i r d , f o r men the s u i c i d e r a t e increases

w i t h age: from a f i g u r e of ten s u i c i d e s per 100,000 p o p u l a t i o n

i n the age range 20 t o 24, i t i n c r e a s e s t o 40 i n the range 40 to

54 and then t o 66 i n the age range 65 t o 74. f o u r t h , f o r women

the s u i c i d e r a t e i n c r e a s e s l e s s r a p i d l y w i t h age: from a f i g u r e .

of s i x per 100,000 p o p u l a t i o n i n the age range 20 t o 24 i t

i n c r e a s e s by about ten i n the range 40 t o 54 y e a r s o f age and ;

remains f a i r l y c o n s t a n t . 4
F i f t h , the suicide mortality rate for

1. Henry and Short, "Sociology of S u i c i d e " i n C l u e s t o S u i c i d e , pp 61-62.

2. Dublin and B u n z e l , To Be Or Not To Be, p. 39.

3. D u b l i n and B u n z e l i n d i s c u s s i n g r e a s o n s f o r t h i s s p e c u l a t e t h a t
the e m o t i o n a l i n s t a b i l i t y and i n t e l l e c t u a l ferment of a d o l e s c e n c e i s
of g r e a t e r i n t e n s i t y f o r the female and t h a t i n a d d i t i o n t h e r e i s , f o r
h e r , the p o s s i b l e c o m p l i c a t i o n o f pregnancy out of wedlock ( p . 4 5 ) .

4. D u b l i n and B u n z e l o b t a i n e d t h i s d a t a , c o v e r i n g a twenty-year
p e r i o d , from the s t a t i s t i c a l department o f a l a r g e American l i f e
i n s u r a n c e company.
 53.

Negro males a t any age i s l e s s than o n e - h a l f of t h e r a t e f o r

white males, but t h e r a t e f o r Negro females i s over one-half

t h a t of t h e white female rate. 1

Henry and Short suggest an e x p l a n a t i o n f o r t h e s e

facts:

G e r o n t o l o g i s t s p o i n t out t h a t one of t h e c h i e f
problems of the aged i s t h a t of f u n d i n g meaningful
groups w i t h which t o a s s o c i a t e . Our c u l t u r e ,
w i t h i t s emphasis on c o n j u g a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s ,
makes i t more d i f f i c u l t f o r f a m i l y bonds t o remain
i n t a c t and s t r o n g w i t h the a g i n g p r o c e s s . F u r t h e r ,
the degree of involvement i n r e l a t i o n s h i p s w i t h i n the
" f a m i l y of o r i e n t a t i o n " v a r i e s w i t h age simply
as a f u n c t i o n of p a r e n t a l m o r t a l i t y . By age
f i f t y - f i v e t o s i x t y - f o u r , the p r o b a b i l i t y t h a t
at leas+ one of the two p a r e n t s w i l l be dead weakens
t h e s t r e n g t h o f the r e l a t i o n a l system of t h o s e persons
who m a i n t a i n c o n t a c t w i t h t h e i r p a r e n t s through
the y e a r s ... I t seems p r o b a b l e t h a t our c u l t u r a l
p a t t e r n of female dependency i s r e f l e c t e d i n the
lowered s u i c i d e r a t e s of aged f e m a l e s . That i s ,
w h i l e aged males may be a l l o w e d t o d r i f t , thus
weakening the s t r e n g t h of t h e i r r e l a t i o n a l bonds,
t h e aged mother i s more l i k e l y t o be taken c a r e o f
by one of her c h i l d r e n . 2

F) War.

Examination of r e s e a r c h d a t a c o n f i r m s Durkheim's

o b s e r v a t i o n t h a t the s u i c i d e r a t e d e c r e a s e s i n time of war.

D u r i n g the American C i v i l War t h e r a t e , a c c o r d i n g t o the

available statistics, f e l l n o t i c e a b l y i n both the North and the

1. Henry and Short suggest t h a t the female i n the Negro community

e n j o y s a p r e s t i g e p o s i t i o n a t l e a s t e q u a l t o t h a t of the male and
t h a t t h i s may h e l p t o account f o r her p r o p o r t i o n a t e l y h i g h e r
suicide rate. ( S u i c i d e and Homicide, Glencoe, The F r e e P r e s s , C 1954,
p . 87-88.)

2. Henry and Short " S o c i o l o g y o f S u i c i d e " i n C l u e s t o S u i c i d e , pp.

62-63.
 54.

South,^ and in the Franco-Prussian War there was a decline

2
in the number of suicides i n France, Germany and Austria.
Ten militant nations recorded a decrease in the incidence of
3

suicide during World War 1. The figures for suicides registered

in the Metropolitan Police District (Greater London) from the

years 1938 to 1951 show a marked decline during the war years,

1939 to 1945. 4

The explanation for this reduction in numbers advanced

5
by Durkheim has been, with some minor variations, subscribed to
6
by most researchers.

G) Socio-Economic Status.

Morselli was one of the earliest investigators to examine

the relationship between suicide and what he termed "the professions".

'He wrote:

It was, indeed, presumable that those least

disposed to suicide would be those the farthest
removed from the d i f f i c u l t i e s of l i f e , that i s
to say, those l i v i n g at the charge of others,
or without any profession; their average i s , i n

1, Dublin and Bunzel, To Be Or Hot To Be. p. 111.

2
« Ibid,,pp. 111-112.

3. Ibid., P. H I .

4. E. Stengel, Nancy G. Cook and I.-S. Kreeger, Attempted Suicide Its

Social Significance and Effects, London, Chapman & Hall Ltd. Maudsley 3

Monographs, 1958, No. 4, p. 27.

5. See p. 32 of this thesis

6. Dublin has a further explanation: the high degree of employment

and the minimizing of personal problems during wartime. (Louis I .
Dublin, Health Progress 1936 to 1945. Metropolitan Life Insurance
Co.i New York, 1948.)
 55.

fact, much below that of the population i n

general ... Equally low i s the probability of the
classes addicted to agriculture, pastoral l i f e ,
forestry, ... The category also of the
labouring people, for the most part composed of
individuals not devoted to fixed occupations
(porters, journeymenj labourers, ploughmen,
shoeblacks, scavengers, gravediggers, workmen without
a trade, etc) furnish few suicides; among the
men the average of these i s under the general
average, and among the women only slightly above
i t , but a l l the professions and trades which,
by habits and muscular or psychical occupation,
bring women near to man, tend to raise, and
sometimes i n an extraordinary degree, their
inclination to suicide. 1

Miner, reviewing the o f f i c i a l figures of England and

Wales, Australia, and four continental European countries from

1881 to 1911, concludes:

Suicide rates are low among farmers and others

employed i n steady manual labor i n the open
a i r , while the professions (except the clergy and
teachers), o f f i c i a l s , capitalists, soldiers,
innkeepers, and migratory labourers show high
rates. Low economic status, when stable, i s
associated i n general with low suicide rates.

The statistics given by the Registrar-General for England

and Wales for the year 1927 are cited by Dublin and Bunzel. White

male suicides were analyzed by occupation ( using age-standardized

data), and i t was found that labourers, both skilled and un-

skilled, had rates below the average rate for a l l c i v i l i a n

males while professional and white-collar groups had above

average rates. The class designated "never occupied", i n which

the very rich, dependents, unemployed, transients, inmates of

1. Morselli, Suicide, pp. 243-245.

2. Miner, Am. J. Hygiene. Monogr. 2, 1922, p . l l l

 56

i n s t i t u t i o n s and o t h e r s were i n d i s c r i m a t e l y grouped t o g e t h e r ,

exhibited the h i g h e s t rate. 1

S a i n s b u r y c i t e s the R e g i s t r a r - G e n e r a l ' s figures for

the p e r i o d s 1921-23 and 1930-32„ These show t h a t suicide rates are

c o n s p i c u o u s l y h i g h e r a t the upper end of the socio-economic

s c a l e but tend t o r i s e a g a i n a t the low end s The figures contraindicate

what one might expect — a progressive increase i n s u i c i d e s on a

continuum from lower t o upper socio-economic c l a s s and Sainsbury

holds that something more than w e a l t h and p o s i t i o n must be

considered i f differences i n r a t e s a r e t o be accounted f o r .

He o f f e r s as a p l a u s i b l e e x p l a n a t i o n t h e f a c t o r s of community

c o h e s i o n and occupational m o b i l i t y , s u g g e s t i n g t h a t the high

incidence of s u i c i d e among h o t e l and domestic personnel i s

a t t r i b u t a b l e t o the s o c i a l l y i s o l a t e d and impersonal l i v e s they

lead, while in contrast, the low r a t e of s u i c i d e among c o a l m i n e r s

3
and r a i l w a y workers i s a t t r i b u t a b l e t o t h e i r sense o f group s o l i d a r i t y .

In h i s own study o f s u i c i d e i n the London boroughs,

S a i n s b u r y demonstrates t h a t the r a t e t e n d s t o i n c r e a s e w i t h socio-

4
economic status.

1. D u b l i n and B u n z e l , To Be Or Not To Be, p. 402,

2. I n t e r e s t i n g l y enough, o f f i c i a l N e t h e r l a n d s t a t i s t i c s show a
c o m p a r a t i v e l y low s u i c i d e r a t e f o r d o m e s t i c s , (S, Gargas, " S u i c i d e
i n the N e t h e r l a n d s , " American J o u r n a l o f S o c i o l o g y , march, 1932, V o l ,
37:5, p. 707,

3. S a i n s b u r y , op, c i t . , p. 19. ( S a i n s b u r y ' s f i n d i n g s d i r e c t l y c o n t r a d i c t

those o f M o r s e l l i . The d i f f e r e n c e s a r e p r o b a b l y due t o e r r o r s i n the
e a r l y method o f c o l l e c t i n g d a t a , t o v a r i a b i l i t y i n s o c i a l c l a s s s c a l e s ,
now and i n M o r s e l l i ' s day, t o t h e f a c t of h i s t o r i c a l change).
4. I b i d . , p. 73. He p o i n t s out t h a t a l a c k of c o n s i s t e n c y i n the
r e l a t i o n s h i p between s t a t u s and s u i c i d e e x i s t s i n some boroughs, and
h o l d s t h a t the f a c t o r of s o c i a l d i s o r g a n i z a t i o n must be taken i n t o account
i n any e x p l a n a t i o n ; . He w r i t e s : "socio-economic s t a t u s c o r r e l a t e s w i t h
s u i c i d e t o a s m a l l e r degree than do s o c i a l m o b i l i t y and i s o l a t i : o n , t

which seem t o be the u l t i m a t e p r o c e s s e s r e s p o n s i b l e f o r l o c a l v a r i a t i o n s

i n s u i c i d e ; they account f o r t h e d i f f e r e n c e s b o t h i n neighbourhoods and i n
classes. "
 57 o

Because the o f f i c i a l m o r t a l i t y d a t a i n the United

States provide no d e f i n i t e index of socio-economic s t a t u s , the

research i n t h a t c o u n t r y i n t o the a s s o c i a t i o n between s u i c i d e and

the socio-economic f a c t o r has been l i m i t e d t o s m a l l , s p e c i a l i z e d

studies. 1
One such study i s t h a t undertaken by W e i s s . Classify"

i n g and a n a l y z i n g d a t a on the t o t a l number of c e r t i f i e d suicides

recorded i n the C i t y o f New Haven from 1936 t o 1950, he writes:

In g e n e r a l , members of the lower socio-economic

c l a s s e s had lower s u i c i d e r a t e s than d i d members
of the upper socio-economic c l a s s e s . T h i s was
t r u e even w i t h age, sex, and n a t i v i t y - a d j u s t e d
data. ( T h i s r e l a t i o n was a n a l y z e d f o r w h i t e
persons o n l y , so t h a t r a c e was not a f a c t o r .
T h e r e was no e v i d e n c e t h a t r e l i g i o u s a f f i l i a t i o n
p l a y e d any important p a r t i n s u i c i d e r a t e s i n
New Haven.) Females i n the lower s o c i o -
economic c l a s s e s had e x t r e m e l y low s u i c i d e
r a t e s . A g e - s p e c i f i c d a t a , however, r e v e a l e d
t h a t t h i s r e l a t i o n o f low s u i c i d e r a t e t o low
socio-economic c l a s s r e v e r s e d i t s e l f f o r males
65 y e a r s and o l d e r : i . e . , r a t e s f o r lower c l a s s
males demonstrated a steady i n c r e a s e i n each
advancing age p e r i o d , but upper c l a s s male
r a t e s l e v e l e d a f t e r the age of 65, and i n t h a t
o l d e r age group, r a t e s f o r lower c l a s s males
were c o n s i d e r a b l y h i g h e r than those f o r
upper c l a s s males. These p a t t e r n s r e l a t i n g
t o socio-economic s t a t u s and s u i c i d e were
c o n s i s t e n t and s t a t i s t i c a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t .

Weiss o f f e r s an e x p l a n a t i o n for his findings:

I t might be p o s s i b l e t o account f o r t h i s tendency

on the b a s i s of d i f f e r e n c e s i n r e l i g i o n . It
has been noted t h a t 56 or 57 per cent of t h e
l o c a l p o p u l a t i o n are of Roman C a t h o l i c f a i t h .
C a t h o l i c i s m as a b a s i c f a c t o r c o u l d be c o n s i d e r e d ,
however, o n l y i f both of two s u p p o s i t i o n s were
proved t o be t r u e : t h a t New Haven C a t h o l i c s have
lower s u i c i d e r a t e s than do n o n ^ a t h o l i c s , and t h a t

1. A number o f s t u d i e s have been c a r r i e d out by l i f e i n s u r a n c e

companies and the r e s u l t s r e p o r t e d i n t h e i r s t a t i s t i c a l b u l l e t i n s .

2. J.M.A. W e i s s , " S u i c i d e : An E p i d e m i o l o g i c Analysis", Psychiatric

Q u a r t e r l y . V o l . 28, 1954, pp. 249-250.
 58.

C a t h o l i c s a r e more c o n c e n t r a t e d i n t h e lower c l a s s e s
(which i s p r o b a b l y s o , ) . However, i t h a s a l r e a d y
been i n d i c a t e d t h a t r e c e n t e v i d e n c e elsewhere i n
N o r t h America and i n t e r n a l evidence i n t h i s study
i n New Haven do n o t c o n f i r m t h e f i r s t s u p p o s i t i o n .

Other r e a s o n s f o r t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p might be
t h a t members o f t h e "upper" socio-economic c l a s s e s
c a r r y h e a v i e r burdens,of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y ; t h e s e
persons may be more a f f e c t e d by f l u c t u a t i n g economic
conditions. I t may be t h a t mores and taboos c o n c e r n i n g
s u i c i d e v a r y i n t h e d i f f e r e n t socio-economic c l a s s e s .
Another p o s s i b i l i t y i s t h a t members o f t h e lower
socio-economic c l a s s e s choose o u t l e t s other than
suicide for their aggressive impulses. 1

In a s i m i l a r c o n t e x t — the r e l a t i v e status of d i f f e r e n t

groups and t h e i r d i f f e r i n g s u i c i d e r a t e s ~ Henry and Short w r i t e :

White persons a r e about t h r e e t i m e s morejkikely

t o k i l l themselves than a r e Negroes and males have
a r a t e about t h r e e times t h e r a t e f o r females; women a r e
l e s s prone t o s u i c i d e than men and Negroes a r e l e s s
s u s c e p t i b l e than w h i t e s .

S u i c i d e i s more common among t h e p r i v i l e g e d

groups i n American s o c i e t y than among t h e downtrodden..,
While s u i c i d e s occur i n s u b s t a n t i a l numbers a t both
extremes o f the socio-economic s c a l e , d a t a from t h e
l i f e i n s u r a n c e companies show t h a t they a r e c o n c e n t r a t e d
among t h e W e l l - t o - d o .

A common theme r u n s through t h e d i f f e r e n c e s i n

s u s c e p t i b i l i t y t o s u i c i d e o f t h e s e g r o u p s . In
every c a s e , the c a t e g o r y w i t h h i g h e s t s t a t u s p o s i t i o n
i s the category with the highest s u i c i d e r a t e .
Males,because o f t h e i r g r e a t e r involvement i n t h e
o c c u p a t i o n a l system, enjoy a s t a t u s p o s i t i o n somewhat
h i g h e r than f e m a l e s . The s u p e r i o r s t a t u s p o s i t i o n
of w h i t e s a s compared w i t h Negroes i s o b v i o u s . Those
a t t h e t o p o f t h e economic s c a l e enjoy h i g h s t a t u s a s
compared w i t h those l e s s f o r t u n a t e .. These d a t a show
that s u s c e p t i b i l i t y t o s u i c i d e r i s e s with status p o s i t i o n .

