CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION

1.1 Problem Identification

Somaliland is semi-arid. With annual rainfalls less than 250 mm, water has a high
priority1. There are no permanent surface water resources and Somaliland is
therefore almost entirely dependent on rainwater, with the exception of a few deep
wells. Rainfall distribution is bi-modal. It falls mostly in the Gu (mid-April to June) and
the Der (October to December) rainy seasons. During the two dry-seasons water
supplies are the major limiting factors for human as well as livestock survival. People
depend on livestock as their main source of income. This reflects the dependence on
the variability of water supply. Berkads2 are the main water source in many areas of
Somaliland. Especially in the Haud3 region of Togdheer and Galbeet Region, Swiss
Groups4 areas of intervention, berkads are the only means of water preservation.

Since 1995, the water project of CARITAS Switzerland has been working in the
Water Sector of rural Somaliland. The main objective of its first activities was to
rapidly increase the water availability after the civil war. Rehabilitation of water supply
systems was urgent, since many berkads and other water infrastructure had been
neglected during the war. Emphasis was given to reconstruction activities and
emergency relief. Recent developments have shown that the overall situation is
changing rapidly. Private Construction activities of berkads have increased. However,
one major hindrance to actual improvements in living conditions is the lack of
sufficient expertise and know-how in berkad construction. Extremely poor water
quality in rural areas in combination with very low hygiene awareness and little
knowledge of the effects of contaminated water cause serious health problems.
Furthermore, several problems were discovered during the last project phase,
including little cost awareness in construction work; poor quality of structures;
weaknesses in community work by the project and the local partner organisations;
and the need for an actively implemented hygiene and sanitation component5.

1.2 Aims and Objectives

This report is the first step impact assessment, showing some of the impacts of
project measures taken on quality and the sustainable use of berkads. The aim of
this report is to give a general overview on ownership and usage of berkads, on their
construction and rehabilitation, and on whom Swiss Group has reached through its
intervention thus far. The generalisation of results, however limited, may help to
formulate the necessary questions for further research and can be seen as a starting
point for a more detailed input-output analysis. The results and findings of the case
study are summarised in this report.

1
AQUASTAT; FAO’s Information System on Water and Agriculture. www.fao.org
2
Cemented cistern, usually not covered
3
Southern Region
4
CARITAS Switzerland
5
See Project Concept Paper for Rural Water Supply, Hygiene and Sanitation
in Northwest Somalia, 2003.

1
1.3 Methodology and Limitations

Within the framework of this case study, which is seen as a starting point for
additional research, semi structured interviews were the main method of research
used6. The most important aspect was to get information directly from the local
people and their opinion on rehabilitation work done by Swiss Group. Personal
observations of berkads and transect walks helped to verify claims made by
interviewees. Additionally, literature research was carried out. However, already
published sources on berkads in Somaliland are limited or not easily accessible7.

Due to the remoteness of the project area the collection of information was very time-
consuming and the area of research was narrowed down to a few villages in Galbeet
and Togdheer Regions. Villages visited included Abdi Dherre, Gocondhale,
Haindanleh, Khatumo, and Qolqol8. Not all claims could be validated and should be
further investigated based on given recommendations. More elaborate research is
recommended.

6
See Appendix 2/3: Questions asked/Interviews
7
Articles published on the Internet (see references) are insufficient and exchange of information with other NGOs
working in Somaliland is inadequate.
8
See Appendix 1: Map of Togdheer Region

2
CHAPTER 2 HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENTS AND PRESENT SITUATION

2.1 Historical Developments

Prior to the existence of berkads9 three water sources were available to satisfy
human water needs in Somaliland:

• Rainwater collected in balleys,10,

• Water collected from toggas11 if available,
• Shallow wells located close to some of the main towns (e.g. Odweyne).

Berkads are privately owned water source. In particular, within the project region
berkads are the main water source. Deep wells can only be found in some of the
major towns, such as Hargeisa.

Previously during Jilal12 people had to migrate long distances in order to find enough
water and fodder for their livestock, a typical, environmentally sound, pastoral
behaviour, but very laborious. Once water became scarce, herds were moved
towards areas with shallow wells or water was brought from these wells by camel.
Before the construction of berkads, people especially in the Haud Region13 mainly
owned camels instead of goats and sheep due to their ability to survive without water
over a relatively long period of time. Goats and sheep were only kept in areas with a
sufficient availability of water, i.e. areas with shallow wells or toggas. For people
living in the south of Togdheer Region along the border to Ethiopia this meant that
they had to move as far as Odweyne14 for water. From Gocondhale15 this took up to
four days while one camel could carry four traditional water containers (25 litres
each). Despite time and transportation constraints this was done at least every two
weeks during the dry season. During the rainy season people had to set off about
once a month to fetch water16.

