Gaming Culture S in India Digital Play in Everyday

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Gaming Culture (s) in India: Digital Play in Everyday Life
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Gaming Culture(s) in India
This volume critically analyzes the multiple lives of the “gamer” in India. It
explores the “everyday” of the gaming life from the player’s perspective, not
just to understand how the games are consumed but also to analyze how the
gamer influences the products’ many (virtual) lives.
Using an intensive ethnographic approach and in-depth interviews, this
volume
• situates the practice of gaming under a broader umbrella of digital

leisure activities and foregrounds the proliferation of gaming as a new
media form and cultural artifact;
• critically questions the term gamer and the many debates surrounding
the gamer tag to expand on how the gaming identity is constructed and
expressed;
• details participants’ gaming habits, practices and contexts from a
cultural perspective and analyzes the participants’ responses to emerging
industry trends, reflections on playing practices and their relationships
to friends, communities and networks in gaming spaces; and
• examines the offline and online spaces of gaming as sites of contestation
between developers of games and the players.
A holistic study covering one of the largest video game bases in the world,
this volume will be of great interest to scholars and researchers of cultural
studies, media and communication studies and science and technology
studies, as well as be of great appeal to the general reader.
Aditya Deshbandhu teaches in the Communications Area, Indian Institute

of Management Indore, India. He has a doctoral degree in communication
from the Department of Communication, University of Hyderabad, India.
His research interests include new media studies, digital cultures and the
emerging field of video game studies.
Gaming Culture(s) in India
Digital Play in Everyday Life
Aditya Deshbandhu
First published 2020
by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN
and by Routledge
52 Vanderbilt Avenue, New York, NY 10017
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
© 2020 Aditya Deshbandhu
The right of Aditya Deshbandhu to be identified as author of this
work has been asserted by him in accordance with sections 77 and
78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or
reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical,
or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including
photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or
retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers.
Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks
or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and
explanation without intent to infringe.
British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
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ISBN: 978-0-367-14292-6 (hbk)

ISBN: 978-1-003-05403-0 (ebk)
Typeset in Sabon
by Apex CoVantage, LLC
To the gamer in every one of us . . .
To all the magic, possibilities and charting the uncharted . . .
Contents
List of illustrations viii

Acknowledgments ix
Introduction: ludic beginnings: gaming journeys

and experiences 1
1 Fun, magic and play: theories of gaming 12
2 Building tools to map the ludic everyday 34
3 Player perspectives: gamers and gamerworthiness 56
4 Charting the Indian gamescape: redrawing lines