1. J,M»A, Weiss, P s y c h i a t r i c Q u a r t e r l y , V o l . 28, 1954, pp. 247-248.

t
2. Henry and S h o r t , " S o c i o l o g y of S u i c i d e " i n C l u e s t o S u i c i d e , p . 60.
 59 8

P o w e l l , i n a study of 426 s u i c i d e s i n T u l s a , Oklahoma,

h o l d s t h a t the p s y c h o l o g i c a l f a c t o r s o p e r a t i v e in self-destruction

are rooted i n anomie and he p o s t u l a t e s t h a t anomie d i f f e r s i n

q u a l i t y and extent from one socio-occupational group t o another

according t o the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the s e l f and the p r e v a i l i n g

success ideology. F i n d i n g t h a t i n h i s s e r i e s the highest

incidence of s u i c i d e o c c u r r e d at opposite ends on a socio-economic

continuum, he o f f e r s the e x p l a n a t i o n t h a t f o r the u n s k i l l e d

labour group anomie t a k e s the form o f a d i s s o c i a t i o n c h a r a c t e r i z e d

by o c c u p a t i o n a l d i s c o n t i n u i t y , downward m o b i l i t y , a l a c k of presence

of the r e g u l a t i n g mores of the wider s o c i e t y , an absence of an

i n t e r n a l i z i n g of the s u c c e s s i d e o l o g y , and the absence of a

subculture on which t o draw f o r o r i e n t a t i o n ; f o r the p r o f e s s i o n a l -

m a n a g e r i a l group anomie t a k e s the form of an envelopment

c h a r a c t e r i z e d by a compulsive adherence of the s e l f t o the

s u c c e s s i d e o l o g y , an i n a b i l i t y of the s e l f t o r e c o n s t r u c t i t s

own ends from the raw material ( c o n c e p t s ) p r e s e n t e d t o i t by

the c u l t u r e l i v i n g by unexamined d i r e c t i v e s of the c u l t u r e with

a consequent p a r a l y s i s of c r i t i c a l f a c u l t i e s , and the l a c k of

inner c o h e r e n c e . 1
Of the r e l a t i o n s h i p of s e l f - d e s t r u c t i v e n e s s

t o anomie, Powell says:

s..occupation p r o v i d e s f u n c t i o n and determines t h e

i n d i v i d u a l ' s s o c i a l s t a t u s which i s an index t o h i s
c o n c e p t u a l system. The c o n c e p t u a l system i s the
source of anomie, which i s a primary v a r i a b l e i n
s u i c i d e . Therefore, suicide i s correlated with
occupation.

1. E l w i n H. P o w e l l , " O c c u p a t i o n , S t a t u s , and S u i c i d e : Toward a Re-

d e f i n i t i o n of Anomie", American S o c i o l o g i c a l Review, V o l . 23:2, 1958, pp.
131-139.

2. I b i d . , p. 133.
 60.
<H) The Business Cycle.

A number o f i n v e s t i g a t o r s have demonstrated w i t h the

use o f a v a r i e t y o f s u i c i d e and business i n d i c e s the e x i s t e n c e of

a n e g a t i v e r e l a t i o n s h i p between t h e s u i c i d e r a t e and fluctuations

i n the r a t e o f b u s i n e s s a c t i v i t y .

Examining t h e influence o f t h e b u s i n e s s c y c l e on social

phenomena i n B r i t a i n , t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s , France, and Germany from

1854 t o 1913, Thomas w r i t e s o f self-destruction:

I t i s n o t s u r p r i s i n g t h a t t h e g r e a t e s t number o f
s u i c i d e s occur d u r i n g b u s i n e s s d e p r e s s i o n . The
h i g h n e g a t i v e c o r r e l a t i o n seems t o i n d i c a t e t h a t
t h e economic f a c t o r i s predominant i n c a u s i n g t h e
f l u c t u a t i o n s i n the s u i c i d e r a t e . Unemployment
and pauperism a r e p r o b a b l y t h e most s e r i o u s
f a c t o r s b r i n g i n g about an i n c r e a s e i n s u i c i d e
f o r the w o r k i n g c l a s s . E n f o r c e d l i q u i d a t i o n and
business f a i l u r e are probably important f a c t o r s f o r
the upper c l a s s e s . 1

In a paper e n t i t l e d P r o s p e r i t y . D e p r e s s i o n , and the

S u i c i d e Rate H u r l b u r t attempts t o demonstrate t h a t a causal

r e l a t i o n s h i p e x i s t s between f l u c t u a t i o n s i n t h e b u s i n e s s cycle

and the suicide rate. U n l i k e Thomas, however, he does not subscribe

to the primacy of the economic component. He writes:

The economic f a c t o r i s but one o f many d i v e r s e

elements e n t e r i n g i n t o t h e d e t e r m i n a t i o n o f t h e
s u i c i d e r a t e , and i t i s d o u b t l e s s i m p o s s i b l e t o
segregate t h i s f a c t o r i n o r d e r t o determine i t s
r e l a t i v e i m p o r t a n c e . However, by means o f
contrasting the c y c l i c a l f l u c t u a t i o n s of business
a c t i v i t y with the c y c l i c a l f l u c t u a t i o n s of the s u i c i d e
r a t e we o b t a i n r e s u l t s w h i c h i n d i c a t e a c e r t a i n
degree o f c a u s a l r e l a t i o n s h i p between p r o s p e r i t y ,
d e p r e s s i o n , and t h e s u i c i d e r a t e : ( l ) Between
1902 and 1925 the s u i c i d e r a t e revealed a tendency t o
d e c l i n e i n y e a r s o f p r o s p e r i t y and t o advance i n
years of depression. (2) The s u i c i d e r a t e r e g i s t e r e d

1. Dorothy Swaine Thomas, S o c i a l A s p e c t s o f the B u s i n e s s Cycle.

New York, A l f r e d A. Knopf, 1927, p. 115.
 61

i t s g r e a t e s t i n c r e a s e s i n y e a r s of a c u t e economic
d i s t r e s s , namely, 1907, 1908, and 1921„ (3)
The s u i c i d e r a t e r e g i s t e r e d i t s g r e a t e s t d e c r e a s e s
d u r i n g the p e r i o d of abnormal p r o s p e r i t y between
1916 and 1920. *

Comparing the R e g i s t r a r - G e n e r a l ' s s t a t i s t i c s for the

1920-23 p e r i o d o f p r o s p e r i t y and the 1930-32 p e r i o d of depression,

Sainsbury notes that while s u i c i d e rose i n the 1930-32 depression

the g r e a t e s t increase occurred i n the upper socio-economic

c l a s s e s ( p r o f e s s i o n a l ) and white c o l l a r business persons).

He comments:

I t would seem, t h e n , t h a t p o v e r t y becomes an

important f a c t o r i n s u i c i d e a c c o r d i n g t o i t s
context. The i n d i g e n o u s poor, t o whom p o v e r t y
i s an a c c e p t e d f e a t u r e of t h e i r p o s i t i o n i n
a s t a t i c h i e r a r c h i c a l society, t o l e r a t e i t with
e q u a n i m i t y . T h i s a t t i t u d e does not f o s t e r
s u i c i d e . A change from comparative a f f l u e n c e
t o p o v e r t y , or l o s s of employment, i s , however,
more d i s r u p t i v e , s i n c e the person a f f e c t e d o f t e n 2

f a i l s to adjust himself to h i s a l t e r e d circumstances.

6. Summary of the S o c i o l o g i c a l I n s i g h t s .

The s o c i o l o g i c a l approach t o t h e e t i o l o g y of s u i c i d e

( w i t h i t s c e n t r a l t h e s i s t h a t the n a t u r e and i n c i d e n c e of the

phenomenon v a r i e s w i t h p o s i t i o n i n the s o c i a l system) makes i t

abundantly c l e a r t h a t i d i o s y n c r a t i c f e a t u r e s and peculiar disorders

of i n d i v i d u a l p e r s o n a l i t y a l o n e cannot account f o r the causes o f

self-destruction. The examination o f the intervening s o c i o l o g i c a l

v a r i a b l e s has demonstrated t h a t s u i c i d e i s i n t i m a t e l y r e l a t e d t o

1. Walter C. H u r l b u r t , " p r o s p e r i t y , D e p r e s s i o n and the S u i c i d e R a t e "

American J o u r n a l of S o c i o l o g y , V o l . 37, 1932, p. 719.

2. S a i n s b u r y , S u i c i d e i n London, pp. 21-22.

 62.

gross s t r u c t u r a l disfunctionlog reflected in social disorganization,

social i s o l a t i o n , excessive individuation, anonymity and r o o t -

lessness — i n short, to prevailing characteristics and

c o n d i t i o n s of group l i f e . The s o c i o l o g i c a l approach s e r v e s ,

t h e n , as a n e c e s s a r y c o r r e c t i v e t o t h e p s y c h o l o g i c a l or individual

approach.
 Chapter 3,

The Psychology of Suicide 0

1. Early Theories 1
of Suicide

In the middle n i n e t e e n t h century, a number of physicians

and p s y c h i a t r i s t s turned t h e i r a t t e n t i o n t o the problem o f

s u i c i d e and began t o i n v e s t i g a t e what they u s u a l l y termed i t s

" i n t e r n a l causes". A r e v i e w of t h e i r w r i t i n g s i n d i c a t e s t h a t

they tended t o a t t r i b u t e the a c t t o e i t h e r p a t h o l o g i c a l conditions

2

of the b r a i n and other body organs or t o a l i e n a t i o n of the mind.

Winslow was one of the e a r l i e s t t o concern h i m s e l f with

t h e m e d i c a l a s p e c t s of s e l f - d e s t r u c t i o n . In The Anatomy of Suicide,

he d e s c r i b e s the a u t o p s i e s of s u i c i d e s he performed and suggests

t h a t the commonest f i n d i n g s were " d i s e a s e s and l e s i o n s " of the

b r a i n , such a s , " c h r o n i c m e n i n g i t i s " and "varicose veins" and

"diseases and l e s i o n s of other organs", such a s , "degeneracy of

the l i v e r and k i d n e y s " , abnormal p o s i t i o n of stomach, and

abdominal tumours. He contends t h a t h i s f i n d i n g s demonstrate

the r e l a t i o n between s u i c i d e and "morbid" c o n d i t i o n s of t h e organism.

1. A g a i n , the present w r i t e r p o i n t s out t h a t the term " t h e o r y " as used

heremay be m i s l e a d i n g , as i t r e f e r s t o s p e c u l a t i v e t h e o r i e s d e r i v e d
from a s e t of o f t e n q u i t e u n r e l a t e d h y p o t h e s e s .

2. An e x c e p t i o n t o t h i s l i n e of thought i s commented on by Z i l b o o r g
who n o t e s t h a t i n 1840 T i s s o t , i n a monagraph e n t i t l e d De l a Manie de
S u i c i d e et de 1* e s p r i t de l a R e v o l t e , presaged a p s y c h o a n a l y t i c v i e w -
p o i n t by f o r m u l a t i n g the concept of h o s t i l i t y f i r s t b e i n g t u r n e d
outward and then inward a g a i n s t the s e l f . (Gregory Z i l b o o r g , " D i f f e r e n t i a l
D i a g n o s t i c Types of S u i c i d e " , A r c h i v e s of Neurology and P s y c h i a t r y ,
V o l . 35, 1936, pp. 270-291),

3. Winslow, Anatomy of S u i c i d e , c i t e d i n M o r s e l l i , S u i c i d e , p. 292.

 64.

In h i s work Mental M a l a d i e s : A T r e a t i s e on Insanity,

E s q u i r o l asserts emphatically t h a t s u i c i d e i s , per s e , proof of

insanity 1 a n d n e
h o l d s t h a t h i s autopsy f i n d i n g s (which c o n s i s t e n t l y
2
showed morbid c o n d i t i o n s of t h e b r a i n ) s u p p o r t s h i s contentions.

He g i v e s prominence, t o o , t o the r o l e of h e r e d i t a r y t r a i t s as
3
precursory f a c t o r s i n psychical degeneration.

A number of w r i t e r s of the p e r i o d , among them L i s l e ,

B r i e r r e de Boismont, F a l r e t and Darwin, and l a t e r S t r a h a n , adopted

and i n some c a s e s f u r t h e r expanded E s q u i r o l * s t h e o r y of s u i c i d e . 4

I t was not u n t i l the l a t t e r p a r t of the c e n t u r y t h a t the climate

of m e d i c a l o p i n i o n began t o change and s u i c i d e came t o be regarded

a s an a c t not incompatible w i t h s t a t e s of mental normality.

Two of the f i r s t proponents of the " s a n i t y t h e o r y of s u i c i d e " were

M o r s e l l i and 0*Dea.

In an examination o f what he terms " i n d i v i d u a l

psychological i n f l u e n c e s " , M o r s e l l i r e j e c t s the then p r e v a i l i n g

dichotomy of m o r a l - p h y s i c a l causes o f s u i c i d e »»d r e d u c e s them

a

t o one d e t e r m i n i n g p h y s i o l o g i c a l cause which he d e s c r i b e s as

1. O'Dea, S u i c i d e , pp. 257-259. ( E s q u i r o l * s t h i n k i n g on the s u b j e c t

had p r o f o u n d i n f l u e n c e on h i s contemporaries and many p h y s i c i a n s
t o t h i s day s u b s c r i b e t o h i s view t h a t the a c t of s u i c i d e i s a l o n e
s u f f i c i e n t e v i d e n c e of mental d i s o r d e r . ( S t e n g e l , Cook and E r e e g e r ,
Attempted S u i c i d e , London, Chapman and H a l l L t d . , 1958).

2. M o r s e l l i , S u i c i d e , p. 292,

3. I b i d . , p. 291.

4. I b i d . , p. 4. (See a l s o O'Dea, pp. 258-259 and F r a n c o F e r r a c u t i ,

" S u i c i d e i n a C a t h o l i c C o u n t r y " , i n C l u e s t o S u i c i d e , p. 7 1 ) .

5. O'Dea, S u i c i d e , pp. 257-258.

6. M o r s e l l i equates moral w i t h p s y c h o l o g i c a l .
 65.
suffering and "despair at not having gained or at having lost that

which, i n the emotional condition of passion, was valued more than

life." 1

This despair, he holds, i s the product of an abnormally

2
excited, morbid condition of the brain a condition which
disturbs the functions of the constitution and manifests i t s e l f
3
in "unsatisfied passions" and an excessive egoism.

In his work Suicide, Studies on i t s Philosophy. Causes.

and Prevention. O'Dea maintains that generally certain conditions

or moral, intellectual and physical temperament are conducive to

melancholy which i n turn promotes suicide,^ while more specifically:

...nervous, and especially cerebro-spinal
i r r i t a t i o n , i s the immediate physical cause of
suicide and a 'fixed idea', the mental analogue
of the physical Irritation, i s the immediate
mental cause of suicide,5

1. Ibid.. p. 300.

2. For Morselli, these may be conditions or organic pathology

(chronic diseases, cancer, syphilis, etc.,) psychopathology
(melancholia, "monomania", imbecility, etc.j) or both. p. 298.

3. Ibid. Morselli's explanation (physiological i n i t s frame of

reference) for the causes of suicide i s somewhat inconsistent
with his thesis that self-destruction i s a social phenomenon. He
contends that the "personal motive are but a small and infinitestimal
portion of the collective motives", that "each one has his own
passions and wishes to satisfy but only because these follow the
common course and are developed in a prescribed atmosphere", and
that "the individuality of our wants and tendencies i s absorbed
in the aggregate of social wants and tendencies", (p.274) yet he
does not explicitly relate the two levels of causality which he
d i s c u s s e s — t h e physiological and the social. He infers, however,
that the individual's "unsatisfied passions" and egoism are, i f
not produced by social forces, reinforced by them.

4. O'Dea, Suicide, p. 256

5. Ibid. p.t 251

 66 o

2. Contemporary T h e o r i e s of Suicide

A number of t h e o r i e s have been advanced t o account f o r

the p s y c h i c d e t e r m i n a n t s of s u i c i d e . To f a c i l i t a t e as systematic

an approach as p o s s i b l e t o the examination o f t h e s e o f t e n diverse

t h e o r i e s , they w i l l be d i v i d e d i n t o two categories; non-

p s y c h o a n a l y t i c a l and psychoanalytical.

A) Non-Psychoanalytic Theories.

C l a r k h o l d s t h a t b a s i c t o a l l s u i c i d e s i s an inversion,

an i n c e s t , or an o n a n i s t i c m o t i v e . The result i s an imbalance

i n the w i l l t o l i v e , an i n c r e a s e of i n t r a p s y c h i c t e n s i o n ,

an a f f e c t i v e f i x a t i o n o f i n f a n t i l e attachment, and finally, a

suicidal act. 1

Gordon b e l i e v e s t h a t man, being a s o c i a l animal,

p o s s e s s e s as an intrinsic element i n h i s p e r s o n a l i t y a capacity

t o adapt t o what he (Gordon) terms " u n i v e r s a l l a w — t h e progressive

e v o l u t i o n of the s o c i a l environment". He contends t h a t suicide

represents a f a i l u r e i n the adaptive process — a denial and

s h i r k i n g o f the duty o f the i n d i v i d u a l as an i n t e g r a l part of

2

the u n i v e r s a l whole.

In a paper c a l l e d The Psychology o f S u i c i d e C r i c h t o n - M i l l e r

a t t r i b u t e s the a c t t o the individual's inability t o adapt himself

and holds that i t c o n s t i t u t e s a f i n a l r e g r e s s i o n from r e a l i t y .

1. L.P. C l a r k , "A Study of the Unconscious M o t i v a t i o n s in Suicides,"

New York M e d i c a l J o u r n a l , v o l . 116, 1922, pp. 254-263.

2. R.G. Gordon, " C e r t a i n P e r s o n a l i t y Problems i n R e l a t i o n t o Mental

I l l n e s s W i t h S p e c i a l R e f e r e n c e t o S u i c i d e and Homicide", B r i t i s h
J o u r n a l of M e d i c a l P s y c h o l o g y , v o l . 9, 1922, pp. 60-66.
 67.