As a result of berkad construction more and more people have settled down.
Migration frequently takes place during the dry season, however, water availability
has improved in most areas and people do not have to migrate as far as before. The
size of human and livestock populations present in a particular region is influenced
primarily by water availability. However, due to increasing water availability the
number of herds of goats and sheep has grown. Consequently, overgrazing has
become a problem and people migrate more frequently due to fodder than water
scarcity. Of course water still is the most important resource for settlement; however,
it was pointed out by several interviewees that in a few areas berkads had to be
abandoned due to the lack of fodder. Fodder availability is higher in the Haud region
than in the northern region of Togdheer. Therefore more and more people move to
the South, which in turn results in a higher demand for water.

9
Cemented cistern, usually not covered
10
Surface water reservoirs
11
Seasonal river
12
Dry Season
13
Southern region of Somaliland
14
See Appendix 1: Map of Togdheer Region
15
See Appendix 1: Map of Togdheer Region
16
See Appendix 3: Interviews

3
The first berkads in the region were built in the 1950s when Somaliland was still
under British colonial rule. It is said that the idea was first introduced by a person
called Xaaxi in 1952, who built the first berkad in Xaaxi near Odweyne17. Most likely
the idea was taken from prior examples in Sudan. The following berkads in the region
were built in Gudubi and Gocondhale in 1954, and not until 1964 in Haindanleh18. A
major construction era started.

Construction was continued even after the Italian occupied South and the British
protectorate in the North merged and became independent in 196019. More and more
people settled down in the Haut region, the demand for water increased
tremendously, and as a result, an intense period of construction began. During the
70s for the first time people started to hire contractors to build berkads. It was stated
that at the end of the 1970s the border dispute between Somalia and Ethiopia over
the Ogaden Region resulted in more and more people coming to settle in the
Togdheer Region. This in turn resulted in an increased demand for berkads.

Furthermore, it is said that the Civil War (1988-1991) between the North and the
South of Somalia brought constructions to an abrupt halt. After the Somali National
Movement launched an offensive in towns such as Hargeisa and Burco, Siad Barre
bombarded major towns in the region and more than half a million people fled into
Ethiopia. Interviewees claimed that Siad Barre’s army made water sources
inaccessible, looted homes and mined the area. However, there is no evidence that
supports the claim that a significant number of berkads in the region have been
destroyed. After Somaliland declared its independence in May 1991, it was managed
to halt internal clan based violence, and since the return of most of the refugees
during mid-1990s, construction works resumed. It is important to note that berkads
were always privately owned. Over the past four to five years private initiative to build
and maintain berkads was significantly influenced and supported by international
NGOs.

2.2 The Present Situation

At present most berkads are either not used or in a bad condition. A notably high
number of abandoned berkads can still be found today. Many are idle partly due to
lack of maintenance during the war, but an exact number is not known. Several
explanations were given by interviewees: first of all, after a high percentage of the
people had fled the region and not all of them have returned, ownership is uncertain;
secondly, returning refugees did not have the financial capabilities to rehabilitate
berkads; and finally, people did not own as many herds as before the war, as a result
the demand for water decreased, and it was unnecessary to rehabilitate the berkad.
However, experience shows that berkad rehabilitation and maintenance techniques
are generally appalling and the condition of berkads gradually worsens over time.
Effective rehabilitation techniques as used by SwissGroup seem to be too expensive
or to be applied directly by the owners.

17
See Appendix 1: Map of Togdheer Region
18
See Appendix 3: Interviews
19
It was claimed that until 1964 Odweyne district prohibited building berkads. If so, why? – Needs further
investigation!

4
2.2.1 Berkad Construction Quality

As experience shows, quality of berkad construction changed drastically since the

1950s. Combined effects of war, absence of maintenance during the displacement
years, and poor workmanship contributed to the deterioration (see table below20).

Change in construction quality over time

3
quality index

0
1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000
construction period

Note the drastic decline in quality during the 1970s. Their motto: build a berkad as
fast and as cheap as possible (15 day construction period). This resulted in
imprecision, carelessness, and bad quality of construction. Most of the visited
berkads observed built during that period are broken today.

People interviewed gave several explanations for bad quality and a comparison was
made between the past and the present.