of access 89
5 Gaming as a site of contestation 115
6 Friends, communities and networks: gaming is social 146
Conclusion 174
Annexures 183
Index 201
Illustrations
Figures
I.1 Global gaming industry breakdown 3
2.1 The “Game Over” screen 42
2.2 A representation of the magic circle 43
2.3 A visual representation of the synthetic model 47
4.1 The Magnavox Odyssey 90
4.2 Joysticks/controllers for the Xbox One and the
PlayStation 4 93
4.3 A mechanical keyboard and a gaming mouse,
niche offerings 93
4.4 The Brick Game, Nintendo 3DS and the Sony PSP 100
4.5 Armanto and Nokia’s Snake 102
4.6 The Nokia N-Gage launched in 2003, very similar
in design to Nintendo Game Boy Advance 102
5.1 The loss in video game revenues, according to
Tru Optik’s 2014 research report 139
6.1 Sega Afterburner 147
Tables
2.1 A snapshot of all the gaming ideas used in the
synthetic approach 46
3.1 A summarization of all responses to the specific
questions on gamerworthiness 67
Acknowledgments
Finishing one’s first monograph is often a long, arduous task; writing this
one, however, was a lot of fun and fairly uncomplicated. I would like to use
this opportunity to thank the various people for their invaluable contribu-
tions that helped shape this book.
I would like to begin by thanking my doctoral advisor, Professor Usha
Raman, for taking me seriously on a sunny May afternoon in 2013 when I
told her of my desire to work with video games. Her foresight and incred-
ible understanding of new media studies ensured that my high amounts of
passion and exuberance were patiently molded into something academically
worthwhile. The importance of her ability to cut through my personal expe-
riences and endless ramblings to find the arguments that mattered cannot
be overstated. Finally, her constant support and patient, timely revisions of
my drafts have been instrumental. To put it simply, I could not have asked
for a better advisor.
I would then like to thank Professor Vasuki Belavadi and Professor Bapi
Raju Surampudi, members of my doctoral committee, for their invaluable
insights. Professor Belavadi’s inputs in the data collection phase and his
timely conversations ensured that the study was on track and on schedule.
Professor Surampudi’s understanding of cognitive and neural sciences was
key in understanding concepts such as flow and immersion, and I would also
like to thank him for introducing me to Simon Baron-Cohen.
From the Department of Communication, University of Hyderabad
(where the study was conducted and major chunks of the book written), I
would like to thank Professor Kanchan K. Malik for her delightful conversa-
tions about any and everything and for ensuring that I remained grounded
throughout the duration of my stay at the department, and Dr. E Satya
Prakash for his insights with regards to media economics and for asking me
to study video game parlors at the start of the study. Finally, I would like to
thank Professor Vinod Pavarala for introducing me to a variety of research
approaches and methods and for helping me realize the importance of politi-
cal economy for an adequate understanding of cultural capital.
I would like to thank the able team at Taylor & Francis, India, which
succeeded in converting a doctoral dissertation into a book for widespread
x Acknowledgments
consumption. I would like to thank Antara for persevering to find reviewers
for a field as niche as this, Brinda for her exuberance and dedication with
the manuscript and Aakash for some brilliant conversation on a November
afternoon in Indore and being there to share the pain of supporting a floun-
dering football club.
I would also like to acknowledge the feedback provided by Professor Mary
Gray and Professor Nimmi Rangaswamy that helped shape the early revi-
sions of the manuscript and my long conversations with Dr. Aparna Moitra,
a dear friend who tried very patiently to comprehend the myriad ramblings
of a “game studies wannabe” who was never satisfied with what he had.
I would also like to thank the University of Tampere’s Summer School
program for allowing me to attend their course “Introduction to Game
Research” and helping me meet Janne Paavilainen, who was a great “sound-
ing board” for ideas on video game studies.
I would like to express my immense gratitude to the fifteen participants –
Bhargav, Chaitanya, Deepika, Ishaan, Radhika, Bodavala, Kartik, Kannan,
Lavanya, Naveen, Prashant, Ram, Ravi, Ronik and Vishal – for allowing me
into their homes, their lives and their everyday. Their incredible patience,
willingness to talk and availability for long periods of time on weekends
when they could have been doing just about anything else was essential for
the completion of this study. Being a part of their ludic journeys was the best
part of this dissertation, and having to say good-bye to all that at the end
was one of the most difficult decisions in my life.
I would like to thank my seniors – Dr. Nookaraju, Dr. Sumana and Dr.
Chamila – for valuable advice throughout the doctoral program. Dr. Noo-
karaju’s advice – “for a thesis on the everyday, you better make sure to write
every day” – was at times the only light illuminating a long endless tunnel.
Closer to home, I would like to thank my closest friends Anabil, Chait-
anya, Kaushik, Prashant, Rohit, Himanshu, Teja, Amulya and Smitha for
being bedrocks of constant support and being there for just about every-
thing, and my group of fellow footballers – Chanakya, Prateek, Akhil and
Amit – for providing me a great diversion from all things academic in the
last few years.
I would like to thank my parents for setting aside everything for the last
three and a half years to ensure that I could complete this project. Their
support morally, and at times financially, ensured that the study was never
delayed. I would like to thank my mother for introducing me to the world
of video games as a child and my father for helping me overcome numerous
challenges over the years.
Finally, I would like to thank the University Grants Commission for finan-
cially enabling this study, the Department of Communication for providing
me with the required infrastructure and everyone who spent two hours in
the sweltering heat of April 2017 and then a chilly morning in December
2017 listening to me submit and then defend this study.
Introduction
Ludic beginnings: gaming journeys
and experiences
One of my earliest memories of playing a video game comes from a scorch-