He proposes that the motivations for suicide be classified

into three groups: f i r s t , physical pain (including anticipated

pain) and frustration of instinctual needs (of which the

sexual i s the most frequently thwarted); second, social sufferings

and fears including remorse for wrong doings and an impulse

towards expiation, and an exaggerated self-love which prohibits

the acceptance of any form of social humiliation; third, doubts

and dreads pertaining to the hereafter and manifest in the suicides of

Messianic character i n which there occurs a supreme sacrifice of

the total personality for some redemptive purpose."''

Davidson believes that the individual at the time of

his suicide act has reached the limit of his resources and has

lost his goal. The immediate situation so preoccupies and

controls him that his f i e l d of conscious awareness becomes

restricted to the extent that he exhibits a disregard for l i f e

itself. An "organic depression" follows and the higher centres

of the brain are unable to cope with and direct the incoming

impulse to make decisions. The individual then ceases to w i l l ,

surrenders to imagination and i s unable to protect himself

against further harmful impulses. The next step i n the sequence

2
i s self-destruction.

For Williams there are two dominant reasons for

suicide: disappointment and frustration. But since such feelings

1. H. Crichton-Miller, "The Psychology of Suicide", British Medical

Journal, vol. 2, August 8,1931, PP. 239-241.

2. G.M. Davidson, "The Problem of Suicide", Medical Record, vol,139

1934, pp. 24-28.
 68

are experienced by a l l he postulates the presence i n the r i g i d

personality of a strong n a r c i s s i s t i c component which cannot accept

defeats or combat reverses and i s unable to adapt e a s i l y to

reality. The r e s u l t i s s u i c i d e . 1

Goitein expresses the opinion i n h i s a r t i c l e Mind of

Murder that the suicide drive occurs as a compensation for the

homicidal impulse directed against members of the immediate

2
family.

Approaching suicide from the psychobiological viewpoint.

Lewis a t t r i b u t e s the act to the f i n a l breakdown of the adaptive

process. For him, the suicide i s :

"...not able to adapt i n the midst of so-called

higher-level contradictions because of some
lack of compensatory adjustment, which i s i n
no way a conscious or deliberate proceeding, but
...belongs i n the realm of general patterns
forming an i n t e g r a l part of the personality.

M i l l s gives prominence to weather as a contributing

factor. Suicides represent for him that portion of the population

which i s unable t o deal successfully with psychological stress

of l i f e , and psychological s t r e s s , he says, i s always i n t e n s i f i e d

4
by bad weather.

1. E.Y. Williams, "Some Observations on the Psychological Aspects

of Suicide", Journal of Abnormal and S o c i a l Psychology, v o l . 31,
1936, p. 260-265.

2. P.L. Goitein, "Mind of Murder", Journal of Criminal Psychopathology,

v o l . 3, 1952, pp. 625-647, Cited i n Norman L. Farberow, "Personality
Patterns of S u i c i d a l Mental Hospital Patients", Genetic Psychology
Monographs, v o l . 42, 1950, pp. 3-79.
3. N.D.C. Lewis, "Studies on Suicide, Part I , Preliminary Survey of
Some S i g n i f i c a n t Aspects of Suicide", Psychoanalytic Review, v o l . 20,
1933, pp. 241, 273.

4. C.A. M i l l s , "Suicide and Homicide i n Their Relation to Weather

Changes". American Journal of Psychiatry, v o l . 91, 1934, pp. 669-677.
 69.

In his monograph Psychopathologie de Suicide. Delmas

declares that anxiety i s the one condition necessary to cause

suicide. Without i t , he holds, there can be no suicide,^"

Bermann, a Spanish psychiatrist, interprets the suicide

act as a form or revenge against a particular person (usually

a relative or lover) or against society as a whole. He suggests

that the suicide feels inadequate and, consciously or unconsciously

hates the civilization which leaves him with such a feeling.

This then breeds a resentment which culminates i n suicide. He

cites a number of cases with which he has been familiar: children

and adolescents who wanted their indifferent parents to

experience anquish: a paramour who sought vengeance against a

faithless mistress; and a bomb-throwing anarchist who k i l l e d

himself and others as an expression of revenge against an

economic class.

B. Psychoanalytic Theories of Suicide.^

Freud's theory of depression, the psychodynamics of which

have been outlined i n his classic paper Mourning and Melancholia.

1. A.Delmas, "Psychopathologie du Suicide". Medicin, v o l . 12,1931,

p. 154-160.

2. Gregorio Bermann, "Suicide as Revenge" (an abstract by G.M.

Davidson) Archives of Neurology and Psychiatry, v o l . 31, 1934, pp.659-660.

3. Analytically-oriented writers, when examining the psychogenesis

of voluntary death, tend not to distinguish between successful and
attempted suicide except i n terms of differences i n the strength
of the death instinct or in the intensity of guilt feelings. They
subscribe to the view that the underlying dynamics of successful and
attempted suicide differ quantitatively but not qualitatively. The
present writer i n reviewing the psychoanalytic theories, therefore,
make no distinction between these two categories — - v i z . , successful
and attempted suicides.
 70

and h i s p o s t u l a t i o n of a d e a t h i n s t i n c t p r o v i d e t h e framework f o r

h i s psychoanalytic theory of s u i c i d e and for i t s modification

and extension by other analytic writers* 1

Z i l b o o r g , summarising

Freud's theory of d e p r e s s i o n , writes:

* * I n a case o f a p a t h o l o g i c d e p r e s s i o n the p a t i e n t ,
0

through i d e n t i f i c a t i o n w i t h a person toward whom h i s

f e e l i n g s have always been h i g h l y a m b i v a l e n t , l o v e s
and h a t e s h i m s e l f . S i n c e h i s own ego has become
h i s l o v e o b j e c t , he f e e l s detached from r e a l i t y and
t h e r e f o r e e x p e r i e n c e s a sense of p o v e r t y of the ego.
The u n c o n s c i o u s sadism o r i g i n a l l y d i r e c t e d a g a i n s t
the o b j e c t , he f e e l s detached from r e a l i t y and t h e r e f o r e
e x p e r i e n c e s a sense of p o v e r t y of the ego. The
u n c o n s c i o u s sadism o r i g i n a l l y d i r e c t e d a g a i n s t the
o b j e c t , r e e n f o r c e d by a sense of g u i l t , produces
the s i n g u l a r phenomenon of the person's becoming
s a d i s t i c toward h i m s e l f .

Fiaid h i m s e l f states:

I t i s t h i s sadism, and o n l y t h i s , t h a t s o l v e s the

r i d d l e of the tendency t o s u i c i d e which makes
m e l a n c h o l i a so i n t e r e s t i n g — a n d so dangerous. As
the pr,imal c o n d i t i o n from which i n s t i n c t - l i f e proceeds
we have come t o r e c o g n i z e a s e l f - l o v e of the ego
which i s so immense, i n the f e a r t h a t r i s e s up a t
the menace of death we see l i b e r a t e d a volume o f
n a r c i s s i s t i c l i b i d o which i s so v a s t , t h a t we
cannot c o n c e i v e how t h i s ego can c o n n i v e i t s own

1. B e r g l e r has p o i n t e d out t h a t p s y c h o a n a l y t i c t h e o r i e s c o n c e r n i n g
s u i c i d e a r e r e p l e t e w i t h c o n t r a d i c t i o n s , and t h a t t h i s s i t u a t i o n
i s , i n l a r g e measure, e x p l a i n a b l e by the f a c t t h a t Freud p o s t u l a t e d
a t d i f f e r e n t times two t h e o r i e s t o account f o r s u i c i d e : the theory
of l i b i d i n o u s d r i v e s (the l i f e i n s t i n c t v e r s u s the death i n s t i n c t ,
or the c o n s t r u c t i v e f o r c e s v e r s u s the d e s t r u c t i v e f o r c e s ) , and the
t h e o r y of g u i l t f e e l i n g s because of u n c o n s c i o u s a g g r e s s i o n . He
b e l i e v e s t h a t as a r e s u l t e a r l i e r c o n c e p t i o n s have not bean
a d e q u a t e l y c o o r d i n a t e d w i t h l a t e r d i s c o v e r i e s . (Edmund B e r g l e r , "Problems
of S u i c i d e " , The P s y c h i a t r i c Q u a r t e r l y Supplement.vol. 20, 1946, pp.261-275)

2. Gregory Z i l b o o r g , " D i f f e n e n t i a l D i a g n o s t i c Types of Suicide",

A r c h i v e s of Neurology and P s y c h i a t r y , v o l . 35,,1936, p. 275.
 71 o

destruction. I t i s t r u e we have l o n g known t h a t

no n e u r o t i c h a r b o u r s thoughts of s u i c i d e which a r e not
murderous impulses a g a i n s t other r e - d i r e c t e d upon
h i m s e l f , but we have never been a b l e t o e x p l a i n
what i n t e r p l a y of f o r c e s c o u l d c a r r y such a purpose
through t o e x e c u t i o n . Now the a n a l y s i s of m e l a n c h o l i a
shows t h a t the ego can k i l l i t s e l f o n l y when, the
o b j e c t - c a t h e x i s h a v i n g been withdrawn upon i t , i t
can t r e a t i t s e l f as an o b j e c t , when i t i s a b l e t o
l a u n c h a g a i n s t i t s e l f the a n i m o s i t y r e l a t i n g t o an
o b j e c t — t h a t p r i m o r d i a l r e a c t i o n on the p a r t o f the
ego t o a l l o b j e c t s i n the outer w o r l d . Thus i n
the r e g r e s s i o n from n a r c i s s i s t i c o b j e c t - c h o i c e the
o b j e c t i s indeed a b o l i s h e d , but i n s p i t e of a l l i t
proves i t s e l f stronger than the ego's s e l f . 1

Z i l b o o r g sees s u i c i d e as an a r c h a i c form of a u n i v e r s a l

r e s p o n s e t o i n t r a - p s y c h i c c o n f l i c t and stress, a psychobiologic

phenomenon whose f o r c e i s d e r i v e d from the s e l f - p r e s e r v a t i o n

instinct. Through s u i c i d e , he h o l d s , the i n d i v i d u a l achieves

f a n t a s i e d immortality and fame and an u n o b s t r u c t e d r e a l i z a t i o n

of h e d o n i s t i c d e a l s . Z i l b o o r g g i v e s prominence t o the features

of u n c o n s c i o u s h o s t i l i t i e s , s p i t e , i d e n t i f i c a t i o n w i t h a dead

p e r s o n , o r a l i n c o r p o r a t i o n , and marked i n c a p a c i t y t o l o v e others.

Menninger i s the c h i e f exponent of F r e u d ' s concept o f

the d e a t h i n s t i n c t and the a r c h i t e c t o f a s e r i e s o f t h e o r e t i c a l

assumptions a t t e m p t i n g t o e x p l a i n the phenomenon o f s u i c i d e . He

v i s u a l i z e s the a c t as the r e s u l t of the i n d i v i d u a l ' s d e s t r u c t i v e

1. Sigmund F r e u d , Mourning and M e l a n c h o l i a , i n C o l l e c t e d P a p e r s, v o l . 4

( T r a n s , by Joan R i v i e r e ) , London, The Hogarth P r e s s , 1956, pp. 162-163.

2, Gregory Z i l b o o r g , " S u i c i d e Among C i v i l i z e d and P r i m i t i v e Races",

American J o u r n a l of P s y c h i a t r y , v o l . 92, 1936, pp. 1347-1369. See a l s o
C o n s i d e r a t i o n s on S u i c i d e w i t h P a r t i c u l a r R e f e r e n c e t o t h a t of the
Young", American J o u r n a l of O r t h o p s y c h i a t r y , v o l . 7, 1937, pp. 15-31.
 72.
tendencies winning out over the constructive tendencies and

he postulates the presence of three components i n a l l suicide

cases: "the wish to k i l l " , (conscious hate, aggression, blame,

elimination, annihilation, and revenge), "the wish to be

k i l l e d " , (conscious guilt feelings, submission, masochism, self-

blame, and self-accusation), "the wish to die", (hopelessness, fear,

despair, and pain).''' For him attenuated or slow forms of

self-destruction are of significance, for they are manifestations

of the gradual ascendency of the death instinct over the l i f e

instinct. These forms express themselves i n asceticism, martyrdom,

neurotic invalidism, alcoholism, anti-social behaviour, psychosis,

2

self-^nutilation, malingering, f r i g i d i t y , and impotence.

In his book Man Against Himself Menninger has recapitulated

his thesis point by point. The most salient of these follow:

... the best theory to account for a l l the
presently known facts i s Freud's hypothesis of a
death-instinct, or primary impulses of destructive-
ness, opposed by a life-instinct or primary
impulses of creativeness and constructiveness...
...according to Freud's conception both the
destructive and constructive tendencies are originally
self-directed but become increasingly extraverted
in connection with birth, growth, and l i f e experiences.
In his contacts with others, the individual f i r s t
reacts with extraversion of his aggressive tendencies
followed by an extraversion of the erotic or constructive
tendencies which by fusion with the former may
achieve varying degrees of neutralization of the
destructiveness from total to almost none.

1. Karl Menninger, "Psychoanalytic Aspects of Suicide", International

Journal of Psychoanalysis, vol. 14, Part 3, 1933, pp. 376-390. See also
N.L. Farberow and E.S. Shneidman, "Suicide and Age" i n Clues to Suicide
pp. 41-49.
2. Menninger, Man Against Himself, passim,
 73.

... when t h e r e i s a f o r c i b l e i n t e r r u p t i o n i n
t h e s e e x t e r n a l investments or when t o o g r e a t
d i f f i c u l t y i s encountered i n m a i n t a i n i n g them,
the d e s t r u c t i v e and c o n s t r u c t i v e impulses r e v e r t
back upon t h e person o f t h e i r o r i g i n ; , t h a t i s ,
are t u r n e d back upon t h e s e l f .

... here a g a i n , i f d e f u s i o n o c c u r s , t h e d e s t r u c t i v e
t e n d e n c i e s l e a d and may permanently p r e v a i l so t h a t
s e l f - d e s t r u c t i o n t o a l e s s e r or g r e a t e r degree
supervenes; and t h a t i n t h i s event one can t r a c e
e v i d e n c e s o f t h e wish t o k i l l , and t h e wish t o
be k i l l e d , and a l s o t h e e r o t i c i z e d forms of t h e s e
two w i s h e s .

... i n those i n s t a n c e s i n which t h e s e l f - d e s t r u c t i v e

impulses a r e overtaken and p a r t i a l l y b u t not
c o m p l e t e l y n e u t r a l i z e d we have t h e many forms
of p a r t i a l or c h r o n i c s e l f - d e s t r u c t i o n ,
i
... i n those i n s t a n c e s i n which t h e s e l f - d e s t r u c t i v e
impulses t o o f a r precede or exceed t h e n e u t r a l i z i n g
c o n s t r u c t i v e impulses, the r e s u l t i s that dramatic
example o f immediate s e l f - d e s t r u c t i o n known a s
suicide.

... t h e c l o s e s c r u t i n y o f the deeper m o t i v e s

for s u i c i d e would c o n f i r m t h i s h y p o t h e s i s i n
t h a t t h e r e appear r e g u l a r l y t o be elements from
at l e a s t two and p o s s i b l y t h r e e s o u r c e s . These a r e ,
(1) impulses d e r i v e d from t h e primary a g g r e s s i v e -
ness c r y s t a l l i z e d as a wish t o k i l l , (2) impulses
d e r i v e d from a m o d i f i c a t i o n o f t h e p r i m i t i v e
aggressiveness, the conscience, c r y s t a l l i z e d
ss t h e wish t o be k i l l e d , and (3) I b e l i e v e t h e r e
i s e v i d e n c e t h a t some o f t h e o r i g i n a l primary s e l f -
d i r e c t e d a g g r e s s i v e n e s s , t h e wish t o d i e , j o i n s
hands w i t h t h e more s o p h i s t i c a t e d motives and adds
to t h e t o t a l v e c t o r i a l f o r c e which impels t h e
precipitate self-destruction.

Read and P o l l a c k a r e other w r i t e r s who a c c e p t t h e F r e u d i a n

theory. Read a l s o s t r e s s e s t h e f a c t o r o f t h e s u i c i d e ' s unconscious

1. Menninger, Man A g a i n s t H i m s e l f , pp. 71-72.

 74

expectation o f an e t e r n a l union w i t h a l o s t l o v e d one or w i t h

God and o f h i s f a n t a s y of being, t h e r e b y , i n harmony w i t h t h e

infinite, 1
w h i l e P o l l a c k adds t h a t i n s t a b i l i t y o f mood and

difficulty i n s e x u a l adjustment o c c u r s f r e q u e n t l y . Like

Z i l b o o r g , O'Connor emphasizes t h e a s p e c t of immortality,

suggesting t h a t s u i c i d e i s a r e v e r s i o n t o an e a r l y s t a t e o f

" p o w e r - n a r c i s s i s m " wherein omnipotence i s a c h i e v e d . Jamieson

l o o k s t o e x c e s s i v e l y s t r o n g s e l f - l o v e and a g g r e s s i v e n e s s a s

the prime psychodynamic d e t e r m i n a n t s o f s e l f - d e s t r u c t i o n

and r e l a t e s them t o t h e r e g r e s s i v e and immature t e n d e n c i e s o f

4

an infantile personality. Palmer, t o o , s t r e s s e s e a r l y

i n f l u e n c e s b e l i e v i n g t h a t t h e b a s i c cause i n t h e m a j o r i t y o f

s u i c i d e attempts i s an a r r e s t e d p s y c h o s e x u a l development — an

a r r e s t due u s u a l l y t o t h e absence o f p a r e n t s (through d e a t h or

separation) a t c r u c i a l stages i n the i n d i v i d u a l ' s e a r l y life.