• Lack of Good Planning and Time-Pressure

At present people are in a hurry: they want to have water as easy and as
quickly as possible. Consequently people decide to build a berkad without
proper planning and instead hire a contractor. In the past people carefully
planned berkad construction and spent a long time on finding an adequate
construction sight, on selecting excellent materials, and on choosing skilled
masons. An elder from Khatoumo21 pointed out:

“The problem is not the lack of money but improper planning22.”

• Choice of Construction Area

It was said that berkads used to be only up to six or seven feet deep, whereas
now they are sixteen to twenty feet deep. This statement claims, the deeper
the berkad the faster it cracks. A shallow and wide berkad with the same water

20
Data given in the table is an estimate and based on data collected from berkads observed and information
given by interviewees. Reliable data does not exist since exact numbers of berkads built in the region are not
given.
21
See Appendix 1: Map of Togdheer Region
22
See Appendix 3: Interviews, Khatoumo Interview, village elder

5
 volume lasts longer since pressure on the ground surface is less significant
(see graph below). However, the larger surface area results in higher
evaporation losses and more difficulties to protect the water against pollution.
Therefore, to have a smaller surface area is advisable. Yet, in order to
prevent the berkads from cracking a stronger foundation would be needed,
which in turn would result in additional expenses and therefore is unrealistic.
Swiss Group experience shows that the “deepness”- problem was only true for
berkads built in the 1950s and 60s. Since the beginning of the 1970s the
deepness of berkads constructed has not changed significantly. The deepness
often depends on the underground (rocky, sandy and the possibility to dig)
and the financial resources of the owners.

Vertical cross section of a

Berkad

Points of maximum
load
• Insufficient Quality of Materials

Apparently, materials are not chosen as carefully as before. In the past the
owner chose the construction materials himself and therefore paid special
attention to quality. Today the material is chosen by the contractor, who is not
as concerned about quality but rather about profit. For example, in the past
good quality sand was brought from Odweyne to mix with the cement – good
quality sand with a small percentage of clay. Now sand of a different quality is
collected anywhere. The worse the quality of the sand the higher the ratio of
cement that needs to be added to the mixture in order to maintain a good
mixing ratio. Clay is a problem because it takes in moisture and swells.
Cement in turn needs water to set. Therefore the cement cracks if it contains
too much clay and not enough water when mixed.

• Lack of Qualified Masons

6
 As pointed out by an old mason interviewed, due to the lack of qualified
masons the quality of construction has declined. In his eyes, during the time of
British occupation, masons were well trained and did high-quality
workmanship. Moreover, most of the skilled masons have migrated to bigger
towns to find work and get a higher salary or are simply too old to do the work.

• Lack of Control over Masons

Lack of control over masons and the quality of their work is another difficulty.
Supposedly, masons used to be controlled by the owner of the berkad to be
constructed. If their work was of bad quality the mason could be held
responsible and payment was withheld. At present owners do not take the
time to control construction work instead a foreman is hired. A foreman easily
finds an agreement with the masons and consequently there is no real control.
In case the construction or rehabilitation of a berkad is done by an NGO, the
owner usually cannot interfere in construction work.

Nevertheless, masons usually have a reputation and are known to be skilled

or unskilled. Yet, if the mason is not from the village nor from the area he does
not care about his reputation, wants to finish his job as quickly as possible,
and cannot be held responsible later on. It is therefore important to hire
masons from the locality.

Furthermore, to define who can be held responsible in case the berkad breaks
is easier said than done. Berkads crack due to a) a bad mixture of sand,
cement, and water, and b) badly qualified masons. However, masons can only
be held responsible with the help of the elders and the clan, even though
investment in berkad construction is a sole risk to the owner. In any case a
berkad owner never receives full compensation; nevertheless, if accusations
are valid he can keep up to 1/3 of the agreed salary. Whether or not a
complaint is successful is another question.

• Carelessness

According to elders interviewed, today’s generation has never suffered from

severe water shortage and therefore does not remember the times when
berkads did not exist. They do not realise what difference a good quality
berkad can make to the well being of a family and their livestock otherwise
they would pay more attention to sustainability.

“Their life is too easy and they chew chat all the time. They can’t even
build or fix their own houses anymore!”

• Lack of Maintenance

Maintenance stands for fixing small cracks regularly before they become
bigger and rehabilitation cost increases. Rehabilitation needs range from fixing
numerous cracks to major reconstruction work. Frequent maintenance seems
to be difficult due to high prices of material, etc. It is not always understood
that through frequent maintenance the berkad lasts longer and in the long run
one would spend less on maintenance than on major reconstruction.