ing, twenty-four-hour train ride from Delhi to Hyderabad in June 1997.
Despite the railway’s stuttering air-conditioning system, the atmosphere in
the compartment was hot and sticky. With no company of my own age, I
was left with my Brick Games handheld device, and I spent hours playing
the variety of games bundled on it. There was Tetris, Brick Breaker, a variant
of a racing game where one needed to avoid collisions, an early version of
Nokia’s popular Space Impact and a number of other games I cannot recall.
Armed with a strip of AA cells and powered by a vivid imagination, the
hours went by in a blur. Fast-forward two decades later, and I observe that
mobile phones have made it possible for a large number of people to fill their
travel time in buses, trains, subways and at airport terminals playing games.
After that train ride, my passion for video games continued unabated as
I spent hours crouched before the family personal computer playing a wide
variety of games and gaining experience in the various video game genres
and approaches to gameplay. Soon, I was spending a critical number of hours
playing video games, causing my parents to grow worried about addiction
and prompting them to send me to a boarding school (a primitive digital
detox of sorts!). At the boarding school, I soon forayed into reading fiction
and fantasy as I dove into J. K. Rowling and J. R. R. Tolkien with gusto and
discovered Christopher Paolini and Tamora Pierce along the way. To this
day, I reminisce of my vacations from school as short bursts of sunshine on
a dull gray day as I would try to play as many video games as possible in the
pockets of time at my disposal. School was followed by college, and with the
years came balance, and video game play became just another activity that
was as important as reading books, listening to music and playing sports.
After graduating from a master’s program in communication, I was teach-
ing courses on media management and business in 2012 when I began to
think about how the study of video games fit into the larger field of media
studies to embrace video games as a medium of study. However, now that
I reflect back on my choice, I think one of the largest driving factors for
choosing to study video games and gaming culture for a doctoral study was
to try to understand a favorite hobby in its entirety, to try to find others
2 Introduction
who valued their gaming practices as much as I did and then to try to find a
means for studying the medium and connecting those experiences to broader
academic inquiry. As a gamer, I also wished to challenge mainstream media’s
reportage of video game research, a biased coverage only bound by the role
and affect video games have on violence among adolescents and teenagers.
A big challenge through the course of the study was to try to make the
research seem nontrivial and not be trapped by the general definition of
video games as an activity that is predominantly engaged with by young
adults and teenagers. One of the questions posed to me after a presentation
at the IAMCR (International Association for Media and Communication
Research) conference in 2014 specifically asked me of what use was video
game research to adults and people who were “not kids.” While it would
be ironic to think of a medium characterized by fun and play as “serious,”
this book draws from a study that charts the gaming lives of participants
who take their gaming very seriously and look at it as a key way to define
themselves and their lives as an extension – participants who have spent
years refining their techniques of play and finding ways to come back and
find time to play despite things “getting serious” in their offline lives as
they progressed from high school students to undergraduates and eventually
employees, partners in relationships, got married and so on, in the grander
scheme of things.
The largest demographic of video game players are people between the
ages of twenty-one and thirty-nine (Super Data, 2016; Newzoo Games,
2019). People who grew up playing video games now have children who do
the same, and the activity has now become a family tradition akin to watch-
ing television or movies. If the industry numbers are to be believed, then the
global sales of video games and other forms of revenue generation by game
developers is an economic force to reckon with as the global internet and
mobile revolutions have spurred the interest to new heights as the industry
is worth USD 91 billion and estimated to keep growing with a compound
annual growth rate (CAGR) of 10.2 percent for the next decade (Newzoo
Games, 2019).
The size and resilience of the video game industry first came to light with
the 2008 global economic slowdown that hampered mass media industries
across the board, causing a dip in sales and consequent budget cuts. Video
games, however, not only continued to maintain their sales figures but actu-
ally posted stronger CAGR numbers in the corresponding period as well.
Industry analysts claim that it follows a life cycle of its own and is much
more dependent on the various trends emerging within the industry than
on external economic factors (The Economist, 2008). At the beginning of
this study in 2012, Forbes and PricewaterhouseCoopers estimated the size
of the global gaming industry to touch USD 82 billion by 2017, a predic-
tion the industry sales figures beat in 2016 itself by touching USD 91 billion
(Super Data, 2016) and was estimated to touch USD 152.1 billion by 2019
(Newzoo Games, 2019). The larger than speculated growth was spurred by
Introduction 3
2019 GLOBAL GAMES MARKET

PER DEVICE & SEGMENT WITH YEAR-ON-YEAR GROWTH RATE
MOBILE
$68.5Bn
PC
$35.7Bn $68.5Bn
+10.2% YoY +4.0% YoY
Mobile game revenues in
2019 will account for 45%
9% 2% 23% BROWSER
TABLET GAMES PC GAMES of the global market.
$13.6Bn 21% $3.5Bn
+5.0% YoY 45% 2019 TOTAL -15.1% YoY
(SMART)PHONE
36%
$152.1Bn BOXED/
DOWNLOADED
GAMES PC GAMES
+9.6%
$54.9Bn YoY $32.2Bn
+11.6% YoY +6.6% YoY
32%
32%
CONSOLE
$47.9Bn
+13.4% YoY
Figure I.1 Global gaming industry breakdown