He contends t h a t w h i l e s p i t e i s f r e q u e n t l y p r e s e n t , i tis a

r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n unconsciously devised t o d i s g u i s e developmental

5
d e f e c t s of the psychic apparatus.

1. C.S. Read, "The Problem o f S u i c i d e " , B r i t i s h M e d i c a l Journal,

v o l . 1, 1936, pp. 631-634.

2„ Benjamin P o l l a c k , "A Study o f t h e Problem of S u i c i c e " , P s y c h i a t r i c

Q u a r t e r l y , v o l , 12, 1938, pp. 306-330.

3. W.A, O'Connor, "Some Notes on S u i c i d e " , B r i t i s h J o u r n a l of

M e d i c a l P s y c h o l o g y, v o l . 21, 1948, pp, 222-228.

4. G e r a l d R. Jamieson, " S u i c i d e and Mental D i s e a s e : A C l i n i c a l A n a l y s i s

of One Hundred C a s e s " , A r c h i v e s of Neurology and P s y c h i a t r y , v o l .
36, J u l y 1936, pp. 1-11.

5. D.M. Palmer, " F a c t o r s i n S u i c i d e Attempts: A Review o f Twenty-Five

C o n s e c u t i v e C a s e s " , J o u r n a l o f Nervous and M e n t a l D i s e a s e , v o l 93, 0

1941, pp. 421-442..

 75,

On the b a s i s of t h e i r study of s u i c i d a l t e n d e n c i e s in

c h i l d r e n , Bender and S c h i l d e r a r r i v e a t what they term a " p r e l i m i n a r y

formulation": S u i c i d e f o r the c h i l d i s an attempt t o a v o i d a

f r u s t r a t i n g and intolerable situation, a situation consisting

of the d e p r i v a t i o n (or the assumption of d e p r i v a t i o n ) of love.

Aggressive f e e l i n g s are i n c i t e d , a r o u s i n g g u i l t and the aggressive-

ness i s t u r n e d inward. These f e e l i n g s may be intensified by

c o n s t i t u t i o n a l f a c t o r s , by i d e n t i f i c a t i o n w i t h an aggressive

parent, or by b o t h . The s u i c i d a l attempt a l s o c o n s t i t i t e s a

r e t a l i a t i o n against the s o c i a l m i l i e u , and a way of s e c u r i n g more

love. The s u i c i d a l death r e p r e s e n t s a reunion w i t h the love

o b j e c t , l i v i n g or d e a d . 1
S c h e c h t e r , examining the m o t i v a t i o n a l

f a c t o r s i n c h i l d r e n and adolescents, o f f e r s conclusions which

are i n s u b s t a n t i a l agreement w i t h the f i n d i n g s of Bender and

Schilder. He is particularly impressed w i t h the aspect of a

r e a l or t h r e a t e n e d l o s s of a love object, considering i t to be

2
the primary dynamic.

F e n i c h e l ' s theory of s u i c i d e has been r e s t a t e d i n an

abridged form by Jackson:

F e n i c h e l extends Freud's i d e a s , s t a t i n g , i n essence,

t h a t s u i c i d e i s the outcome of a s t r o n g ambivalent

1. L a u r e t t a Bender and P a u l S c h i l d e r , " S u i c i d a l P r e o c c u p a t i o n

and Attempts i n C h i l d r e n " , American J o u r n a l of O r t h o p s y c h i a t r y , vol.
7, 1937, pp. 225-234.

2. M. D. S c h e c h t e r , "The R e c o g n i t i o n and Treatment of S u i c i d e i n

C h i l d r e n , " i n C l u e s t o S u i c i d e , p. 141.
 76.

dependence on a sadistic superego and the necessity

to get r i d of an unbearable guilt tension at any
cost. He mentions that the desire to l i v e means
to feel a certain self-esteem, and to feel supported
by the protective forces of the superego. When
this feeling vanishes the original feeling of
annihilation which the individual experienced
as the deserted, hungry baby reappears. Since the
superego i s made up of introjects which represent
incorporated love objects, suicide involves the
murder of the original object whose incorporation
helped to create the superego. Along with the
self-murder goes the hopeful illusion that forgive-
ness and reconciliation w i l l be attained by the
k i l l i n g of the punishing superego and the regaining
of union with the protective superego.

Garma emphasized two components: loss of a v i t a l l y important

libidinous object and aggression secondarily turned against the

ego. The act becomes for the suicide a method of regaining the

lost object and a way of liberating himself from a hostile en^

vironment. He adds that hereditary constitution i s a factor of

2

paramount importance.

Bergler in his paper Problems of Suicide advocates the

differentiating of suicide types on a three-fold basis — the

"introjection type", the "hysteric type", and "miscellaneous

types". Of the f i r s t he writes:
...The suicide of the introjection type i s a person
labouring under the deepest feeling of guilt
because of his over-dimensional psychic masochism.
To counteract this reproach, pseudo-aggression i s

1. Otto Fenichel, The Psychoanalytic Theory of Neurosis,. Mew

York, WW. Norton and Co., 1 9 4 5 , PP. 4 0 0 - 4 0 1 . Cited in Don D.
6

Jackson "Theories of Suicide", i n Clues to Suicide, p p . 1 1 - 1 2 .

2, A. Garma, "Sadism and Masochism i n Human Conduct", (Part 1 1 )

Journal of Clinical Psychopathology and Psychotherapy, vol, 6 , 1 9 4 4 ,
PP. 355-390.
 77.

m o b i l i z e d — t h e f a n t a s y of the k i l l i n g and
disappointex. The disappointment i s always
s e l f - p r o v o k e d , by c h o i c e o f , and attachment t o ,
the d i s a p p o i n t i n g p e r s o n . The f e e l i n g of g u i l t
i s s h i f t e d from the masochist a c t t o a pseudo-
aggressive one.
1

The second t y p e , the h y s t e r i c , i s c h a r a c t e r i z e d by what he

terms " n e g a t i v e magic g e s t u r e s " of an u n c o n s c i o u s dramatization

of how one does not want t o be t r e a t e d , c o u p l e d w i t h an infantile

misconception o f a death which l a c k s f i n a l i t y . The third type,

the m i s c e l l a n e o u s , i s composed o f other s u i c i d e s such as

those who project their superegos outwardly and hear voices

d i r e c t i n g them t o k i l l themselves. Bergler i s of the opinion

t h a t the d e c i s i v e f a c t o r i n s u i c i d e i s not the overwhelming

i n t e n s i t y of g u i l t f e e l i n g s but r a t h e r the d e f u s i o n of

i n s t i n c t s l e a v i n g the d e a t h i n s t i n c t no longer a t t e n u a t e d by the

2
life instinct.

Moss and Hamilton f i n d t h r e e c o - e x i s t i n g u n c o n s c i o u s and

p a r t i a l l y conscious d e t e r m i n a n t s of the s u i c i d e a c t : first, an

expectation of greater impending s a t i s f a c t i o n t a k i n g the form

of an e t e r n a l r e u n i o n i n death w i t h a l o v e d one, the f o r c i n g

of c o n s i d e r a t i o n or g r a t i f i c a t i o n o t h e r w i s e u n a t t a i n a b l e from

t h e s o c i a l environment, or t h e p l e a s u r e of s p i t e or retribution;

1. Edmund B e r g l e r , "Problems of S u i c i d e " , P s y c h i a t r i c Q u a r t e r l y

Supplement, v o l . 20,.Part 2, 1946, pp. 265-266.

2. B e r g l e r , P s y c h i a t r i c Q u a r t e r l y Supplement, v o l , 20, 1946, pp,

261-275,
 78.

secondly, h o s t i l i t y d i r e c t e d toward prominent persons upon

whom censure was p l a c e d f o r p r e s e n t f r u s t r a t i o n which because o f

a n x i e t y became s e l f - d i r e c t e d ; t h i r d , an e x p r e s s i o n of f u t i l i t y

and d e s p a i r and an abandoning of any promise o f improvement i n

1

present circumstances*

In h i s review o f s u i c i d e t h e o r i e s , both psychoanalytic

and non-psychoanalytic, Jackson suggests t h a t t h e u n d e r l y i n g

m o t i v e s o f t h e a c t can be reduced t o t h r e e b a s i c ones:

(1) S e l f - d i r e c t e d a g g r e s s i o n . T h i s c a t e g o r y may or
may not i n c l u d e t h e concept o f a death i n s t i n c t .
I t does i n c l u d e p a r t i a l s u i c i d e , such a s m u l t i p l e
o p e r a t i o n s , a c c i d e n t proneness, and so f o r t h .
(2) R e b i r t h and r e s t i t u t i o n . A u t h o r i t i e s who
d i s c u s s s u i c i d e i n c h i l d r e n and i n s c h i z o p h r e n i c s
a r e e s p e c i a l l y apt t o mention t h e concept o f d o i n g away
w i t h t h e "bad me" i n order t o make a new b e g i n n i n g .
E v e n t s r a n g i n g from r u n n i n g away from home t o
d e p a r t i n g from l i f e r e p r e s e n t a continuum which
i n c l u d e s the sorrow o f those l e f t behind and t h e j o y o f f i n d -
i n g someone who r e a l l y c a r e s .
(3) D e s p a i r , l o s s o f s e l f - e s t e e m , and t h e r e a l or
imagined l o s s o f t h e l o v e o b j e c t . Many e x p e r t s . . .
p o i n t t o t h e l o s s o f something t h a t precedes a
s u i c i d e . There may be t h e l o s s o f h e a l t h or
f a c i l i t i e s a s i n malignant cancer or o l d age; or
the k i n d of l o s s t h a t o c c u r s i n ...drop o f s o c i a l s t a t u s
or p r e s t i g e , or t h e l o s i n g o f a mate... 2

3. A C r i t i c a l A p p r a i s a l of the Psychoanalytic Theories of S u i c i d e .

Psychoanalytic t h e o r i e s of s u i c i d e a r e subject t o a

number o f j c r i t i c i s m s . F i r s t , t h e r e i s the q u e s t i o n o f t h e t e n a b i l i t y

of t h e theory o f t h e death i n s t i n c t . The t h e s i s t h a t s u i c i d e

r e s u l t s when a g g r e s s i v e impulses a r e t u r n e d inwardly against the

1. Leonard Moss and Donald H a m i l t o n , "Psychotherapy o f t h e S u i c i d a l

P a t i e n t " , American J o u r n a l o f P s y c h i a t r y , v o l . 112, 1956, pp. 814-820.

2. Don D« J a c k s o n , " T h e o r i e s o f S u i c i d e " , i n C l u e s t o S u i c i d e , p. 15.

 79.
self, (when Thanotos, the death instinct, masters Eros, the l i f e

instinct) i s popular i n c l i n i c a l circles. The formula, s k i l f u l and

original as i t i s , f a i l s to establish a definite c l i n i c a l or even

theoretical criterion which adequately explains suicide* The

formula may be fundamentally correct but i t i s too general to

be of any real value, for according to i t every individual i n

the world i s i n danger of taking his l i f e . The death instinct

theory as an element i n Freudian metapsychology and as an explanatory

pivotal point i s , i n i t s application to suicide, tautological,

for to say that the death instinct gains the upper hand over

the l i f e instinct i s merely an elaborate way of saying that the

individual does injure or k i l l himself. Perhaps an equally

important criticism of the theory i s that the only evidence for

the presence of the cause of suicide, i . e . the death instinct,

i s the occurrence of i t s effect, i.e., death.

»Secondly, there has been a failure on the part of theorists

to distinguish qualitatively between suicide and attempted

suicide. Analytic writers have tended to theorize on the

assumption that the psychodynamic factors operative i n the

two forms of suicide are the same, that consummated suicide i s

simply an exaggerated form of attempted suicide. There i s evidence

however, to support the view that this i s not the case, that

successful and unsuccessful suicides often represent different

kinds of acts and different motivations.

Thirdly, there has been a characteristic disregard

evident i n most of the psychoanalytic literature for the part

played i n personality processes by social and cultural

 80.

factors 1
and an i n c l i n a t i o n t o view s o c i a l d i s o r g a n i z a t i o n a s an
2

extension of personal disorganization. The model o f f e r e d by

a n a l y t i c w r i t e r s t o e x p l a i n t h e causes o f s e l f - d e s t r u c t i o n

i s p r i m a r i l y a b i o - p s y c h o l o g i c a l one and e x c l u d e s a c o n s i d e r a t i o n
3

of those d e t e r m i n a n t s emanating from t h e s o c i a l structure.

C o n s p i c u o u s l y a b s e n t , f o r example, i n p s y c h o a n a l y t i c theories

of s u i c i d e i s any attempt t o account f o r t h e en masse voluntary

deaths o f p e r s e c u t e d e t h n i c or r a c i a l groups such a s t h e Jews

d u r i n g World War I I , f o r t h e drowning i n m a r i t i m e d i s a s t e r s o f

those who, r e f u s i n g r e s c u e , choose t o remain a t t h e s i d e o f a

l o v e d one who must, by r e a s o n o f c h i v a l r y , custom or p r o t o c o l ,

go down w i t h t h e s h i p , and f o r t h e s e l f - i n f l i c t e d death o f t h e

spy who t a k e s a c a p s u l e of poison upon t h r e a t o f c a p t u r e .

F i n a l l y , and p r o b a b l y the most fundamental c r i t i c i s m

of t h e p s y c h o a n a l y t i c t h e o r i e s of s u i c i d e i s the question of the

s c i e n t i f i c v a l i d i t y of psychoanalytic concepts. The methodology

of a n a l y t i c i n v e s t i g a t i o n i s unsound. T h e r e i s a marked l a c k

of s u b s t a n t i a t i o n o f c o n c l u s i o n s by v e r i f i e d d a t a , a dependence

on u n r e l i a b l e a n e c d o t a l e v i d e n c e , an almost t o t a l want o f
1. N o t a b l e e x c e p t i o n s a r e t o be found i n t h e w r i t i n g s o f Fromm,
Horney, H.S. S u l l i v a n and K a r d i n e r .
2. A paper which examines t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p between t h e s e two forms
of d i s o r g a n i z a t i o n i s H e r b e r t Blumer's " S o c i a l D i s o r g a n i z a t i o n and
I n d i v i d u a l D i s o r g a n i z a t i o n " , American J o u r n a l o f S o c i o l o g y , v o l , 42:2,
1937, pp. 871-877.

3. Z i l b o o r g c a t e g o r i c a l l y denies the v a l i d i t y of t h e s o c i o l o g i c a l
approach and r e f e r s t o s u i c i d e s t a t i s t i c s a s " w e l l n i g h u s e l e s s " .
American J o u r n a l o f Orthopsydtfetry, v o l . 7, 1937, pp. 18-20. Menninger
r e f e r s o n l y i n c i d e n t a l l y t o t h e major s o c i o l o g i c a l works on
suicide. (Man A g a i n s t H i m s e l f , 1938)
 81.

experimental e v i d e n c e , and an i n d i f f e r e n c e t o the use of c o n t r o l

groups. There i s an o v e r g e n e r a l i z a t i o n of c o n c l u s i o n s and a

couching of statements of hypotheses i n such an obscure, complex,

and ambiguous manner t h a t ^ h e a p p l i c a t i o n of a p r o c e s s of

scientifically p r o v i n g or d i s p r o v i n g becomes extremely difficult. 1

F a c i l e and even d r a m a t i c e x p o s i t i o n may come t o s e r v e as a veneer

2
i n the absence o f c l i n i c a l l y documented, c o r r o b o r a t i v e f a c t s .

These c r i t i c i s m s of the p s y c h o a n a l y t i c t h e o r i e s of suicide

apply ( w i t h the e x c e p t i o n of the f i r s t ) i n some d i m i n i s h e d form

to the n o n - p s y c h o a n a l y t i c t h e o r i e s .

P s y c h o a n a l y t i c concepts a r e u s e f u l , however, i f used as

" s e n s i t i z i n g " r a t h e r than d e f i n i t i v e c o n c e p t s . Sensitizing

3

concepts or i n s t r u m e n t s lack precise reference, s p e c i f i c

a t t r i b u t e s and c l e a n - c u t i d e n t i f i c a t i o n . They r e s t on a g e n e r a l

sense of r e l e v a n c y , a r e amenable t o improvement and refinement,

and s e r v e t o sharpen p e r c e p t i o n and t o s t i m u l a t e i m a g i n a t i o n and

diagnostic s k i l l s .