7
2.3 Findings

• A general pattern can be seen. Once water and fodder availability are not in
equilibrium anymore a problem is created. The overuse of semi-arid land
accelerates the desertification problem. Therefore, it would be important to
study the effects water sources and their utilisations have on the
environmental surrounding.

• The worse the quality of the sand the more cement you have to use and
consequently spend more money. Contractors ignore that factor and therefore
the berkad cracks much sooner. Nobody takes the time to observe the
appropriate sand-cement-water ratio. Appropriate curing of mortar with a
sufficient amount of water is needed. In hot climates a lot of water needs to be
applied during curing over a period of about one week to avoid cracking.
People don’t know it, not enough water available, etc. This are only some few
point concerning construction quality

• People do not pay enough attention to material and construction quality and
do not plan ahead. What counts: as much water in as short a time as possible.
The future is not taken into consideration.

• No quality awareness

8
CHAPTER 3 OWNERSHIP AND USE OF BERKADS

3.1 Ownership

Berkads are privately owned and they serve both human and livestock water needs.
One berkad is usually owned by a family and managed by the head of family.
Ownership, management, and responsibility for the berkad are passed on to the
eldest son. On average a family owns one berkad, maybe two in the extended family.
However, it is not quite clear what is meant with “extended family” and how far family
members are spread out. It would be helpful for future work to clarify this information.
There are only very few, almost none, publicly owned berkads. People who do not
own a berkad either use a berkad owned by a family member or one of their relatives
or friends. Depending on their degree of relationship or their socio-economic status it
is decided whether and how much has to be paid for water.

The actual importance of the owner was confirmed during observations made in the
field. One berkad desperately needed rehabilitation. In response to our question why
it was not rehabilitated the users respond that the owner was absent and no one else
had the authority to make the decision to rehabilitate the berkad. In principle, the
sense of ownership should guarantee for maintenance.

3.1.1 Ownership Responsibilities

The berkad owner has several responsibilities, including the management of water
usage, maintenance, and rehabilitation.

• He pays for the construction of the berkad and oversees ongoing construction
work. It is should be in his interest but, often lack of knowledge about what is
good quality to make sure the workmanship is of good quality. Future users
(family, friends, etc.) are not obliged to make a contribution; however, most
make a contribution according to their abilities.

• The owner rehabilitates the berkad when necessary. Again, the users are not
obliged to contribute to the rehabilitation, however, contribute what they can
afford.

• He is responsible for maintenance and should keeps the berkad in a good

condition (fencing, covering, etc.)

• Before the next rain comes the berkad should be is emptied and cleaned.

• He makes the decisions on who can use the berkad, how much water can be
used, and decides on the price of the water.

When asked how, one of the interviewees explained that in general people
know people and how much they can afford to pay. If people come from
another area mistakes are made, but can be corrected later on.

• The owner makes a plan of water consumption for the dry season.

9
3.1.2 Plan of Water Consumption

Through some interviews it became clear that during the dry season the owner
makes a plan of water consumption for the coming months and whether the water
available is sufficient. The following factors are taken into consideration:

• The total water consumption per family per month is calculated, including
human water consumption (drinking water, and water for domestic use) and
livestock water consumption.

E.g. Number of families using a berkad, average size of a family being seven persons, is a round
twelve permanently and up twice as many in the dry season. However, this varies depending on the
size of the berkad and its water volume and the total water consumption of a family including their
livestock. For example, one family owns on average 70 goats and sheep and around five camels in
the villages visited. The average water consumption of a goat/sheep is 4-7 litres per week, that of a
camel about 30 litres every ten days. 70 goats and sheep would drink about 490 litres (2 ½ barrels)
per week (1 barrel = 200litres). Five camels would need 150 litres every ten days (3/4 barrel). The
average water consumption per family (drinking water and water for domestic use) is 1-½ barrels per
week. Average total water consumption per family per week would add up to 4 and 3/4 barrels of
water.

• Evaporation losses.

A plan is made on how much water each family is allowed to fetch during the dry
season and the water is economised.