Source: Based on an image from Newzoo Games (2019).
the rapid jump in revenues from the mobile and free-to-play markets as the
mobile market alone accounted for a shade over USD 40 billion, a figure that
was estimated to touch USD 68.5 billion in 2019.
The smartphone revolution coupled with the arrival of high-speed internet
on phones (LTE, 4G and 3G) has been instrumental in the rapid popular-
ization of the mobile as the preferred platform for hassle-free and portable
gaming. The year 2016 saw the release of incredibly popular games like Poké-
mon Go and Clash Royale. Pokémon Go, in particular, ushered in the era of
augmented reality into the gaming landscape as it amassed more than 40 mil-
lion users within two months of its launch (DMR, 2019). The incredibly high
rate of adoption, coupled with newer ways of monetization, has seen a shift
in developers’ priorities as a variety of game genres and popular titles have
begun to have mobile variants. To illustrate the point, a title like Super Mario,
which was coveted by Nintendo zealously and protected for its platform
exclusivity, has since entered the smartphone markets.
Closer to home, the popularity of mobile gaming in India has been sig-
nificant, as well. The delayed rollout of Pokémon Go saw a huge number of
players circumnavigate the process as they forced play, causing the developer,
Niantic, to geo-block the nation as its servers could not handle the influx of
players (Menon, 2016). India reported revenues of USD 543 million in 2016,
and this figure is estimated to go up to USD 881 million by 2022 (CAGR
6.61%). In the mobile market, where games like Candy Crush Saga, Sub-
way Surfers and Temple Run 2 dominated, Indian players downloaded more
than 300 million mobile games in the second quarter of 2016 alone as India
is now ranked fifth in the world for number of mobile game downloads
(App Annie, 2016; NASSCOM, 2016). The same report also found that this
4 Introduction
spurt in the market was due to the increase in the availability of low-priced,
high-powered phones as Android has become the preferred ecosystem across
urban and lower-tier cities (App Annie, 2016; NASSCOM, 2016 p. 8).
Research has emerged from India that studies the adoption of the internet
and its use as a platform to engage with activities of leisure as a means of
development and empowerment. Nimmi Rangaswamy, in particular, looks
at how people from economically disadvantaged communities acquire new
skills and repurpose technology to their advantage (Rangaswamy and Dens-
more, 2013). Her work also looks at the various motivations that drive
Information Communication Technologies (ICTs) for leisure, a new media
framework she uses to understand the “internet in the wild” (Arora and
Rangaswamy, 2013, 2014; Arora, 2019). However, this study, while study-
ing the internet practices of Indian players of video games, does not use or
draw on an empowerment or development perspective but instead is inter-
ested in arriving at a broader understanding of gaming culture.
With the steep rise of mobile gaming, another tricky challenge of this study
was to determine an appropriate pool of participants who would offer the
required range and depth of experience from which to draw insights. While
there is a generally accepted binary (both among the video game indus-
try and researchers) that classifies players of video games into “hardcore
gamers” and “casual players” (Kerr, 2006; Consalvo, 2009; Juul, 2010),1 it
became necessary to first decide if this study would only examine the former
as their tag suggests that they are more likely to take their gaming seriously.
However, over time, the importance of having a well-informed participant
pool that included experienced players across platforms become increasingly
evident as the study focused on understanding gaming culture as a whole.
The need for a holistic understanding of Indian gaming publics and the
gaming market has become increasingly essential in the last decade with the
emergence of a newly affluent middle class. With the country’s urban mid-
dle class increasingly embracing a lifestyle seamlessly intertwined with their
digital choices and preferences, India is finally poised to become a global
gaming power as playing video games becomes a popular leisure activity of
choice. Consequently, we require an understanding that takes into account
the layers of social, cultural and political contexts that Indians who engage
with games might live within and negotiate – as people and as gamers.
The next decade seems to be an extremely transformative one for both the
gaming industry and India is a country. The former has to grapple with newer
modes of engagement and interaction like virtual, augmented and mixed
realities while also factoring in ways to refresh the allure of conventional
gaming platforms as “casual games” become increasingly more lucrative for
developers. India, on the other hand, must adapt and take adequate steps to
lay the foundations of a well-planned information/knowledge society that
can empower and enable its digital citizens of the future. We, at this moment,
have the rare luxury of being in a Kantian moment of prognostication2 as we
Introduction 5
begin the understanding of the role of leisure and the industry of leisure in a
digital economy. This attempt to understand Indian gaming culture is a small
step in comprehending the larger umbrella term of digital leisure activities; a
small spectrum of these activities today include binge-watching, consuming
streaming content, social network–based communications and virtual and
augmented reality-based experiences.
Through the course of this study, I have come across some very interesting
concepts and the work of notable game studies scholars. I would especially
like to point at the influence of Espen Aarseth and his fellow researchers at