4. Attempted S u i c i d e .

Students of s u i c i d e have tended t o formulate dynamic

1. The same c r i t i c i s m s a p p l y t o the methodology of p s y c h o a n a l y t i c

i n v e s t i g a t i o n s i n other a r e a s such as the meaning o f r e l i g i o n t o the
i n d i v i d u a l and t h e s o c i a l i z a t i o n of the c h i l d ,

2. For a more complete and d e t a i l e d c r i t i q u e of p s y c h o a n a l y t i c t h e o r y

see Read B a i n , " S o c i o l o g y and P s y c h o a n a l y s i s " , American S o c i o l o g i c a l
Review, v o l . 1:2, 1936, pp. 203-220, H.J. Eysenck, Uses and Abuses
of Psychology, Harmondsworth, Penguin Books L t d . , 1959, (Chapter 12),
E r i c h Fromm, Sigsmmnd Freud's M i s s i o n , New York, Harper and B r o t h e r s ,
1959, ( e s p e c i a l l y Chapter 1 0 ) . For a c r i t i c i s m o f s o c i a l t h e o r y — a
c r i t i c i s m a p p l i c a b l e i n many r e s p e c t s t o p s y c h o a n a l y t i c t h e o r y — see
H e r b e r t Blumer, "What i s Wrong With S o c i a l Theory?", American S o c i o l o g i c a l
Review, v o l . 19:1, 1954, pp. 3-10.

3. The term i s Blumer's. Ibid.

 82.

t h e o r i e s by e x t r a p o l a t i o n — from what has been l e a r n e d in clinical

studies of p a t i e n t s who have attempted s u i c i d e — on t h e i m p l i c i t

assumption t h a t t h o s e who t a k e t h e i r own l i v e s and t h o s e who

attempt t o take t h e i r own l i v e s a r e but one group. A number o f

recent w r i t e r s , however, have o f f e r e d d a t a t o support t h e view

t h a t t h e psychodynamic p a t t e r n s i n many s u i c i d a l attempts a r e

q u i t e d i f f e r e n t from t h e p a t t e r n s i n successful suicidal acts.

In t h e i r monograph e n t i t l e d Attempted S u i c i d e , Its Social

S i g n i f i c a n c e and E f f e c t , 1
Stengel, Cook and Kreeger r e p o r t t h e

f i n d i n g s o f i n v e s t i g a t i o n s they r e c e n t l y c a r r i e d out i n London.

They s t u d i e d f i v e groups o f attempted s u i c i d e s composed o f 630

successive a d m i s s i o n s t o t h r e e d i f f e r e n t t y p e s o f London h o s p i t a l s

over c e r t a i n p e r i o d s of time and one c o n t r o l l e d group c o n s i s t i n g

o f 117 s u i c i d e s on whom t h e r e were c o r o n e r ' s r e p o r t s . They then

conducted p s y c h i a t r i c and s o c i a l work f o l l o w - u p i n t e r v i e w s using

a comprehensive scheme which y i e l d e d much d e t a i l e d information.

Drawing on t h i s i n f o r m a t i o n and on t h e m e d i c a l and p s y c h i a t r i c d a t a

o b t a i n e d w h i l e t h e persons had been i n h o s p i t a l , S t e n g e l , Cook

and Kreeger conclude t h a t t h e s u i c i d e and t h e attempted suicide

c o n s t i t u t e two d i f f e r e n t though o v e r l a p p i n g t y p e s and t h a t t h e

attempted s u i c i d e has d i s t i n c t i v e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and f u n c t i o n s

which r e f l e c t a d i s c e r n i b l e p a t t e r n of s o c i a l behaviour. They

r e p u d i a t e t h e t h e o r y t h a t t h e s e l f - d e s t r u c t i v e tendency i s the

primary m o t i v a t i n g f o r c e l e a d i n g t o attempted s u i c i d e on t h e b a s i s

1. Stengel, Cook, and K r e e g e r , Attempted Suicide.

 83

that (a) c o m p a r a t i v e l y few persons who make s u i c i d a l attempts

later k i l l themselves and (b) among those who attempt s u i c i d e o n l y

a m i n o r i t y have t r i e d i t before. They h o l d t h a t c e r t a i n s o c i a l

f a c t o r s and f e a t u r e s must be c o n s i d e r e d i n order t o understand

the s i g n i f i c a n c e of the s u i c i d a l attempt. First, i s the "appeal f u n c t i o n "

— a f u n c t i o n c o n s c i o u s l y or u n c o n s c i o u s l y inherent i n most, i f

not a l l , attempts a t s u i c i d e . The i n d i v i d u a l does not w i s h d e a t h ,

nor does he expect t o d i e , but r a t h e r he seeks t o m a n i p u l a t e

t h e community and t o r e c e i v e i t s a t t e n t i o n and sympathy. Secondly,

t h e r e i s the " o r d e a l c h a r a c t e r " of the s u i c i d a l attempt. By this

i s meant an urge i n t h e person t o c h a l l e n g e f a t e and h i s w i l l i n g n e s s

to accept the outcome of the a c t , i . e . , s u r v i v a l , without demure —

i n s h o r t , a gamble which proves t o be an o r d e a l but which must be

undertaken. T h i r d l y , t h e r e a r e the s o c i a l e f f e c t s o f the

attempt: i t s profound consequences f o r the individual such

as the a n x i e t i e s accompanying admission t o h o s p i t a l , and the

r e l a t i o n s h i p , o f t e n s t r a i n e d , w i t h f a m i l y and f r i e n d s . In c l o s i n g ,

the a u t h o r s a g a i n emphasize t h a t the u n d e r l y i n g motives f o r s u i c i d e

and attempted s u i c i d e must be d i f f e r e n t i a t e d . They w r i t e :

. . . i f we want t o t r e a t a l l who commit s u i c i d a l

a c t s as one p o p u l a t i o n , we must r e a l i z e t h a t i t i s a
p o p u l a t i o n of p e o p l e who have made s u i c i d a l attempts
w i t h a m i n o r i t y who have k i l l e d t h e m s e l v e s . To
make the f a t e of t h a t m i n o r i t y t h e c o n d i t i o n of f u l l
membership of t h a t p o p u l a t i o n , and t o t r e a t the
m a j o r i t y as i n f e r i o r members, i s i m p e r m i s s i b l e . 1

The f i n d i n g s of Weiss r e p o r t e d i n h i s paper "The Gamble

1. I b i d . , p. 130.
 84

With Death i n Attempted S u i c i d e " , a r e s i m i l a r t o those o f S t e n g e l ,

Cook and K r e e g e r . He emphasizes t h e a s p e c t s o f m a n i p u l a t i o n

of t h e e x t r a p s y c h i c environment as an a c c e s s o r y f u n c t i o n

of attempted s u i c i d e , and the a f f i n i t y o f t h e psychodynamic

f a c t o r s i n v o l v e d w i t h those of gambling. Holding that h i s

c o n c l u s i o n s a r e s u b s t a n t i a t e d by c l i n i c a l evidence d e r i v e d

from p e r s o n a l i n t e r v i e w s w i t h 156 h o s p i t a l p a t i e n t s , Weiss

writes:

...attempts can be c a t e g o r i z e d i n t h r e e c l a s s e s ;
(1) a b o r t e d s u c c e s s f u l s u i c i d e s , i n which t h e
attemptor t r u l y i n t e n d e d t o end l i f e and was
c e r t a i n t h a t he would d i e a s a r e s u l t o f h i s
a c t i o n , (2) t r u e s u i c i d a l attempts, i n which
t h e attemptor thought t h a t he might d i e a s a
r e s u l t o f h i s a c t i o n but was not c e r t a i n , and (3)
s u i c i d a l g e s t u r e s , i n which t h e attemptor was
c e r t a i n t h a t he would n o t d i e a s a r e s u l t o f
h i s a c t i o n . From t h e d a t a now a v a i l a b l e , t h e
psychodynamics of t h e a b o r t e d s u c c e s s f u l s u i c i d e
appears t o be s i m i l a r t o or i d e n t i c a l w i t h t h e
dynamics of t h e completed s u c c e s s f u l s u i c i d e .
The dynamics o f t h e s u i c i d a l g e s t u r e a r e r e l a t e d
p r i m a r i l y t o t h e need t o i n f l u e n c e someone
t o do something, and not t o t h e i n t e n t i o n t o
end l i f e . The dynamics o f t h e t r u e s u i c i d a l
attempt a r e c o m p l i c a t e d , and i n v o l v e i n a l l
c a s e s a d i s c h a r g e of s e l f - d i r e c t e d a g g r e s s i v e
t e n d e n c i e s through a gamble w i t h death ( o f
v a r y i n g l e t h a l p r o b a b i l i t y ) , i n most c a s e s
an a p p e a l f o r h e l p , and i n some c a s e s a need
f o r punishment and a t r i a l by o r d e a l , 1

The i n v e s t i g a t i o n s o f o t h e r s support many o f t h e

c o n c l u s i o n s a r r i v e d a t by S t e n g e l e t a l and by W e i s s .

Schmidt, O'Neal, and Robins made a c l i n i c a l and f o l l o w - u p

1. James M.A. Weiss, "The Gamble W i t h Death i n Attempted

S u i c i d e " , P s y c h i a t r y , v o l . 20, 1957, p . 25.
 85.

study of 1 0 9 persons who, having unsuccessfully attempted

suicide, were brought to a general hospital in St. Louis. These

investigators believed i t important to distinguish between

the serious attempt and the "gesture" attempt. Establishing

c r i t e r i a for this differentiation and classifying the patients

accordingly, they found 3 5 to be serious and 7 4 to be gesture,'''

A follow-up eight months later revealed that only two of

the 1 0 9 patients successfully committed suicide after the

2

i n i t i a l unsuccessful attempt. The psychiatric and medical

data on 2 3 7 cases of attempted suicide in Malmo, Sweden were

examined by Dahlgren who, following them up two to seven

years later found that fourteen had successfully taken their
3
lives,
5, C l i n i c a l Correlates of Suicide,

There are a number of studies reported in the

psychiatric literature on the subject of suicide which are

concerned neither with the formulation of theories of causation

1, The investigators diagnosed two-thirds of the 1 0 9 persons as

suffering from some psychopathological condition or another.
There was no evidence to indicate that seriousness of intent was
related to the absence or presence of mental disorder.

2, Edwin H. Schmidt, Patricia O'Neal, E l i Robbins, "Evaluation

of Suicide Attempts as Guide to Therapy, Clinical and Follow-Up
Study of One Hundred Nine Patients", Journal of the American
Medical Association, vol. 1 5 5 s i , 1 9 5 4 , PP 5 4 9 - 5 5 7 .

3, K,G, Dahlgren, On Suicide and Attempted Suicide. Lu.nd, 1 9 4 5 ,

cited i n Stengel et a l . , Attempted Suicide, pp. 1 9 - 2 1
 86,

nor w i t h t h e s p e c i a l and d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s

of attempted suicide. R a t h e r , they a r e concerned w i t h such a s p e c t s

as p s y c h i a t r i c c l a s s i f i c a t i o n , the c o r r e l a t i o n of t h e p s y -

choanalytic c o n c e p t s a c c o u n t i n g f o r s u i c i d e motives i n

i n d i v i d u a l s t o p s y c h i a t r i c c l a s s i f i c a t i o n , the methods of

self-destruction and t h e i r s i g n i f i c a n c e f o r i n t e n t and s u c c e s s ,

the r o l e of a l c o h o l i s m i n s u i c i d e , t h e problem of s u i c i d e i n

o l d age and prodromal a s p e c t s (warning symptons).

A. P s y c h i a t r i c C l a s s i f i c a t i o n s of S u i c i d a l Persons,

Lendrum, examining d a t a on 1000 c o n s e c u t i v e c a s e s

of attempted suicide (363 men and 637 women) admitted t o a g e n e r a l

hospital in Detroit between 1927 and 1930, found t h a t 234

were c l e a r l y p s y c h i a t r i c a l l y c l a s s i f i a b l e and t h a t i n t h e s e 234

a l c o h o l i s m and p s y c h o p a t h i c p e r s o n a l i t y were t h e commonest

d i a g n o s e s made. 1
Jamieson reviewed the c l i n i c a l r e c o r d s of

100 p a t i e n t s who committed s u i c i d e a f t e r b e i n g d i s c h a r g e d

from mental h o s p i t a l s i n New York S t a t e . He found t h a t the

commonest d i a g n o s t i c g r o u p i n g by f a r was manic-depresive

psychoses (46 p e r s o n s ) w i t h i n v o l u t i o n a l m e l a n c h o l i a and

" s c h i z o p h r e n i c - p a r a n o i d a l " c o n d i t i o n s (19 and 15 p e r s o n s )

respectively coming n e x t . Piker a n a l y z e d the m e d i c a l and

p s y c h i a t r i c r e c o r d s of 1817 persons who attempted suicide

i n C i n c i n n a t t i and were brought t o a g e n e r a l h o s p i t a l . He

1. F r e d e r i c k C. Lendrum, "A Thousand Cases o f Attempted Suicide",

American J o u r n a l of P s y c h i a t r y , v o l . 13, 1933, pp. 479-500.

2. -\ Jamieson, A r c h . Neuro. P s y c h i a t . v o l , 36, 1936, pp. 1-11.

 87.

believed only about seven per cent of the cases could be properly

classified as psychotic,"* -
Pollack's study of 51 suicides and

attempted suicides showed that the largest number occurred among

cases of schizophrenia with manic-depressive psychosis and

2
involutional melancholia following i n order of decreasing frequency.

In his study of 33 patients who committed suicide either while in

mental hospital or within a year after discharge, Wall found the

highest proportion to be suffering from manic-depressive psychosis with

3
schizophrenic psychosis the next highest. Levy and Southcombe

examined nation-wide suicide statistics and the records of the

Eastern State Hospital, Washington, and report two interesting

findings; the incidence of suicide in institutions i s twenty-eight

times greater than among the general population, and of the fifty-eight

patients who took their lives in the Hospital since i t s opening

in 1891 twenty^nine has been diagnosed as schizophrenics (mainly

of the paranoid type;\ and eleven as manic-depressives, 4 Schmidt,
O.'Neal and Eobiiis in the St. Louis study (already referred to) found

that the c l i n i c a l entities in the order of their most frequent

occurence were manic-depressive depression, dementia, psychopathic

1. Philip Piker, "Eighteen Hundred and Seventeen Cases of Suicidal

Attempt; A Preliminary Statistical Survey", American Journal of
Psychiatry, vol, 95:1, 1938, pp 97-105.

2. Pollack. Psychiat. Quart, vol.. 12, 1938, pp 306-330.

3. J.H.Wall, "The Psychiatric Problem of Suicide", American Journal

of Psychiatry, vol. 101, 1944, pp. 404-406.

4. Sol Levy and R.H. Southcombe, "Suicide in a State Hospital for The
Mentally 111", Journal of Nervous and Mental Disease, vol.117,1953,
pp. 504-514*
 88

p e r s o n a l i t y , c h r o n i c a l c o h o l i s m , h y s t e r i a and s c h i z o p h r e n i a . These

i n v e s t i g a t o r s a l s o r e l a t e d d i a g n o s e s t o the degree o f seriousness

of i n t e n t and found t h a t t h o s e s u f f e r i n g from m a n i c - d e p r e s s i v e

d i s o r d e r s , dementia and h y s t e r i a c o u l d be c l a s s i f i e d as s e r i o u s

in their i n t e n t t o d i e , w h i l e t h o s e s u f f e r i n g from c h r o n i c alcoholism

and psychopathy c o u l d be c l a s s i f i e d as not s e r i o u s i n t h e i r intent. 1

The q u e s t i o n o f whether the s u i c i d e a c t per se i s an

i n d i c a t i o n o f mental d i s o r d e r has been d i s c u s s e d by a number of

w r i t e r s without consensus. I t would seem a matter of semantics

r a t h e r of substance and w i l l p r o b a b l y remain u n s e t t l e d as l o n g as

there i s no agreement about the d e f i n i t i o n o f "normal" and

"abnormal" c o n d i t i o n s o f mind.

B. M o t i v a t i o n a l Determinants and C l i n i c a l Classification.

In h i s paper e n t i t l e d "The Psychodynamic Motivational

Factors i n S u i c i d e " , Hendin r e p o r t s h i s g r o u p i n g o f 100 would-be

suicide patients at Bellevue P s y c h i a t r i c H o s p i t a l i n New York C i t y

on the b a s i s o f s i m i l a r i t i e s i n c l i n i c a l and psychodynamic f i n d i n g s .

He w r i t e s : .

The main g r o u p i n g s ... were:

1. Those w i t h s p i t e or d e s i r e t o f o r c e l o v e a s a
dominant m o t i v e , (a) The r e a c t i v e d e p r e s s i o n -
g r o u p — p r i m a r i l y l o v e r s ' q u a r r e l s w i t h low s u i c i d a l
intent; (b) The c h a r a c t e r d i s o r d e r group, w i t h
minimal i n t e n t and an attempt t o m a n i p u l a t e t h e
environnvetft.
2. L o s s of l o v e d o b j e c t , (a) The n e u r o t i c group
u n s u c c e s s f u l l y seeking re-establishment of
n e c e s s a r y o b j e c t attachment; (b) The p a s s i v e
dependent, e l d e r l y group.
3. G u i l t , ( a ) P r e d o m i n a n t l y the s c h i z o p h r e n i c
group. 2

1. Schmidt e t a l , J . American Med. A s . , v o l . 155:1, 1954, pp. 544-557.

2. H e r b e r t Hendin, "Psychodynamic M o t i v a t i o n a l F a c t o r s i n S u i c i d e " ,

The P s y c h i a t r i c Q u a r t e r l y , v o l . 25, 1951, pp. 672-677.
 89

C. The Methods o f S e l f - D e s t r u c t i o n and T h e i r S i g n i f i c a n c e ,

Lendrum*s examination o f t h e methods used i n a l l

known s u c c e s s f u l s u i c i d e s i n D e t r o i t over a f o u r year period

i n d i c a t e s t h a t t h e methods i n order o f e f f e c t i v e n e s s were poisons,

a s p h y x i a , f i r e a r m s , and h a n g i n g . N o t i n g t h a t men a r e more

s u c c e s s f u l than women i n k i l l i n g themselves but t h a t women have

a higher incidence of unsuccessful a t t e m p t s , Lendrum o f f e r s t h e

I
•is :

explanation t h a t t h e mechanical methods employed by men such a s

shooting or hanging a r e more dangerous, whereas t h e methods o f

women i n c l u d e t h e use o f r e l a t i v e l y innocuous household p o i s o n s

such a s i o d i n e and merchurochrome. He r e j e c t s t h e t h e o r y that

the d i f f e r e n c e i n s u c c e s s f u l s u i c i d e r a t e s between t h e sexes i s

1

due t o a d i f f e r e n c e i n t h e degree of i n t e n t .