Hence, the owner has to be informed whenever water is used or sold to somebody
other than the regular users (e.g. migrating people and their herds). Once there is
water scarcity strong animals are sent away and the remaining water is rationed.
Water use is mainly limited to human water consumption and also given to remaining
livestock. In some cases the berkad owner limits the amount of people who can use
his berkads to his close family such as sons and daughters and their families,
siblings, and the wife’s family. Others either have to pay a high price or do not use
the water at all. An exception are those who cannot travel (i.e. old and sick people,
mothers and their newborn babies) and poor people (who cannot afford high prices
and have a low water consumption). Additionally, it is advisable, as villagers said, to
think carefully about who is refused to use your water and where they come from.
You never know what situation you might have to face in future, which will lead you to
ask them for water in return.

However, berkad owners are not all powerful; there are certain rules and regulations
that guide the decision-making process. It is almost impossible to deny close family
members the access to water, while it is socially unacceptable to reject poor people.
For example, in Gocondhale, at times of water scarcity the village committee decides
water distribution. As a result nobody can deny a community member access to his
or her water source – everyone is obliged to share23.

23
See Appendix 3: Interview “Gocondhale”

10
3.2 Use

Each berkad, depending on its size, can provide for eight to twenty families24
sometimes even up to thirty or more. Whereas the level of water consumption differs
from family to family, depending on the size of the family and their livestock. Family
members (including extended family) and relatives (the clan) have priority and are the
main users of a berkad. Determination of who uses the berkad differs from season to
season and depends on whether there is water shortage, how close the users are to
the berkad owner, and if they contributed to the building of the berkad. As mentioned
in regard to ownership, the only exceptions are the poor. According to a rotating
system the elders decide when and for how long the poor in the village use a certain
berkad.

During water shortage people migrate to villages where they have family and
relatives or friends to use their water. For example, in Qolqol they move to villages
such as Gudubi, Abdi Farah, Abdi Dehre, Ismail dheria, Haindanleh25, etc. If water is
not available, they move further towards areas where other relatives live, such as
villages in Ethiopia. In turn when their relatives face water shortage they come to
Qolqol26. At the moment most of the people from Haindanleh move to the Gas area
and vice versa.

3.3 Payment

There are slight variations from village to village when decisions are made on who
has to pay for water, when, and how much. However, a general concept is followed.
As mentioned before payment of water depends on the relationship between the
berkad owner and the user and the price depends on the season, the availability of
water, and on the financial situation of the user. For example, a man from Haindanleh
always moves to Ismael-Dheria27 in case of water shortage and shares the berkad of
his cousin without payment.

During rainy season water is generally very cheap or for free. Towards the end of the
dry season, around the beginning of March, prices go up and most people have to
pay for water (5 -10.000 Somali Shilling per barrel28). However, this decision also
depends on the individual owner. Prices can differ from region to region but are
generally around the same. During dry season, when there is a shortage of water the
prices rise and sometimes even family members have to pay for the water. The more
people and animals need to be supplied with water the higher the price. The more
animals are owned the wealthier the owner and the more he/she can afford to pay for
water. People who are not obliged to pay (i.e. family members) usually pay as much
as they can afford to pay.

People who come from outside and are not well known by the owner are usually
charged for water. However, as one man in Haindanleh said, since the socio-
economic situation of strangers is unknown prices are minimised at first. Only after
two or three weeks prices will be adjusted to an “appropriate” price. However, this
needs further investigation.

24
Average family size in Somaliland: seven persons
25
See Appendix 1: Map of Togdheer Region
26
For further details on other villages please refer to the field reports in Appendix 4.
27
See Appendix 1: Map of Togdheer Region
28
See Appendix 3: Interview 1/2 Gocondhale

11
In general it seems that the poor are either charged very little or not charged at all.
Usually it is the owner’s decision to make whether users have to pay or not, however,
interviews in Gocondhale show that elders also discuss and make the final decision
on these issues. As mentioned before they determine who is categorised as poor and
therefore has the right to get free access to water. To avoid discontent, a system of
rotation makes sure they use different berkads and not always the same one. For
example, a poor man interviewed in Gocondhale uses the berkads of his friends for
free when he needs to. During the rainy season he uses the balley. During the dry
season he buys the water from berkad owners. His demand for water is about one
barrel per week for domestic use. He can afford to pay 5.000 Somali Shilling per
barrel. His livestock is part of another herd owned by his family and he does not have
to pay for the water they drink. After all he does not have many goats.