the IT University of Copenhagen (ITU) on my earlier understanding of the
field. Aarseth’s deep-seated mistrust of new media studies aside,3 I found his
unique “ergodic” (a way of interaction that is more intense and on a level
much deeper than what conventional new media platforms and digitality
offer) approach an eye-opener of sorts as I began to grapple with the quan-
dary that a truly fluid medium that offered high levels of agency and choice
posed for analysis of texts in a conventional sense (Aarseth, 1997). Similarly,
I began this study armed with the understanding of Turkle’s seminal Life on
the Screen, and I found Jesper Juul’s notion of Half-Real to be an extension
of her work (Turkle, 1995; Juul, 2005). His understanding of the slaying of
the mythical in-game dragon in a virtual space but bound by real rules that
govern virtual worlds indicated the blurred online–offline space in which
players existed as well as indicating the importance of not trivializing play-
ers’ efforts in ludic spaces (Juul, 2005).
I have also been fascinated by the contribution of scholars such as Taylor,
Shaw and Consalvo as they offer a more player-based approach to game
studies. While Aarseth coined the term ergodic, the problem over time has
been that the word has lost a bit of its sheen, with most scholars interpreting
it only as a synonym to interactivity at best. The need for game studies schol-
ars to redefine ergodic is felt now more than ever, lest we lose the essence of
the word altogether. I strongly believe that by using players’ experiences and
studying video game culture from the players’ points of view could be an
exciting way to do this. Carefully charting and critically examining the expe-
riences players have in game worlds will allow us to study interactivity as
not merely a singular term that denotes a human–computer interface (HCI),
but as a wide spectrum that, at its most basic level, allows for hypertext and
nonlinear reading and, at the other extreme, allows for in-depth engagement
in virtual worlds – worlds rendered in immense detail by video games and
adventures of virtual, augmented and mixed realities. Ergodic then as a term
becomes ideal to denote these in-depth levels of engagement.
This study, while drawing heavily from the perspectives of Aarseth and his
cohort from the ITU, is more in line with the processual work of Boellstorff,
Taylor, Consalvo and Shaw as it focuses on the engagements and negotia-
tions of players with gaming metaverses and uses their ludic experiences to
understand gaming culture.
6 Introduction
Key questions explored in this book
This book attempts to set out a holistic understanding of gaming in an every-
day sense from the point of view of the gamers and to understand gamers’
consumption of video game content and their engagement with the game. It
takes an approach borrowed from the framework of practice proposed by
Nick Couldry, which looks at not what media products do to consumers but
at what consumers do to their media products (Couldry, 2012).
By doing this, I understand and arrive at a culture of gaming in an Indian
context by capturing players’ experiences with video games from a par-
ticipant pool of video game players from urban India. The following broad
questions framed the inquiry, to arrive at a holistic picture of video game
experience that, as the literature suggested, was paramount for an adequate
understanding of an everyday gaming culture and its practices:
1 How can gaming practices, behaviors and attitudes that are instru-
mental in the creation of a core gaming experience be identified and
understood?
This question focused on issues of access and agency in both an intel-
lectual and a material context and, in the process, was able to critically
analyze the social networks (both online and offline) built by players.
2 What are the ways in which gamers enter their various game worlds in a
physical/psychological sense, and how does this act of entry affect their
other lives?
3 How can we arrive at a better understanding of players’ negotiations
with their video games and understand gaming experience by capturing
the entire journey of entering a game world and the experience of play
followed by the logging out and analyzing reentry into the game world?
This question not only provided us with a clearer understanding of a
single act of play as an isolated frame but also provided us with slices
of context that could be used to identify and demarcate the various ele-
ments of the core gaming experience.
How does the act of gaming and play then become a practice and fit into the
complex fabric that is the everyday lives of gamers?
The next part of this section briefly outlines this book and tries to provide
a quick snapshot of the chapters that follow.
Chapter 1 tries to situate the practice of gaming under a broader umbrella
of digital leisure activities. It foregrounds the growth of both gaming as an
industry and gaming as an activity in order to understand video games as
both media forms and cultural artifacts. By looking at the various ways
video games have been studied by various disciplines and the various schools
of thought in game studies, it then tries to answer some basic questions such
as “What does it mean to be a game?” – and, in the process, grapples with
existing research from the emerging subfield of game studies.
Introduction 7
This book seeks to situate the activity of playing video games in the context
of the everyday, drawing largely from the work of Bourdieu, Wittgenstein
and Schatzki. Nick Couldry (2012), speaking of media as practice, under-
stands everyday rituals, habits and activities as practices that are situated in
sociocultural contexts (Bourdieu, 1977; Wittgenstein, 1978; Schatzki, 1996;
Couldry, 2012). By building on the premise that in an everyday context,