Jamieson d i v i d e s t h e methods o f s u i c i d e i n t o " a c t i v e or

aggressive" ( i . e . , hanging, jumping, and s h o o t i n g ) and " p a s s i v e or

receptive" ( i . e . , p o i s o n s and drowning) and f i n d s an e q u a l proportion

of men and women i n h i s two c a t e g o r i e s . He suggests t h a t conscious

d e t e r m i n a n t s i n c h o i c e o f method such as s u g g e s t i o n and a v a i l a b i l i t y

of means a r e a s important a s t h e u n c o n s c i o u s d e t e r m i n a n t s such a s
2
symbolisms. S t e n g e l , Cook, and Kreeger demonstrate t h a t t h e degree
3
of i n t e n t and t h e dangerousness o f method a r e p o s i t i v e l y c o r r e l a t e d

1. Lendrum, Amer. J . P s y c h i a t . v o l . 13, 1933, pp. 479-500.

2. Jamieson, A r c h . Neuro, P s y c h i a t . , v o l . 36, 1936, pp. 1-11.

3. Stengel e t a l , Attempted S u i c i d e , p . 113.

 90.

and that failure i n the attempts of women can most often be

related to the slight degree of intent and relative harmlessness

of method.^ In addition to the 100 cases mentioned earlier, Hendin

analyzed the data on another 500 patients i n the same hospital who

had attempted suicide* Examining the difference i n rate of attempts

between men and women, he concludes that intent i s of greater

2
importance than method i n determining success or failure.

D. Alcoholism and Suicide.

Batchelor reviews 200 consecutive cases of attempted

self-destruction admitted to a general hospital i n Edinburgh i n the

years 1950-1952. His findings and the conclusions he draws from

3
them are outlined i n his paper "Alcoholism and Attempted Suicide".
Concerning his findings, he writes:

A family history of alcoholism i n first-degree

relatives was found i n 28.5 per cent. Many of
the subjects came from homes "broken by parental
alcoholism.
19.5 per cent of the cases were under the
influence of alcohol at the time of their suicidal
attempt.
Forty-three (21,5 per cent.) of the cases gave
a personal history of excessive drinking.
, ... A further 16 (18 per cent) individuals who
were under the influence of alcohol at the time of
their suicidal attempts, were not pathological
drinkers.

1. IbicU. p. 89 and p. 98.

2. Herbert Hendin, "Attempted Suicide", Psychiatric Quarterly,

vol. 24, 1950 pp. 39-46.

3. Few papers i n the literature deal entirely with the relationship

between suicide and alcoholism. This one i s an exception.

4. I.S.C. Batchelor, "Alcoholism and Attempted Suicide", Journal of

Mental Science , vol, 100, pp. 451-461.
 91,

His conclusions follow:

(a) Though r a r e l y w h o l l y or mainly the cause of

a s u i c i d a l attempt, a l c o h o l i s m i s a s i g n i f i c a n t
f a c t o r i n about 30 per c e n t , of t h e s e a c t s , and
i n men about t w i c e as o f t e n as i n women.
(b) P a r e n t a l a l c o h o l i s m d i s r u p t i n g the home, may
c o n t r i b u t e t o the p e r s o n a l i t y d i s o r d e r s which
result in suicide.
( c ) A l c o h o l i s m and s u i c i d e have f r e q u e n t l y s i m i l a r
or i d e n t i c a l p s y c h o p a t h o l o g i c a l b a s e s . Alcoholism
may be a f r a c t i o n a l s u i c i d e , prepare the way f o r
s u i c i d e , or p r o v i d e a s u b s t i t u t e .
(d) A l c o h o l i s m may f a c i l i t a t e a s u i c i d a l attempt
by r e l e a s i n g i n h i b i t i o n s : and i t may a l s o render i t
l e s s e f f e c t i v e . Such a t t e m p t s , though o f t e n
impulsive, are often a l s o s e r i o u s .
(e) A r e l a t i v e l y s m a l l amount of a l c o h o l i s more
potent i n t h i s than a l a r g e e x c e s s .
( f ) The " c h r o n i c a l c o h o l i c " does not t y p i c a l l y
commit s u i c i d e . S u f f e r e r s from p s y c h o p a t h i c and
d e p r e s s i v e s t a t e s who r e p e a t e d l y abuse a l c o h o l ,
f r e q u e n t l y attempt or commit s u i c i d e : the i n t e r m i t t e n c y
o f t h e i r d r i n k i n g may expose them more t o the s t r e s s
of i n t o l e r a b l e c o n f l i c t s .
1

£. S u i c i d e and the Aged.

In h i s d i s c u s s i o n o f the a s s o c i a t i o n of s u i c i d e
o
w i t h o l d age based on h i s and h i s co-worker's f i n d i n g s and on
3

t h o s e of O'Neal, R o b i n s , and Schmidt, Batchelor p o i n t s out that

i n t h i s age group s u i c i d e and attempted s u i c i d e f a l l into similar

i f not i d e n t i c a l c l i n i c a l c a t e g o r i e s , f o r an attempt i s , he believes,

1. Ibid.„

2. I.R.C, B a t c h e l o r and M.B. N a p i e r , "Attempted S u i c i d e i n Old Age",

B r i t i s h M e d i c a l J o u r n a l , v o l . 2, 1953,.pp. 1186-1190.

3, P. O'Neal, £ . Robins and E.H. Schmidt, "A P s y d l a t r i c Study of

Attempted S u i c i d e i n Persons Over S i x t y Years of Age", A r c h i v e s of
Neurology and P s y c h i a t r y , v o l . 75, 1956, pp. 275-284.
 92.

r a r e l y a g e s t u r e or t h r e a t but an a c t which has f a i l e d f o r reasons

other than s e r i o u s n e s s and d e t e r m i n a t i o n s He contends that the

m a j o r i t y o f the s u i c i d a l aged a r e s u f f e r i n g from psychoses — usually

from t h e d e p r e s s i v e phase of m a n i c - d e p r e s s i v e p s y c h o s i s , and t h a t

some of the c o - e x i s t i n g f e a t u r e s of insomnia, t e n s i o n , a g i t a t i o n ,

h y p o c h o n d r i a c a l c o m p l a i n t s , d e l u s i o n s of p o v e r t y , and f e a r of

fatal i l l n e s s or of i n s a n i t y a r e u s u a l l y p r e s e n t , Batchelor

b e l i e v e s t h a t p h y s i c a l i l l n e s s and particularly degenerative

d i s e a s e i s the major p r e c i p i t a t i n g f a c t o r s e r v i n g t o d i m i n i s h c o n t r o l

over behaviour, t o d i m i n i s h r e s i s t e n c e t o s t r e s s and t o enhance

b r o o d i n g and e x c e s s i v e i n t r o s p e c t i o n . He a l s o r e c o g n i z e s the

s i g n i f i c a n c e o f s o c i a l f a c t o r s , h o l d i n g t h a t the mental illness

( i n i t s e l f not a s u f f i c i e n t e x p l a n a t i o n f o r s u i c i d e ) , cannot be

divorced l i f e circumstances. In p a r t i c u l a r , he sees as the

important p r e c i p i t a t i n g f a c t o r s f e e l i n g s of l o n i i n e s s , l o s s of

a l o v e d one, r e t i r e m e n t from employment, changed domestic

c i r c u m s t a n c e , and f i n a n c i a l w o r r i e s . 1

F. Prodromal A s p e c t s o f S u i c i d e .

A number o f w r i t e r s have g i v e n prominence i n t h e i r

i n v e s t i g a t i o n s t o the prodromal or warning symptoms a s p e c t s o f

suicide. Jamieson and W a l l s t u d i e d the case r e c o r d s of tWBnty-five

p a t i e n t s who committed s u i c i d e i n a New York S t a t e mental h o s p i t a l

1. I.R*C. B a t c h e l o r , " S u i c i d e i n O l d Age", in Clues to Suicide,

p. 143-151.
 93.

over a twenty year p e r i o d . They concluded t h a t by t h e o b s e r v a t i o n

of c e r t a i n pre-raonitory s i g n s t h e i n c i d e n c e of s u i c i d e couldwbe

appreciably reduced. These s i g n s are:

(1) Severe h y p o c h o n d r i a c a l and n i h i l i s t i c i d e a s , w i t h

veiled death wishes i n t h e t r e n d ,
(2) Insomnia; not t h e a c t u a l s l e e p l e s s n e s s i t s e l f
but t h e apprehension and agony c o n c e r n i n g i t s p o s s i b l e
effects.
(3) P e r s i s t e n t b e l i e f i n l o s i n g c o n t r o l of oneself, of
" g o i n g i n s a n e , " and analogous i d e a s .
(4) Sense o f g u i l t w i t h p e r s i s t e n t b e l i e f and
concern about punishment, e s p e c i a l l y by t o r t u r e of one
k i n d or a n o t h e r .
(5) E v i d e n c e o f a g g r e s s i v e n e s s as i n d i c a t e d by s u r l y ,
i m p a t i e n t , and i r r i t a b l e a t t i t u d e s together w i t h
assaultive tendencies. 1

Fairbanks looks f o r depression, r i g i d , personality, disap-

pointments over seemingly u n m o d i f i a b l e s i t u a t i o n s , and a f a m i l y

h i s t o r y o f s u i c i d e which, she b e l i e v e s , l e s s e n r e s i s t a n c e t o t h e
2
idea. Davidson i n h i s s e r i e s n o t e s e x p r e s s i o n s o f g u i l t , un~

worthiness, " f u l f i l l m e n t o f one's d e s t i n y " , d i s i l l u s i o n m e n t

• 3
and i n s e c u r i t y f o l l o w i n g t h e l o s s o f a l o v e d one. Drewry r e p o r t s

t h a t he i s e s p e c i a l l y m i n d f u l of t h e s i g n s o f d e p r e s s i o n , insomnia,
4

g u i l t , past h i s t o r y o f attempts and statements o f death w i s h e s .

R a p h a e l , Power and B e r r i d g e interviewed 3021 s t u d e n t s over a f i v e -

year p e r i o d a t t h e mental hygiene s e r v i c e o f t h e U n i v e r s i t y o f

1. G e r a l d R, Jamieson and James H, W a l l , "Some P s y c h i a t r i c A s p e c t s

of S u i c i d e , " P s y c h i a t r i c Q u a r t e r l y , v o l . 7, 1933, p . 228.

2. R.E. F a i r b a n k s , " S u i c i d e , " J o u r n a l o f American M e d i c a l A s s o c i a t i o n ,

v o l . 98, 1932, pp. 1711-1714..

3. G.M. D a v i d s o n , "The Mental S t a t e a t t h e Time o f S u i c i d e " , P s y c h l a t r i c

Q u a r t e r l y Supplement, v o l . 15, 1941, pp. 41-50,

4. P.H. Drewry J r . , "Some A s p e c t s o f S u i c i d e " , V i r g i n i a Medical

Monograph, v o l . 69, 1942, pp. 252-256.
 ^94 o

M i c h i g a n and found t h a t i n some 313 the p o s s i b i l i t y o f s u i c i d e

c o u l d not be o v e r l o o k e d . They d e s c r i b e d the student w i t h suicidal

t e n d e n c i e s as o v e r - s e n s i t i v e , shy and s e l f - c o n s c i o u s , anxious,

delicately b a l a n c e d from t h e emotional s t a n d p o i n t , and immature i n

under s t a n d i n g and judgment• 1

1, T h e o p h i l e Raphael, Sadye Power, and L l o y d B e r r i d g e , "The

Q u e s t i o n of S u i c i d e as a Problem i n C o l l e g e Mental Hygiene,"
American J o u r n a l of O r t h o p s y c h i a t r y , v o l . 7, 1937, pp. 1-14.
 Chapter 4.

Implications for Social Policy and Services

1. An Outline for the Strategy of a Mental Health Programme.

A. The Findings of Sociological and Psychological Studies.

Sociological studies strongly suggest that suicide i s

the outcome of a failure in the operation of the mechanisms of

social control and that i t is an indication of a state of social

disorganization. Such disorganization, badly manifesting i t s e l f

in the prevailing conditions of so c i a l isolation, detachment, diminished

group solidarity, freedom from social control, anomie and rootlessness,

enhances the probability of suicide.

Research findings" have empirically borne out the association

of suicide with social disorganization. The contrast between

the low rates associated with agricultural regions and stable

isolated religious groups and the high rates in industrial urban

regions furnishes one important confirmation. Mother i s the

association of low rates with family l i f e and the presence of

children. Further substantiation is given by the increase of the

suicide rate in those countries undergoing the process of

industrialization. Occupational data, while not as easy to

interpret, differ in suicide rates i n such manner as to contribute

to the same generalization. Perhaps the most important fact, however,

is the association of the highest rates within large cities with the

nDst intensely mobile and detached populations; the hobo, hotel and

rooming-house populations. These peoples, as have been shown from

the study of deviant behaviour and mental disorders, constitute

 96

the most d i s o r g a n i z e d population of any s i z e that i s to be

found i n modern cities.

Psychological s t u d i e s of the s u i c i d e p r o c e s s i n d i c a t e

that a c r i s i s , often severe, i n the l i f e - o r g a n i z a t i o n of the

i n d i v i d u a l i s an important d e t e r m i n i n g f a c t o r i n self-destruction„

Such a c r i s i s may reveal i t s e l f i n a mental d i s o r d e r or i n a

serious a f f e c t i v e disturbance with depressive features.

B. The Need f o r a S y n t h e t i c A p p r o a c h .

The s o c i a l and behavioural s c i e n c e s have always been plagued

by the problem of the l e v e l s o f c a u s a l i t y i n the e x p l a n a t i o n of

substantive phenomena, and nowhere has t h i s problem been b e t t e r

exemplified than i n the study of the causes of s u i c i d e , where

s o c i o l o g i c a l and p s y c h o l o g i c a l f a c t o r s have t r a d i t i o n a l l y been

examined i n i s o l a t i o n . More and more, however, are s t u d e n t s of

the problem coming t o the r e a l i z a t i o n t h a t the d e t e r m i n a n t s of

s u i c i d e are rooted, as are the d e t e r m i n a n t s o f other forms of

1

deviant b e h a v i o u r , i n b o t h p e r s o n a l i t y and social structure, and

t h a t an " e i t h e r - o r " approach i s no longer tenable.

The l i t e r a t u r e i s r e f l e c t i n g the emergence of a synthetic

1, I t i s t o t h e i r c r e d i t t h a t the s o c i a l work p r o f e s s i o n , f o r
so l o n g deluged w i t h p s y c h i a t r i c and p a r t i c u l a r l y a n a l y t i c
c o n c e p t s , i s becoming i n c r e a s i n g l y cognizant o f the r e l e v a n c e
of s o c i o l o g i c a l and a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l c o n c e p t s .
 97

s o c i a l science from which concepts can be drawn both selectively

and e c l e c t i c a l l y , a l t h o u g h attempts a t i n t e g r a t i o n i n r e f e r e n c e

t o the problem of s u i c i d e a r e s t i l l infrequent, Simpson has

written:

The b a s i c problem f o r s o c i a l r e s e a r c h must be t o

i n t e r r e l a t e the l i f e - h i s t o r i e s o f i n d i v i d u a l s u i c i d e s
and attempted s u i c i d e s w i t h s o c i o l o g i c a l v a r i a b l e s ,
on the h y p o t h e s i s t h a t c e r t a i n s o c i a l environments
may (a) induce or ( b ) p e r p e t u a t e or ( c ) aggravate
the s u i c i d e - p o t e n t i a l . I f we can c o r r e l a t e f o r
masses of d a t a , s u i c i d e s or attempted s u i c i d e s
w i t h t h e i r h a v i n g been induced, p e r p e t u a t e d , or
aggravated by c e r t a i n s o c i a l environments, then we
a r e i n a p o s i t i o n t o e s t a b l i s h laws of g e n e r a l i z e d
occurrence. 2

1. For an account of t h e need f o r such a s c i e n c e and f o r some of

t h e attempts a t s y n t h e s i s a t the t h e o r e t i c a l and p r a c t i c a l l e v e l s see:

Ivan Belknap and Hiram J . Friedsam, Age and Sex C a t e g o r i e s as S o c i o l o g i c a l

V a r i a b l e s i n the Mental D i s o r d e r s of L a t e r M a t u r i t y , i n S o c i a l P e r s p e c t i v e s
on B e h a v i o u r , Herman D. S t e i n and R i c h a r d A . Cloward, Glencoe, The
F r e e P r e s s , 1958.