3.4 Emergency Water Supply

Families left behind at times have to buy water from trucks coming from towns such
as Hargeisa, Buroa, and Odweyne (10-15,000 Somaliland Shillings per barrel). This
is organised by the elders or a special committee elected by the elders. They sit
down together and discuss how much water is needed, who can afford to pay and
who cannot, what proportion of water is distributed to each family, where to get it
from, who will go and buy it, etc. Afterwards they decide which berkad to store the
water in and who is responsible for distributing it to the people. The head of each
family that needs water pays for the water. If there are some poor people who cannot
buy water, elders are informed and ask others to contribute some water and animals.
Payment is in cash or animal exchange. Individuals could remember that the last
main droughts were in 1974, 1984, 1997, and 2000. Others claimed this only
happens about every four years. In 1997 and about two years ago there was a
severe drought, water was scarce and needed to be bought from Hargeisa. At that
time some organisations such as UNHCR and the Somaliland Government
distributed water. At times of severe water shortage a barrel of water costs 13,000
Somaliland Shilling, whereas the normal price during dry season is about 5, -10,000
Shilling29.

3.5 Findings

• The usage of berkads close to the village differs from the usage of berkads far
away from the village (clusters). The pressure on the berkads close to the
village is much higher.

• The higher the number of berkads, the bigger their size, the bigger the water
availability and the more likely it is that poor people do not have to pay for
water.

• The more animals you have the more you pay. Poor people do not have to pay
because their animal water consumption is not very high.

• The price of water would be interesting to see in relation to the general income
of people. How big is the percentage of money that needs to be spent on
water in relation to income? How big is the average family income per year?
This needs to be studied further.

29
See Appendix 3: Interviews

12
 • Furthermore, it could be interesting to find out if, in principle, enough money is
earned through water sales to pay for frequent maintenance and rehabilitation.

13
 CHAPTER 4 CONSTRUCTION AND REHABILITATION

4.1 Introduction
In general, existing berkads are rehabilitated before people decide to construct new
ones. Costs are lower and most people claim to be unable to afford building new
ones. However, a berkad is seen as very beneficial as it enables independence from
other water sources and a profit can be made from selling water to others. Yet,
sometimes people start two things at the same time. Rehabilitation works on an old
berkad are continued, while construction works on a new one are started. Basic
construction works such as e.g. digging can be done without major funds30. Actual
construction works start once sufficient finances are available.

The construction process of a berkad is usually divided into four phases

a) Planning,

b) Digging of a hole,

c) Collection of materials and finding skilled labour, and

d) Construction.

The duration of construction work depends on

a) The size of the berkad,

b) Good preparations, and

c) The financial situation of the owner.

About 6 weeks to three months are needed for the construction of a berkad once the
materials are available. According to information given a berkad can cost about 1500
US$ or 3000 US$, depending on its size and the quality of the materials. To give an
example, a shop-owner in Khatoumo would have to sell his shop in order to be able
to afford a berkad.

4.2 Planning of Construction

The planning and preparatory stage of berkad construction is the most time
consuming part of the entire construction process. Most berkads, even if managed by
one person, are owned by an extended family due to costs that need to be covered
(i.e. construction, rehabilitation, maintenance). Therefore, the decision to build a
berkad is made collectively. This would imply that all heads of the family would have
to come together and discuss the matter. This proves difficult since the family can be
spread over the whole region and even further. A young man in Khatoumo reasoned
that his family would have built a berkad already if it would not have been so difficult
to get people together to discuss the matter. Part of the family lives in towns as far as
Hargeisa or even Berbera31. In case the berkad owner has enough money himself he
can build a berkad on his own accord without consulting the family.

30
1983: Last fully rehabilitated berkad in Gocondhale.
31
See Appendix 3: Interviews

14
4.3 Financing and Contribution

The owner finances the major part of the construction of a berkad. However, it is in
the interest of future users to contribute if they can afford to. First of all the
contributors will have priority when it comes to water consumption and will not have
to pay for the water. It is more common to make a contribution of labour, material, or
pay in animals.

Predominantly family members contribute to the building of a berkad; after all, they
will be the core users in future. Even family living in towns or abroad contribute if
possible. Nevertheless, if contribution is not given the berkad can still be used
against temporary payment. Once payment is seen as sufficient the owner can
decide to cancel it. In case a family member was absent or not informed at the time
of construction and could not make a contribution later payment is not obligatory.

4.4 Materials

Once constructions can be started the needed materials such as cement, gravel,
sand, and stones are bought from Hargeisa, Burao, or Odweyne. Other materials are
collected locally. Construction of berkads is especially dependent on availability and
prices of materials such as cement and gravel which have to be bought. Gravel is
usually difficult to get and cement very expensive cement in Somland is
comparatively very cheap 3.5 – 4.5 USD per sac32. The collection of materials and
preparatory works can take several years (on average 2-3 years).