specific repetitive acts, when performed over time, acquire new contextual
meanings and cease to remain merely acts of habit but become practices; this
book charts the gaming practices of fourteen individuals and captures their
individual gaming journeys.
Theorizing the everyday, Chapter 2 looks at the various methodologi-
cal challenges a study for gaming on the everyday would face. It begins by
understanding the concept of “everyday” and then unpacks it in a way that
allows for us to study the act of playing a video game as both an individual
act bound in a specific moment and a moment that succeeds several preced-
ing ones in the life of a gamer, thus allowing for us to examine both specific
ludic instances and ludic journeys as a whole.
For the ensuing study, a specific ludo-narratological framework was
developed that synthesized concepts such as Wood’s recursive space (Wood,
2012), Salen and Zimmerman’s magic circle (Salen and Zimmerman, 2004),
Arsenault and Perron’s magic cycle (Arsenault and Perron, 2008) and Jesper
Juul’s puzzle piece (Juul, 2008) in order to enable both capturing and under-
standing key elements of the gameplay experience such as understanding
what happens preplay, what happens when play begins, what happens dur-
ing play, postplay and the entire loop that leads up to a new instance of play.
This synthetic model was then used to lay the foundation for the study’s
data collection stage. The latter half of this chapter then discusses the pro-
cess that led to the formulation of the study’s methodology and its data col-
lection and analysis phases.
Chapter 3 begins by critically questioning the term gamer. The term has
been applied in various, often simplistic ways to anyone who plays video
games as a preferred leisure activity. Being heavily value-laden both socially
and culturally, the term has spawned fiery debates on a variety of issues rang-
ing from the perpetuation of stereotypes to gender inequality. The first part of
this chapter seeks to understand the gamer tag by charting and critically ana-
lyzing the gaming journeys of three video game players in an everyday context.
By using an ethnographic approach, based on in-depth interviews with
and observation of the gaming activity of three individuals over a year and
drawing from Nick Couldry’s media as practice approach, the gaming prac-
tices of the players were examined in relation to how they themselves reflect
on their experience and its various components and the ways in which they
construct and express their gamer/gaming identity. The emergent themes
from the analysis have been used to build a tentative framework that could
enable a more holistic understanding of the gamer within the gaming world
and more generally in popular culture.
8 Introduction
The second part of the chapter builds on the term gamerworthiness that
is a key finding of the first part. It argues the need for the concept of gamer-
worthiness and lays the foundations for the framework for building a means
to understand the same. To study gamerworthiness, participants’ responses
to various questions that critically examined what ludic acts, abilities and
characteristics a player must possess so that he or she can be deemed a
“gamer” by the larger community were analyzed.
The responses suggested that players were expected to have specific sets of
skills and abilities depending on the nature of games they frequently played.
The various skills that emerged were then classified across three categories,
namely, common attributes, attributes specific to single-player campaigns
and, finally, to multiplayer games. By gaining insights into the psyche of
the players and the value they attach to their ludic practices the framework
of gamerworthiness provides us with a suitable platform to challenge the
hardcore gamer–casual player binary that the industry uses to classify play-
ers (Kowert and Oldmeadow, 2012; Juul, 2010).
Chapter 4 looks at the participants’ gaming habits, practices and contexts
from an Indian perspective. It analyzes the participants’ responses to gen-
eral industry trends, reflections on playing practices and their approaches
to emerging trends in gaming. This chapter focuses on understanding how
newer game developments alter players’ psyche, strategies of play and
approaches to gaming in general by examining the various steps taken by
players to continue the practice of playing video games.
The chapter has two subsections, and each of them grapples with the
themes of access that the participants felt were an important part of gam-
ing in their everyday. The first subsection looks at the platforms the players
choose and decide to play on and use as an entry portal to the magic circle.
The study causes the participants to reflect on their preferred methods of
input, the devices they acquire, maintenance of the said devices and the
gamut of factors they consider while making their purchase.
The first subsection pitches the ever-customizable and modular in designer
personal computers against the locked-down video game consoles, through
which the players were able to offer unique insights into various factors that
determine their choices ranging from preferences of play, cost of acquisition,
choices of input method (keyboard and mouse vs. a controller), loyalty to
game ecosystems, the role of friends and gaming networks and the commer-
cial success of the platform in general. The second subsection of the chapter
looks at the participants’ responses to gaming on mobile phones and their
understanding of the platform’s evolution. This section specifically focuses
on a variety of key concepts such as the players’ choices in the games they
play, their approach to the freemium turn in the mobile game industry, their
responses to micro-transactions and their adjustment to the need of repeated
logins.