August H o l l i n g s h e a d and F r e d e r i c k C. R e d l i c h , S o c i a l C l a s s and Mental

I l l n e s s , New York, John W i l e y & Sons, I n c . , 1958.

H e r b e r t B i s n o , The P l a c e of the Undergraduate C u r r i c u l u m i n S o c i a l work

E d u c a t i o n , (A p r o j e c t Report of the C u r r i c u l u m Study, Vol.. I I ) , New
York, C o u n c i l on S o c i a l Work E d u c a t i o n , 1959.

Werner W. Boehm, The S o c i a l Casework Method i n S o c i a l Work E d u c a t i o n ,

(A p r o j e c t of the C u r r i c u l u m Study, V o l . X ) , New York, C o u n c i l on
S o c i a l Work E d u c a t i o n , 1959.

Herman D. S t e i n , "Some S o c i o l o g i c a l Concepts i n Casework P r a c t i c e . "

Smith C o l l e g e S t u d i e s i n S o c i a l Work, F e b r u a r y , 1959, pp. 64-75.

Thomas Rhys W i l l i a m s , "The P e r s o n a l - C u l t u r a l E q u a t i o n i n S o c i a l Work

and A n t h r o p o l o g y . " S o c i a l Casework, v o l , 40:2, F e b r u a r y , 1959, pp. 74-80.
W i l l i a m V. G i o s e f f i , " C u l t u r e as an A s p e c t of the T o t a l P e r s o n a l i t y . "
S o c i a l Casework, v o l . , 4 0 : 3 , March, 1959, pp. 115-119.
A r n o l d W. Green, C u l t u r e , N o r m a l i t y , and P e r s o n a l i t y C o n f l i c t , i n S o c i a l
P e r s p e c t i v e s on Behaviour Herman D, S t e i n and R i c h a r d A. Cloward, Glencoe,
The F r e e P r e s s , 1958.

2, Durkheim, S u i c i d e , pp. 25-36 . (from Simpson's I n t r o d u c t i o n ) .

 98

C. The Treatment and P r e v e n t i o n o f S u i c i d e .

The i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d responses of s o c i e t y t o s u i c i d e take

the form o f m e d i c a l and s o c i a l s e r v i c e s and l e g a l measures. The

former i s c o n s i d e r e d here.

Treatment r e s o u r c e s f o r those who attempt s u i c i d e a r e on

the whole l i m i t e d . A person admitted t o t h e Emergency Ward o f a

g e n e r a l h o s p i t a l i s g i v e n m e d i c a l a t t e n t i o n , f o l l o w e d by a

p e r f u n c t o r y p s y c h i a t r i c examination ( i f deemed n e c e s s a r y ) , and then

usually discharged. Some h o s p i t a l s i n s i s t on a more thorough

examination i n order t o a s s e s s t h e s e r i o u s n e s s o f i n t e n t , gauge

the p o s s i b i l i t y of a r e c u r r i n g attempt, and a r r i v e a t a d e c i s i o n

concerning d i s p o s i t i o n — whether i t be d i s c h a r g e , c o n t i n u e d

p s y c h i a t r i c treatment or commftal t o an i n s t i t u t i o n . 1
Few h o s p i t a l s

provide a follow-up s e r v i c e . In London and i n New York a person

c o n s i d e r i n g s u i c i d e may t e l e p h o n e , day or n i g h t , t o p u b l i c h e a l t h
2

authorities for help, and i n t h e l a r g e r c i t i e s i n t h e N e t h e r l a n d s

a treatment team i s on c a l l twenty-four hours a day t o go t o t h e

p l a c e o f r e s i d e n c e o f anyone c o n t e m p l a t i n g suicide.

A number o f o r g a n i z a t i o n s and a s s o c i a t i o n s have been formed

t o o f f e r a p e r s o n a l s e r v i c e t o t h e would-be s u i c i d e . These i n c l u d e

1. The Vancouver G e n e r a l H o s p i t a l f o l l o w s t h i s procedure a s : ' p o l i c y .

Through an i n t e r v i e w w i t h t h e doctor i n charge o f t h e Emergency Ward,
the w r i t e r l e a r n e d t h a t the m a j o r i t y o f p a t i e n t s , a f t e r p s y c h i a t r i c
assessment and m e d i c a l r e p a i r , a r e d i s c h a r g e d home.

2. R.D. D r i p p s , M.E. L i n d e n , M o r r i s , and W.P. P h i l l i p s , " M e d i c a l ,

S o c i a l and L e g a l A s p e c t s of S u i c i d e . " J o u r n a l o f t h e American M e d i c a l
A s s o c i a t i o n , v o l . 171:5, December, 1959, pp. 523-527.
 99

the S a l v a t i o n Army's A n t i - S u i c i d e Bureau i n London, the Suicides'

Aid Society i n West B e r l i n , the N a t i o n a l Save-a-Life League w i t h

h e a d q u a r t e r s i n New York, the Emergency C l i n i c f o r D e p r e s s i o n i n

1

Stockholm, Rescue I n c o r p o r a t e d i n Boston and the S u i c i d e Prevention

Center i n Los A n g e l e s .

D. Recommendations f o r a S u i c i d e C o n t r o l Programme.

The w r i t e r suggests t h a t any programme aimed a t the prevention

of s u i c i d e through the treatment s e r v i c e s g i v e n to emotionally

d i s t u r b e d and i r r a t i o n a l l y behaving persons who have t r i e d t o take

their own l i v e s must i n c l u d e i n i t s broad o u t l i n e a t l e a s t f i v e

measures: f i r s t , the immediate r e p o r t i n g of s u i c i d e s and attempts t o

responsible public health o f f i c e r s ; s e c o n d l y , the p r o v i s i o n of

immediate m e d i c a l a t t e n t i o n ; t h i r d l y , p s y c h i a t r i c assessment and

treatment where i n d i c a t e d f o r a d e f i n e d p e r i o d of time; f o u r t h l y ,

the r e c o g n i t i o n t h a t the s u i c i d e g e s t u r e i s a d e v i c e to gain sympathy

and a t t e n t i o n and the i n s i g h t t o r e a l i z e t h a t t h e s e should be accorded;

f i f t h l y , a follow-up s e r v i c e by the S o c i a l S e r v i c e Department of the

h o s p i t a l and the P u b l i c H e a l t h u n i t i n the community. Two corollary

measures w i t h broad i m p l i c a t i o n s a r e a l s o suggested: s t r i c t e r controls

3
over the p r e s c r i b i n g of l e t h a l and a d d i c t i v e drugs , and a less

1. T h i s n o n - s e c t a r i a n o r g a n i z a t i o n , l o c a t e d i n the Boston C i t y H o s p i t a l ,
i s p a t t e r n e d a f t e r A l c o h o l i c s Anonymous. I t i s headed by a p r i e s t who
makes r e f e r r a l s t o v a r i o u s l o c a l s o c i a l a g e n c i e s . Psychiatric consultation
i s a v a i l a b l e . The o r g a n i z a t i o n i s supported by v o l u n t a r y c o n t r i b u t i o n s
and a programme of p u b l i c e d u c a t i o n i s a l s o c a r r i e d out by some of these
organizations.

2. A recommendation r e g a r d i n g l e g a l a s p e c t s i s a l s o made i n the following

section.
3. A.E. Bennett, "Suggestions f o r S u i c i d e Prevention", in Clues to Suicide,
p. 192.
 100 »

sensationalistic approach by the press i n the reporting of suicides

and attempted suicides.

Perhaps the most comprehensive existing programme aimed at

the prevention of self-destruction i s that of the Suicide Prevention

Center (know as SPC) i n Los Angeles. A brochure published by the

organization explains i t s operation and i t s objectives:

The Suicide Prevention Center (SPC) was established

for the evaluation, referral, treatment, follow-up
and over-all prevention of suicidal behaviour. It
was conceived as an agency specifically designed to
meet the problem of suicide with an extensive
scientifically developed program, incorporating
knowledge and techniques gained by the Co-Directors
from over a decade of intensive personal investigation
of the problem...

The activities of the SPC are directed toward three

primary goals. These goals are: ( l ) First and
foremost, to save l i v e s . Specifically, this means
that the SPC i s set up to make psychiatric, psychological
and sociological evaluations and then to make referrals
or give treatment to persons who are i n the midst
of a suicidal c r i s i s . The goal here i s not only to
save a l i f e at that particular time but, equally important
to institute those therapeutic procedures which w i l l
reduce the possibility of an individual's attempting
or committing suicide at some time i n the future.
(2) The second goal i s to demonstrate that such
a Center can play a v i t a l role i n the health and
welfare activities of a large metropolitan community.,
and can establish i t s e l f so that the community would
eventually wish to maintain and support i t ; further
that such a Center might serve as a pilot project or
"model" for other communities to copy and adapt to their
own specific needs.
(3) Third, to collect and collate heretofore un-
available data regarding suicidal phenomena and to
employ this scientific information to develop and test
hypotheses concerning suicide. This procedure w i l l
lead to more accurate preduction and hopefully, w i l l lead
ultimately to lower suicide rates.

1. • Suicide Prevention Center. University of Southern California Press,

I960.
 101

The S u i c i d e P r e v e n t i o n Center grew out of a recognition

of the magnitude of the s u i c i d e problem i n the Los A n g e l e s a r e a —

a problem a g a i n s t which t h e r e had been d i r e c t e d l i t t l e organized

community e f f o r t . The s t a f f , described as a "socio-psychological"

professional team i s composed of the two project directors (Shneidman

and Farberow), two p s y c h i a t r i s t s , two p s y c h i a t r i c s o c i a l workers,

three c l i n i c a l psychologists and a biometrician. 1

The Center

estimates that t h e r e a r e at l e a s t 6000 i n d i v i d u a l s who try to

take t h e i r l i v e s each year i n the Los A n g e l e s a r e a . Its clients

are i n the main those who have attempted s u i c i d e and who, as a r e s u l t ,

have been h o s p i t a l i z e d i n the Los A n g e l e s County G e n e r a l Hospital.

In a d d i t i o n , r e f e r r a l s are r e c e i v e d from other a g e n c i e s , physicians

and from c o n t e m p l a t o r s of s u i c i d e t h e m s e l v e s .

The method of treatment i s d e s c r i b e d i n the brochure:

The SPC a d d r e s s e s i t s e l f p r i m a r i l y t o the i n t r a p s y c h i c

( t e n s i o n s w i t h i n the p e r s o n ) and s o c i a l behaviour —
r a t h e r than t o the p u r e l y m e d i c a l a s p e c t s of the
attempt.

W i t h i n the SPC, the p r o c e s s i n g of an i n d i v i d u a l

c o n s i s t s of e x t e n s i v e p s y c h i a t r i c i n t e r v i e w s ,
p s y c h o l o g i c a l t e s t i n g , and s o c i a l work i n v e s t i g a t i o n
(the l a t t e r o f t e n d e a l i n g w i t h f a m i l y and other
s i g n i f i c a n t p e r s o n s ) . For each i n d i v i d u a l p r o c e s s e d ,
s p e c i f i c recommendations f o r r e a l i s t i c treatment and
a s s i s t a n c e a r e made. Each person i s r e f e r r e d f o r
treatment on the b a s i s of h i s or her i n d i v i d u a l needs
t o a community agency, a p u b l i c or p r i v a t e treatment
f a c i l i t y , and sometimes f o r psychotherapy t o the SPC
i t s e l f . Arrangements Sae madehforicobtjaining f o l l o w - u p

1. Ibid.

2. Ibid.
 102.

data so t h a t i n f o r m a t i o n i s f u n n e l l e d back t o the

SPC from the treatment r e s o u r c e s , p e r m i t t i n g the SPC
t o e v a l u a t e the e f f e c t i v e n e s s of v a r i o u s methods of
treatment of s u i c i d e .

The Center emphasizes a c l o s e working r e l a t i o n s h i p with

mental h e a l t h and other a g e n c i e s i n the community. Liaison has

been e s t a b l i s h e d w i t h t h e c i t y , county, and s t a t e departments

of h e a l t h , the W e l f a r e P l a n n i n g C o u n c i l , the c o r o n e r ' s o f f i c e and

2
the P o l i c e Department.

The r e s e a r c h a c t i v i t i e s and g o a l s of the S u i c i d e P r e v e n t i o n

Center are worth n o t i n g :

I t i s a m a n i f e s t t r u t h t h a t t h e r e i s a fundamental
r e l a t i o n s h i p between c l i n i c a l p r a c t i c e and r e s e a r c h -
t h a t c l i n i c a l p r a c t i c e i s improved l a r g e l y through
the f i n d i n g s of r e s e a r c h e f f o r t s . A t o t a l program
on s u i c i d e must t h e r e f o r e i n c l u d e not o n l y the s a v i n g
of l i v e s today but the i n v e s t i g a t i o n of why i n d i v i d u a l s
take t h e i r l i v e s so t h a t s u i c i d a l behaviour — on the
b a s i s of i n c r e a s e d knowledge c o n c e r n i n g i t s causes —
can be prevented i n the f u t u r e . In l i n e w i t h t h i s
r e a s o n i n g , the SPC ( w h i l e p r i m a r i l y a l i f e - s a v i n g
a g e n t ) has b u i l t w i t h i n i t s o p e r a t i o n s c a r e f u l l y
designated research procedures, W i t h t h i s i n mind,
a s p e c i f i c p r o p o r t i o n of^ s t a f f time i s devoted t o
basic research a c t i v i t i e s . The d a t a f o r t h e s e
s t u d i e s c o n s i s t of s u i c i d e n o t e s , d e t a i l s of the
p s y c h i a t r i c case h i s t o r i e s , p s y c h o l o g i c a l t e s t s ,
s o c i a l s e r v i c e d a t a , i n f o r m a t i o n from the C o r o n e r ' s
O f f i c e , e c o l o g i c a l and s o c i o l o g i c a l date from the
community, e t c . (Names of i n d i v i d u a l s a r e , of c o u r s e ,
never used.) To date we have been a b l e t o f o r m u l a t e
and t e s t a number of s p e c i f i c hypotheses and, most
i n p o r t a n t l y , the g e n e r a l r e s u l t s of t h i s procedure —
i n an a r e a of g r e a t p u b l i c h e a l t h importance — seem
promising, 3

1. Ibid.

2. Ibid.

3. Ibid.
 103,

The Center has one source of f i n a n c i a l s u p p o r t , a f i v e - y e a r

(1958-63) g r a n t from the U.S. Public Health Service. Steps are

a p p a r e n t l y b e i n g taken, however, t o e s t a b l i s h a " S u i c i d e P r e v e n t i o n

C e n t r e , I n c o r p o r a t e d " , an o r g a n i z a t i o n which hopes t o be the

r e c i p i e n t of p r i v a t e d o n a t i o n s . 1

The Los A n g e l e s programme, an ambitious and p i o n e e r i n g experiment,

might w e l l serve as the model i n the i n a u g u r a t i o n of a s u i c i d e p r e v e n t i o n

s e r v i c e i n c i t i e s such as Vancouver where s p e c i a l i z e d treatment

f a c i l i t i e s f o r d e a l i n g w i t h the problem of s e l f - d e s t r u c t i o n are

2
virtually non-existent.

There i s another dimension t o the q u e s t i o n of the p r e v e n t i o n

of s u i c i d e : the s t r u c t u r a l dimension. It i s recognized that

s i n c e the i n d i v i d u a l s e l f has i t s b e i n g i n the s o c i a l p r o c e s s , any

l a r g e - s c a l e c o r r e c t i v e measures must come as a r e s u l t of structural

r e o r g a n i z a t i o n and changes. The examination of the components of

s o c i a l d i s o r g a n i z a t i o n i n d i c a t e s the d i r e c t i o n s such m o d i f i c a t i o n s
3

should take.

£. The Need f o r C o n t i n u i n g Research.

Although s u i c i d e c l a i m s more l i v e s i n Western c o u n t r i e s than

1. Ibid.

2. I t i s of i n t e r e s t t o note t h a t the P r o v i n c i a l Mental H o s p i t a l a t

E s s o n d a l e keeps no s e p a r a t e r e c o r d of the number of p a t i e n t s admitted
because of a s u i c i d e attempt. Only by examining each admission s l i p
can the number be determined.

3. The g r e a t emphasis i n contemporary s o c i e t y on the g o a l s of

a c q u i s i t i o n and success and a c o r r e s p o n d i n g de-emphasis on the means
by which the g o a l s may be a c h i e v e d i s p r o b a b l y an important f a c t o r i n
the g e n e s i s of s o c i a l d i s o r g a n i z a t i o n . Any c o n s i d e r a t i o n of p o s s i b l e modes oi
r e - o r g a n i z a t i o n would need t o be c o g n i z a n t of t h i s emphasis.
 104.
tuberculosis, polio, alcoholism, arthritis, rheumatism, or

multiple sclerosis, there has been comparatively l i t t l e research

undertaken. Yet much needs to be done, for clinicians s t i l l lack

indicative procedures for making accurate diagnosis of the suicide

process. The magnitude of the suicide problem has not as yet been

firmly established, i . e . the number of people who commit and attempt

suicide. Information on this would be an effective f i r s t step i n

considering the public health responsibility i n this area.