4.5 Skilled and Unskilled Labour

Unskilled labour usually consists of family members or people from the village who
will use the berkad later on. Skilled labour (e.g. masons) needs to be hired which is
important to the quality of construction. Skilled labour is hired either form the village
or from other villages they know33. Usually they only take people they know and can
trust. In Haindanleh people mentioned the techniques they learned from Swiss
Group, which they still use (e.g. using the wire mesh for reinforced plastering, several
damage prevention methods, use of a Shandoo34 before the actual berkad).

4.6 Findings

• Financing of berkad construction is usually done by family and future users.

The cost of berkad construction should be seen in relation to the average
annual family income.

• Planning and resource mobilisation is the most time consuming part of the
actual construction process. Planning and mobilisation of funds, material, and
labour can take up to two years. Whereas actual construction work only takes
a few months.

32
Specific information on the price of gravel and cement not given.
33
How much payment do masons get?
34
Catchment-basin

15
CHAPTER 5 SWISSGROUP INTERVENTION

5.1 Introduction

Once water from communal balleys35 is used up people in the Haud entirely depend
on berkads. People’s use of berkads indicated that peak dependency occurs during
the dry season between the “Deir” rains (Oct-Nov) and “Gu” rains (April-June). The
focus of the project, implemented by Swiss Group, is on the rehabilitation and
construction of berkads and the general improvement in water availability in the Haud
area of Togdheer Region. Many people in these rural areas are already investing in
the construction of new berkads by themselves. Therefore, in some target
communities SwissGroup started to introduce a new promising approach of a ‘100%
material contribution’. Whereas berkad owners contributed all necessary materials
while the project provided technical expertise and paid skilled labour. The project
plans to continue with this approach, since the idea was accepted by a number of
beneficiaries36. A berkad construction plan can be seen below.

Storage chamber
Cattle trough
Sedimentation chamber
Inflow Delivery pipe for the trough

Spillway

Overflow
Drainage Cover:Bush cover (this technique is spread in
Chanels some regions only, where a special type of bushes
is available)
Fence
Screen

Berkad Construction Plan

5.2 Who did Swiss Group Reach?

According to information given in the villages, berkads rehabilitated by Swiss Group
improved the general water situation tremendously. It was claimed that during the
past dry seasons people did not have to bear water shortage. Most of the people
reached by the project are people with a middle socio-economic background –
meaning, they are neither wealthy nor poor, but range somewhere in the middle. In

35
Surface Water Reservoirs
36
See Project Concept Paper for Rural Water Supply, Hygiene and Sanitation
in Northwest Somalia, 2003.

16
Gocondhale, for example, two of the berkads rehabilitated are owned by people with
herds the size of a bout 100 goats and sheep. The three others belong to people who
are considered to be “poor” as they own 15-20 sheep and goats only.

Even though rehabilitated berkads are privately owned they benefit the whole
community as explained before. In Gocondhale, the five berkads rehabilitated
allowed a significant increase in the number of families who benefit from the berkad
water. Most important, the beneficiaries come from different socio economic
backgrounds. The more water is available, the cheaper the water and the more water
can be shared with people who cannot afford to pay for the water37.

5.3 Al-Salama Construction Work

In general Al-Salama, a local NGO/contractor, construction work was seen as

efficient and worthwhile, since the overall situation of the village has improved due to
the increase in water supply. However, opinions vary from village to village. A major
difference can be seen between villages where rehabilitation work took place in early
and in later stages of the project. Construction work improved over time. For
instance, general opinion in Haindanleh illustrated that Al-Salama did not seem to be
well experienced and workmanship was of poor quality. Al-Salama was criticised for
the lack of control of its masons. A good mason needs to supervise his employees
constantly in order to ensure good quality of construction. Apparently, Al-Salama did
not. Whereas, in most additional villages people agreed that workmanship quality
was quite good. The only exception was the opinion that the mix ratio of cement and
sand was inappropriate and too little cement was used. However, most of the people
interviewed lack the know-how to comment on that.

During Swiss Group intervention by Al-Salama38 owners of berkads rehabilitated

sometimes did not do not have the authority to control the ongoing process. When a
local mason in Haindanleh gave recommendations, they were simply ignored by the
contractor, even though he had the know-how to make constructive suggestions.