Chapter 5 looks at the world of gaming as both an offline and online
entity and reconfigures the space as a site of constant contestation between
Introduction 9
developers of games and the players. It has three subsections, and the first
two look at unique ways that gamers use to sidestep regulations set by devel-
opers. The chapter delves into detail with regard to the cracking economy as
well as the use of cheat codes, understanding the role of cheating and the use
of hacks. The subsection on cracking paints a detailed picture of the entire
process of acquiring and using cracked content in urban India.
The final subsection of this chapter deals with the transformation of the
video game from a fixed “product” that is locked postproduction to a fluid
and ever-changing “service” whereby the developers can alter the underlying
code by pushing out updates, patches, glitches and extra (often premium)
content using the internet. This subsection can be viewed as a means for the
industry to fight back and regain control of game spaces. The subsections,
when read together, are indicative of the fact that the video game has truly
become a recursive site of power control as the developers try and imple-
ment rules that cause players to play “their” game “the right” way.
Chapter 6, the final chapter of the book, deals with gaming as a social
activity and seeks to understand the various online and offline relationships
that players maintain by examining the participants’ friends, communities
and networks in gaming spaces. With the arrival of the internet, players are
now able to tap into specific and specialized networks and communities
to further their ludic engagements. This chapter understands the various
dimensions of gaming’s social elements from both offline scenarios to online
ones as it looks to channels of in-game communication, as well as social
networking platforms. By integrating the social dimension into our under-
standing of gamers and gaming communities, we are thus able to arrive at
a holistic understanding of both gaming culture and the various roles that a
gamer must perform.
The Conclusion of the book brings together the findings of the study and
puts them in perspective with the lives of the participants. This section also
repositions the study in today’s context of Indian society and attempts to
predict the way ahead for gaming as an industry and as a practice in India.
By identifying the unique tools that this study can offer future researchers,
this text hopes to be the first of many that will further the understanding of
gaming culture in India. This book, to a certain degree, sheds light on how
people in a nation with very diverse social, economic and linguistic back-
grounds and preferences engage with gaming as a practice in their everyday
lives. Specific sections of the book offer newer avenues for further examina-
tion, especially through the lenses of class, caste, gender and access.
Notes
1 The distinction between casual players and hardcore gamers is discussed in detail
in Chapters 3, 4 and 5.
2 In his seminal piece What Is Enlightenment? Immanuel Kant looks at the charged
political nature of 18th-century Europe and anticipates the French Revolution
and the subsequent rise of modernity and liberal humanism. He uses his piece by
10 Introduction
asking members of the German public to temper their angst and dissuades them
from rising against the German monarchy (Kant, 2013).
3 In his editorial for Game Studies – 0101, Aarseth calls new media studies a
“pseudo-field” and a ploy used by visual studies to claim computer-based com-
munication and subsume video games (Aarseth, 2001).
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1 Wittgenstein conceptualizes a lot of his work on the basis of games; his work
on language games is based on looking at how children learn languages and
reappropriate specific contextual and language cues. His other work too draws
significantly from chess. His contribution to game studies is the simple but
extremely relevant question, “How do we define games?”
2 The global video game revenues for 2016 were USD 91 billion (Super Data,
2016), growing considerably from USD 71.3 billion in 2015. The global box
office revenues from movies were at USD 38.6 billion (Motion Picture Associa-
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3 Juul reconfigures the magic circle as a puzzle piece, an understanding that breaks
the rigidity and absoluteness that categorize Salen and Zimmerman’s understand-
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part of a larger whole and, in its permeable nature, allows for contexts and non-
game elements to both affect the magic circle and be a part of play (Juul, 2008).
4 Calleja studies immersion and player engagement on a macro and a micro level.
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female characters in game worlds, especially oversexualization and depiction of
women characters as passive observers and recipients of players’ in-game actions.
6 The Playful Experiences framework helps developers understand, analyze and
design experiences that are playful interactions. By providing the developers with
twenty-two categories of such experiences, it allows them to mix and match spe-
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7 The Sci Model understands gameplay experience as an escapist experience and
suggests three kinds of immersion, namely, sensory, challenge and imaginary. The
Sci Model allows for developers to break down their content into the kinds of
immersion they offer and allows them to test for the same.
8 The magic circle can be best defined as the membrane that demarcates the physi-
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to begin play and, in the process, experience the magic of play as during play the