2, Suicide and the Law.

A) The Legal Status of Suicide.

The person who attempts suicide i s adjudged "felo de s e " 1

or felony against the self, and i s open to prosecution. The

Criminal Code of Canada states:

Everyone who
a) Counsels or procures a person to commit suicide, or
b) Aids or abets a person to commit suicide, whether
suicide ensues or note, i s guilty of an indictable
. offense and i s liable to imprisonment for 14 years.
Everyone who attempts to commit suicide i s guilty of
an offense punishable on summary conviction.

Turner has written:

Murder consists i n the unlawful taking of a human l i f e .

It has therefore always been a felony even though the l i f e
which the man takes i s hia own, the malice afore thought
in such case being in the usual case the intention of
the man to bring his own existence to an end, which
has led to the crimebeing often called self-murder...
Suicide i s a felony, and therefore an attempt to commit
i t i s an attempt to commit a felony.^

B) Sources of the Law: A C r i t i c a l Analysis

The attaching of penal sanctions to the act of suicide derives

1. "Felo de se" does not mean the felony but the felon himself.

2. Criminal Code of Canada, Section 212, 213. The offender may be

sentenced to two years' imprisonment*
3. J.W.Cecil Turner, Kenny's Outlines of Criminal Law, Cambridge,
The University Press, 1952, p. 138
 105

from e c c l e s i a s t i c a l laws and archaic secular p r a c t i c e s which,

i n t i m e , came t o r e i n f o r c e each o t h e r . Early theologians

condemned s e l f - d e s t r u c t i o n as s i n f u l f o r a number of r e a s o n s :

f i r s t , the a c t i s a b r e a c h of the s i x t h commandment; second, i t

i s a v i o l a t i o n of n a t u r a l law; t h i r d , i t i s cowardly; and fourth,

it i s h e l d t h a t s i n c e God g i v e s l i v e t o man o n l y God can terminate

it. The canons which were i n s t i t u t e d by the church c o u n c i l s of the

f i r s t milennium e x p r e s s l y forbade b u r i a l r i t e s f o r s u i c i d e s and

r e f l e c t the i n f l u e n c e of the w r i t i n g s of the e a r l y theologians. 1

Later i n England elements of canon law as i t a p p l i e d t o s u i c i d e were

incorporated i n t o the common law and the a c t came t o be regarded

not o n l y as a sin but a crime as w e l l .

The way i n which p e n a l s a n c t i o n s o r i g i n a t e d from secular

p r a c t i c e s has been s u c c i n c t l y s t a t e d by a l e g a l w r i t e r :

Attempted s u i c i d e became a crime i n England by a

r a t h e r roundabout p r o c e s s . Every f e l o n f o r f e i t e d
h i s goods t o the K i n g , and i t was but a simple s t e p
t o d e c l a r e s u i c i d e a f e l o n y , i n order t o escheat the
e s t a t e of the s u i c i d e t o the K i n g ' s t r e a s u r y . Suicide
h a v i n g been a c c e p t e d as a crime, i t n a t u r a l l y f o l l o w e d
t h a t attempted s u i c i d e a l s o became p u n i s h a b l e . 2

1. The e a r l y t h e o l o g i a n s had not demanded the m u t i l a t i o n o f the dead

body of the s u i c i d e and W i l l i a m s , f o l l o w i n g B a y e t , has suggested t h a t
the p r a c t i c e of d i s h o n o u r i n g the c o r p s e r e p r e s e n t s an i n t r u s i o n i n t o
the c h u r c h of the p r e - C h r i s t i a n popular abhorrence of s u i c i d e . He
writes: " l i k e so much e l s e i n e c c l e s i a s t i c a l p r a c t i c e and b e l i e f ,
i t i s a pagan i n t r u s i o n upon the simple p h i l o s o p h y of the G o s p e l s . "
( p . 258). I t was not u n t i l the second decade of the n i n e t e e n t h centur
t h a t the custom of b u r i a l a t a c r o s s r o a d s w i t h a stake d r i v e n through
the body and a stone c o v e r i n g the f a c e ( i n t e n d e d t o prevent the body
from r i s i n g as a vampire or g h o s t ) was f o r m a l l y a b o l i s h e d by law i n
E n g l a n d . ( W i l l i a m s , The S a n c t i t i t y of L i f e , pp. 257-260.)

2. "Problems of S u i c i d e : The Changing L e g a l A t t i t u d e . " (Unsigned),

The S o l i c i t o r ' s J o u r n a l , v o l . 103, O c t o b e r , 1959, p. 821.
 106.

It became the p r a c t i c e of the Crown i n the e i g h t e e n t h century to

waive the f o r f e i t u r e i n c a s e s where t h e s u i c i d e had not been

committed f o r the purpose of a v o i d i n g c o n v i c t i o n of f e l o n y . Thus

the F o r f e i t u r e A c t of 1870 which a b r o g a t e d f o r f e i t u r e f o r s u i c i d e

"did no more than g i v e l e g a l e f f e c t t o the e s t a b l i s h e d p r a c t i c e . " 1

I t was commonplace f o r c o r o n e r s ' j u r i e s t o r e t u r n a v e r d i c t of

insanity rather than one of f e l o de se i n order t o ensure the

2

deceased a church b u r i a l and h i s f a m i l y the r i g h t t o h i s property.

The p r e v a l e n c e of the v e r d i c t , W i l l i a m s n o t e s , prompted the maxim

t h a t " i n England you must not commit s u i c i d e , on p a i n of being

r e g a r d e d as a c r i m i n a l I f you fail and a l u n a t i c i f you succeed."

It i s p r o b a b l e t h a t the arguments a g a i n s t suicide devised

by the spokesmen of the p r i m i t i v e church (and still o f f e r e d today)

a r e r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n s , f o r i t i s apparent t h a t i f s e l f - d e s t r u c t i o n

were not e x p l i c i t l y p r o h i b i t e d , the f a i t h f u l , c o n s i d e r i n g h i s life

on e a r t h as merely a temporary p e r i o d of w a i t i n g before h i s union

w i t h God, might be s o r e l y tempted t o e x p e d i t e m a t t e r s by h i s own

hand.

An examination o f these t h e o l o g i c a l arguments a g a i n s t suicide

r e v e a l s t h e i r unsoundness and even t h e i r sophistry. To h o l d that

1. Williams, The S a n c t i t y of L i f e , p. 262.

2. I b i d . E a s t has p o i n t e d out t h a t i n the year 1928 i n England of the 4,846

i n q u e s t s i n t o s u i c i d e , the v e r d i c t of f e l o de se was r e t u r n e d i n o n l y
88. (W. Norwood E a s t , M e d i c a l A s p e c t s of Crime, The B l a k i s t o n
D i v i s i o n , McGraw-Hill Book Company, Inc., London, 1936, p. 276.

3. W i l l i a m s , The S a n c t i t y of L i f e , p. 263
 107.

s u i c i d e i s a v i o l a t i o n o f the S i x t h Commandment i s t o equate

s u i c i d e with homicide. Y e t , t h e r e a r e obvious d i f f e r e n c e s between

the a c t of rampant h o s t i l i t y wreaked upon another and r e s u l t i n g

i n h i s death and t h e a c t of v o l u n t a r i l y and q u i e t l y p u t t i n g an end

t o one's own l i f e . F o r , a s W i l l i a m s has p o i n t e d out, a man may

i n t e n t i o n a l l y d e s t r o y h i m s e l f f o r a noble cause but he does n o t

have t h e r i g h t t o k i l l o t h e r s f o r t h a t same c a u s e . 1
Thus t h e

q u e s t i o n o f the m o r a l i t y o f s u i c i d e cannot be r e s o l v e d by r e c o u r s e

t o l o g i c a l d e d u c t i o n from t h e p r o h i b i t i o n o f murder. Suicide, i t

i s contended, i s " u n n a t u r a l " and t h e r e f o r e immoral and s i n f u l .

The word " u n n a t u r a l " , here equated w i t h "immoral", i s u n i n t e l l i g i b l e

2

and d e v o i d o f c o n c r e t e c o n n o t a t i o n . The argument t h a t s u i c i d e i s

c o n t r a r y t o n a t u r a l law i s , then, t h e a p p l i c a t i o n o f t h e method

of a r g u i n g from an assumed " n a t u r e " t o m o r a l s . 3

Yet, i f s e l f -

d e s t r u c t i o n were c o n t r a r y t o man's n a t u r e , i t would not o c c u r .

Too, n o t every n e g a t i o n o f a b a s i c i n s t i n c t i s immoral, o t h e r w i s e ,

as Fedden has p o i n t e d o u t , t h e c e l i b a t e would be a s i n n e r f o r he
4

d e n i e s t h e i n s t i n c t of s e x . A t h i r d argument a g a i n s t suicide

i s t h a t i t i s cowardly. Replying t o t h i s proposition, Williams

writes:
...the o n l y l i n e between cowardice and c a u t i o n (or

1. I b i d . , p . 256.

2. Hook has suggested t h a t t h e word i s " p r o m i s c u o u s l y " used and

s e r v e s t o b l i n d t h e user t o the f a c t t h a t he has a l r e a d y passed
judgment. He s t r o n g l y advocates i t s d i s c o n t i n u a n c e i n e t h i c a l e v a l u a t i o n .
(Hook, I n t e r n a t . J . of E t h i c s , v o l . 37, 1927, pp. 173-188.)

3. W i l l i a m s , The S a n c t i t y of L i f e , p. 264.

4. Fedden, S u i c i d e , p. 282.
 108

wise r e t r e a t ) i s t h a t the coward does not do what

he ought t o do. To brand the s u i c i d e as a coward
i s , t h e r e f o r e , t o beg the q u e s t i o n whether t h e r e i s
a duty t o go on l i v i n g . *

F i n a l l y to i n s i s t that life i s God-given and can therefore

be ended only by God, i s an i l l o g i c a l d e d u c t i o n from an assumed " i s " t o

an "ought". A cogent r e p l y was t h a t of P l i n y , the Roman n a t u r a l i s t

and encyclopedist: "the e x i s t e n c e of poisonous herbs w i t h which

one may so e a s i l y k i l l oneself i s a b e n e v a l e n t g i f t from God."

The censure of s u i c i d e , r e f l e c t e d as i t i s i n law, then,

i s part of a p a r t i c u l a r system of r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f and as W i l l i a m s

s u g g e s t s "need not be a c c e p t e d by the positivist or indeed by

anyone who does not a c c e p t the t r a d i t i o n a l eschatology.

C) A C r i t i q u e and a Proposal.

The laws d e a l i n g w i t h homicide r e s t upon a utilitarian

consideration of the most apparent k i n d : the protection of

the members of s o c i e t y . But the p r o h i b i t i o n of self-destruction

i s not founded on a l i k e c o n s i d e r a t i o n of p u b l i c security. Rather

it i s the e x p r e s s i o n of a p h i l o s o p h i c a l attitude derived from and

still d e e p l y r o o t e d i n the t h e o l o g i c a l concept of i n d i v i d u a l s i n .

The q u e s t i o n a r i s e s , " i s t h i s concept a p p l i c a b l e to a socio-psychiatric

phenomenon whose d e t e r m i n a n t s a r e , t o a c o n s i d e r a b l e degree, beyond

the individual's control?" A growing body of o p i n i o n would o f f e r

a negative r e p l y . Many, r e g a r d i n g l i f e no longer as an absolute

v a l u e , o b s e r v i n g a d i s j u n c t i v e r e l a t i o n s h i p between law and morality,

1. W i l l i a m s , The Sanctity of L i f e , p. 256.

2. I b i d . , p. 265.

3. I b i d . , p. 257.
 109.

and recognizing t h e l i m i t a t i o n s of t h e c r i m i n a l law as a p p l i e d t o

the problem of s u i c i d e , c a l l f o r an a b o l i t i o n o f a l l p e n a l sactions

attached t o the a c t . T h i s does n o t n e c e s s a r i l y imply an endorsement

of s e l f - d e s t r u c t i o n or a d i s r e g a r d f o r t h e s a n c t i t y o f human life;

nor does i t r e p r e s e n t t h e e x p r e s s i o n o f a n e g a t i v e l y individualistic,

liberalistic or a n a r c h i s t i c a t t i t u d e o f mine. Rather i t r e f l e c t s

the c o n v i c t i o n that s u i c i d e i s a form of d e v i a n t behaviour which

i s beyond t h e scope o f t h e c r i m i n a l law and i t r e c o g n i z e s that

punishment o f an attempt a t s u i c i d e cannot a c t a s an e f f e c t i v e

deterrent on an i n d i v i d u a l who has a l r e a d y demonstrated a r e a d i n e s s

to terminate h i s l i f e . 1
A s an instrument f o r r e f o r m and r e -

e d u c a t i o n , t h e n , punishment i s o f dubious v a l u e . Some have argued

that c r i m i n a l p r o c e e d i n g s ensure t h e i n d i v i d u a l w i t h s u i c i d a l
2

t e n d e n c i e s o f adequate p h y s i c a l and p s y c h i a t r i c c a r e . Such an

argument, a s Mannheim has p o i n t e d out, i s a serious indictment of

the p r e v a i l i n g system of mental h e a l t h services. He w r i t e s : ' j l t

s h o u l d not be beyond t h e w i t s of men t o d e v i s e an adequate scheme

d e a l i n g w i t h human problems o f t h i s k i n d o u t s i d e t h e c r i m i n a l law."

The insights derived from s o c i o l o g i c a l and psychological

studies o f t h e d e t e r m i n a n t s o f s e l f - d e s t r u c t i o n make i t abundantly

c l e a r that one who attempts s u i c i d e i s not a w i l l f u l l y perverse

person r e q u i r i n g moral c o r r e c t i o n . In view o f t h i s i t i s proposed

by the present writer that i n t h e case o f t h e m e n t a l l y disordered

1. Hermann Mannheim, C r i m i n a l j u s t i c e and S o c i a l R e c o n s t r u c t i o n ,

London, Routledge and Kegan P a u l L t d . , 1949, p . 10.

2./
E a s t , M e d i c a l A s p e c t s of Crime, p . 142.

3. Mannheim, C r i m i n a l J u s t i c e , pp. 10-11.

 110.

and t h e e m o t i o n a l l y d i s t u r b e d who attempt death by t h e i r own

hand ( s u i c i d e attempts which might be termed "pathological"),

the law, without p e n a l s a n c t i o n s , s h o u l d be invoked t o permit an

i n t e r v e n t i o n , t a k i n g t h e form o f treatment services. Unless

committable t o an i n s t i t u t i o n , t h e person should be s u b j e c t t o

r e s t r a i n t a t t h e d i s c r e t i o n o f an informed m a g i s t r a t e after

c o n s u l t a t i o n w i t h c l i n i c i a n s and f o r a b r i e f and d e f i n i t e p e r i o d

of time o n l y . Two a d d i t i o n a l s a f e g u a r d s would be n e c e s s a r y :

a b o l i t i o n o f a p u b l i c h e a r i n g , and g r a n t i n g o f wide m a g i s t e r i a l

powers a s t o c h o i c e o f p l a c e and c o n d i t i o n o f d e t e n t i o n . 1

S e l f - i n f l i c t e d d e a t h , however, may be t h e t e r m i n a t i n g a c t

of t h e s e t t l e d p h i l o s o p h i c a l r e s o l u t i o n o f a r a t i o n a l mind.

The p r e s e n t w r i t e r h o l d s t h a t i f t h i s be the case the i n d i v i d u a l

s h o u l d , by law, be f r e e t o r e j e c t treatment s e r v i c e s o f f e r e d him

and t o d i s p o s e o f h i s l i f e a s he sees f i t . In s h o r t , f o r what

Shneidman h a s termed t h e " l o g i c a l s u i c i d e " 2

( f o r example, t h o s e i n

g r e a t p h y s i c a l p a i n ) t h e r e s h o u l d be no l e g a l or moral interdiction.

As W i l l i a m s has w r i t t e n :

U l t i m a t e l y , s o c i e t y cannot stop a f r e e man from

committing s u i c i d e , nor s h o u l d i t t r y . What can
be done i s t o make sure t h a t t h e d e t e r m i n a t i o n
upon s e l f - d e s t r u c t i o n i s f i x e d and u n a l t e r a b l e .

1. A committee formed by t h e C o u n c i l of t h e B r i t i s h M e d i c a l A s s o c i a t i o n
i n 1947 made s i m i l a r s u g g e s t i o n s : the i n t r o d u c t i o n of a guardianship
procedure f o r t h e c a r e and p r o t e c t i o n o f would-be s u i c i d e s . ( C o u n c i l
of t h e B r i t i s h M e d i c a l A s s o c i a t i o n , "The Law R e l a t i n g t o Attempted
S u i c i d e . " B r i t i s h M e d i c a l J o u r n a l Supplement, v o l . 1, May 17, 1947, p . l 0 3 0

2. Edwin S. Shneidman, "The L o g i c a l , P s y c h o l o g i c a l , and E c o l o g i c a l

Environments o f Suicide.'.'. C a l i f or n i a s H e a l t h , S t a t e Department o f
v

P u b l i c H e a l t h , v o l . 17:22, May 15, 1960, pp. 193-200.

3. W i l l i a m s , The S a n c t i t y o f L i f e , p. 293.
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