As mentioned above promotion and the use of indigenous techniques to improve

water quality was successful. Berkads constructed by Swiss Group are covered with
shrubs. Experiments during the EC evaluation showed that this technique, just the
same as the expensive covering of berkads by roofs made from corrugated iron
sheets, has reduced evaporation by 50% in comparison to non-covered berkads39.
General opinion showed that new techniques introduced by Swiss Group were seen
as very effective and useful (e.g. wire mesh for improved plastering, covering,
sedimentation chamber, animal trough). Local masons were able to improve their
own construction techniques; special emphasis was given to the wire mash mesh.

5.4 Conclusion

In conclusion, most of the rehabilitated berkads observed are in a good overall

condition. The concrete shows only a few cracks. However, the lack of maintenance
and especially operation is a problem. Covering, fencing, and animal troughs need
frequent maintenance, which currently does not take place. Animal troughs are not

37
See Appendix 3: Interviews
38
Local NGO contractor hired by Swiss Group
39
See Project Concept Paper for Rural Water Supply, Hygiene and Sanitation
in Northwest Somalia, 2003.

17
always separated from the berkad by fencing and therefore increase the risk of
animals getting too close to the water resulting in pollution. Due to sedimentation and
pollution (i.e. organic matter, animal faeces, sometimes garbage), resulting in a
decline in water quality and the development of algae, frequent cleaning of the
berkads is needed but not observed40.

40
See Appendix 4: Fieldtrip-Reports

18
CHAPTER 6 CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS

6.1 Concluding Remarks

This report is a case study, not a full research. The area of research was narrowed
down to a few villages that were part of Swiss Group’s area of intervention. As
mentioned in before villages visited included Abdi Dherre, Gocondhale, Haindanleh,
Khatoumo, and Qolqol41. Future research should include further visits to these
villages, but should also be extended to other areas of intervention in order to
support and validate findings already mentioned in this report. This is essential in
order to point certain characteristics that differentiate the villages that are valuable to
further steps taken within the project.

6.2 Recommendations for Future Research

1. I recommend doing more research on the relationship between water and

fodder availability. It was claimed that a lot of people moved to the Haud
region due to fodder availability and therefore more berkads were built. This is
a valuable claim and the potential of natural resources for human activities
should be further examined.

2. As often pointed out by interviewees, the young generation is not interested in

long-term sustainable management. If this claim is verified, the cause for this
indifference should be taken into consideration.

3. It would be recommendable to integrate owners further into the rehabilitation

process instead of excluding them completely. They should have part of the
responsibility, should be able to point out faults and if necessary should be
able to interfere to a certain degree. After all they will dependent on the berkad
for future water supply and will have to face the responsibilities of a berkad
owner.

4. During the construction special emphasis should also be given to the

importance of separation of animal troughs from the actual berkad enclosure.
Out of ten berkads observed only five berkads had a separate enclosure for
the animal trough. It needs to be understood that human water sources should
be specially protected from pollution. Furthermore, the importance of covering
the berkad should be made clear to the owner. Most of the covers observed
needed urgent maintenance. Cleaning campaigns are an absolute must and
should be included into the Hygiene and Sanitation awareness creation
programme within the project.

5. Berkads owners complete the water consumption plan before each dry season
to calculate the amount of water that is needed by each user over the coming
months of drought. How exactly is this done?

6. What is the connection between water quality and hygienic behaviour?

Awareness on Hygiene and Sanitation and the need for O&M would all
improve the overall condition of the berkad.

41
See Appendix 1: Map of Togdheer Region

19
Moreover it would be useful to find out about regional differences and more precise
information in focusing on:

a) The number of berkads in one area, average size of berkads;

b) More specific information about the number of berkads a family owns and
where;

c) How far and where do people move when there is water shortage;

d) Different wealth groups and their socio-economic background;

20
 REFERENCES

Alpman, C. (1996). Technical Study for the Rehabilitation of the Water Supply in the
Awdal, W.Galbeed, Togdheer and Sanaag Regions in Somalia. EU Somalia
Unit.
AQUAST, FAO’s Information System on Water and Agriculture (1997). Somaliland.
www.fao.org/ag/agl/aglw/aquast/countries/somalia/index.stm
Farah, Osman A. (1999). Integrated Development for Water Supply and Sanitation:
Water Sources Management in Rural Somaliland. 25th WEDC Conference.
Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.
Peters, Susanne (2003). Project Concept Paper for Rural Water Supply, Hygiene and
Sanitation in Northwest Somalia. CARITAS Switzerland. Hargeisa,
Somaliland.
Print, C. (1997). Water and Sanitation for All: Partnerships and Innovations:
Subsurface Dam for a Pastoral Environment. 23rd WEDC Conference. Durban,
South Africa.

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