space is governed by new rules and acquires new meanings of time and space.
9 Hocking understands ludo-narratological dissonance as a feeling that the player
experiences when he or she notices a lack of congruence between the ludic and
narrative elements of a game. Hocking illustrates the feeling by describing when
a player uses a character to gun down scores of enemies, beating all odds, to
reach a narrative point at which the character is killed by a single bullet – an
indication that the ludic resilience the character enjoyed does not translate to the
game’s narrative dimension.
10 Arsenault and Perron’s magic cycle is examined in more detail in Chapter 2.
11 The anthropomorphization of a game’s AI and the characters it controls is dis-
cussed in detail in Chapter 5.
1 The gaming industry as a site of constant contestation is discussed in more detail
in Chapter 5.
2 Owing to the high level of interactivity and the myriad ways in which players can
engage with video games, they are an extremely fluid medium. The experience ren-
dered at the time of engagements that is open to both the players’ interpretations
and their choices in-game, Fluidity, agency and a high level of interactivity make
video games one of the most postmodern media forms at our disposal.
3 Jesper Juul calls the experience of playing video games Half-Real, in which he
argues that while the game-worlds in which players engage and the challenges,
they overcome are virtual in nature. The rules that govern and regulate the game
worlds and the challenges are, however, real, and a player’s efforts in overcoming
these real rules must be understood in this frame of the “half-real” (Juul, 2005).
4 The use of a snowball sampling sees the reference of follow-up participants emerge
from existing participants in the study. This practice of reference can be compared
to the process of sponsorship.
1 LAN – local area network, a means by which gaming machines can be linked by
LAN cables, and the gameplay is similar to multiplayer scenarios but without con-
necting to the internet. LAN-based gameplay is generally smoother and lower on
latency than general multiplayer experiences.
1 In 2013, Steam tried to launch high-performing gaming builds for the living room
(another phrase for “console”), while they were expected to be on par with high-
end gaming PCs, they were also expected to be more modular in nature. The
move was expected to herald Valve into hardware manufacturing, However, with
prices akin to those of high-end PCs, gamers worldwide failed to notice the allure
and sales of the machines have been abysmal, to say the least. Since the launch
(November 2013), to date, Steam has sold fewer than 500,000 machines, while
both Xbox One and PS4 sold more than a million machines each on their launch
days.
1 DoTA 2 is a game in which players are expected to guard three defensive tow-
ers and an ancient base from their opponents while attempting to take down the
opponents’ tower and base in the process.
2 A registry value is a repository of information about programs. In the case of
games, it controls numeric data like the amount of in-game currency, items
equipped, player level and so forth. Tampering with these values could give the
player infinite cash, health or ammunition.
1 Broken, bad and incomplete games have become the norm for players who are
early adopters on launch day, causing most players to cautiously wait and exam-
ine the reviews before making their purchases. For more, please see the “Shipping
Half-Baked” section in Chapter 5.
2 Lassi, a popular curd-based drink, is extremely popular in North India and is
often consumed to beat the heat during the Indian summer. Made with yoghurt,
spices and water, lassi, along with buttermilk and lemonade, is considered to be a
healthier alternative to aerated drinks and is often available in a variety of flavors
like strawberry, mango and rose.
3 Maggi is a popular brand of instant noodles that has become a household name
in the Indian subcontinent. Available in a variety of flavors and various basic
ingredients, Maggi has successfully become a dish that bridges the divide between
junk/cheap food and healthy/nutritious food depending on the way it is made. It is
common to find various version of the dish made with eggs, vegetables, chicken or
just plain Maggi in a variety of places in India. With its iconic “2-minute noodles”
catch-phrase, Maggi is well known across the length and breadth of the country.
1 The launch of Reliance’s Jio mobile services in August 2016 disrupted Indian
mobile tariffs as the promotional offer introduced voice and data completely free.
The success of the promotional offer and subsequent low-cost plans helped the
new network amass 100 million subscribers by February 2017. Post the launch
of Jio’s services, tariffs for mobile data and voice packages across carriers have
plummeted by close to 90 percent, making internet on mobile phones much more
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Gaming Culture (s) in India: Digital Play in Everyday Life

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Gaming Cultures View project

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• situates the practice of gaming under a broader umbrella of digital

Aditya Deshbandhu teaches in the Communications Area, Indian Institute

ISBN: 978-0-367-14292-6 (hbk)

List of illustrations viii

Introduction: ludic beginnings: gaming journeys

1 Fun, magic and play: theories of gaming 12

2 Building tools to map the ludic everyday 34

3 Player perspectives: gamers and gamerworthiness 56

4 Charting the Indian gamescape: redrawing lines

5 Gaming as a site of contestation 115

6 Friends, communities and networks: gaming is social 146

One of my earliest memories of playing a video game comes from a scorch-

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