Sikh Genocide INDIA-1984

A BLACK SPOT ON DEMOCRACY

Ajmer Singh Randhawa

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Copyright © 2019
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Sikh Genocide INDIA-1984

A Blackspot on Democracy

©Ajmer Singh Randhawa

First Edition : 2019

Price : Rs. 350-/ (In India)

$ 12.50 (Out Side India)

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In loving memory of all known and unknown Sikh
brothers, sisters and children who became
victims of Sikh genocide 1984 and lost their
precious lives, the agony is unforgettable and still
gives us sleepless nights in pain.

I wish the future generations may learn a lesson,

may live in peace and maintain harmony, not only
for their unity and prosperity but for the nation
also.

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(iv)
Writer Ajmer Singh Randhawa

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Rajeev Jaiswal

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 PREFACE
At that time in 1984, I was 27 years old and was doing my course of
Chartered Accountancy.
The pogrom against Sikhs started on 1st November, 1984 and my
first CA paper was cancelled, while returning back to home I saw mob at
many places and encountered with a mob which was trying to lynch a young
Sikh boy but the almighty God gave me the courage to save that Sikh youth
from the clutches of those killers. What happened for next three days in our
area has been narrated by my father Sh. Ved Kumar Jayaswal in a chapter of
this book. Luckily, we were able to save all Sikh families in our area.
1984 Sikh genocide is still alive in my memories as a bad
dream. The most surprising factor is that, after the assassination of the then
Prime Minister Smt Indira Gandhi, the whole Sikh community was targeted
and the whole government machinery was sleeping for three consecutive
days. Ajmer Singh Randhawa has done extensive research work about
various factors of 1984 Sikh genocide which are also called riots by media
and the Indian govt. but in fact it was one sided and only Sikhs were on
target so it was a genocide not riots.
By going through this book, one can understand the reasons of pre
1984 political and social scenario which led to unrest not only in Punjab but
affected other part of country which led to murder of Indira Gandhi,
specially the Operation Blue Star, a code name of army invasion on Golden
Temple at Amritsar, also known as Darbar Sahib, and on demolition of
supreme seat of Sikh faith-the Akal Takhat Sahib by tanks in the same year
in month of June 1984
I again applaud the hard work done by my big brother Sardar Ajmer
Singh Randhawa ji for writing this book. This was not easy to collect
information in different parts of Delhi or from other states in India but the
writer not only tried to collect information but also tried to verify them from
other sources also before he mentioned these incidents in this book. If some
information could not be collected or not brought in notice of writer and not
yet published, we request that the missing information may kindly be
provided to us so that we may publish in next addition. It’s the reason that
only 550 books are being published in first addition.
We would also like to add that a single person couldn’t be an eye
witness to the happenings at different places. There were no Mobile phones
or easy handling video cameras so the recording was not possible. The
electricity was cut, water supply was cut or the rumors were spread by jeeps
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of Delhi police warning people to not to drink water as Sikhs have mixed
poison. If someone had the video cameras specially the rich Sikh families,
first they had to save them and their families from killing squads. They had
no time to go on streets and record the video shots.
It was the reason that we couldn’t find any evidence against
Amitabh Bacchan who incited Hindus of this nation in a live TV show to
spill blood of Sikhs by clinching his fists and walking 10-15 steps and back
to use his angry image of Bollywood. The writer of this book himself
watched on his TV and was shocked on his hatred, racist role of his real life.
Whole detail is given in this book.
More shameful revelation is of using banned Chemical substance
White Phosphorous by 'killing squads'. Who provided them is a mystery but
this chemical was used. The killers rubbed or poured this chemical on body
of Sikhs and watched them burning alive or dancing in front of dying
people. The eye witness account is given in detail in this book.
The role of Delhi Police, Congress cabinet, Delhi administration is
well explained, how they failed in doing their moral duty but all of them
proved functionaries of politicians to be used as they wish.
We find a good signal that there were no direct clashes or
confrontations anywhere in Hindu or Sikh community. The people actively
involved may be Hindus by religion, but were from lower section of society
who could easily be lured in lieu of a bottle of liquor and hundred rupees
with given assurances of their safety and allowed the loot, killing etc to
terrorize the Sikh community and keep them suppressed forever by ruling
party—the Congress.
I personally feel that the November 1984 was the worst period in
Indian history. The Sikh sentiments have not been understood and no
political party has tried to heel the wounds of the Sikh Community which
has been always on forefront to save the Nation.
I wish that an atmosphere of love and brotherhood should usher
again, the culprits should be punished and there should be a mechanism to
avoid such type of heinous incidents in future.
I congratulate Ajmer Singh Randhawa for his kind efforts to keep
aware the young generation about the worst past of our lives. We did
whatever we could to save precious lives but it becomes impossible for a
common person when our own government itself plans and organize a
genocide and than we feel helpless, mute spectators and regret whole life if
we do not stand watch guard of society and not come forward to help the
needful with our full might.

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 Let us hope a brighter tomorrow and see diversity in unity. The
founder of Sikh Guru-Guru Nanak ji also said---MANAS KEE JAAT
SABHAI EKAI PAHICHANBO !! means whole human race is one. So let
us begin with love by discarding hate for others in our life.
With best regards:-
- Rajiv Jayaswal
Delhi
(The author is a writer,
poet and social worker)

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 INTRODUCTION
The book in your hands is not written overnight but a result of my
hard research work of six years to find the facts behind pogrom of Delhi and
the Sikh genocide in 1984. It was not riots but an organized, well planned
massacre of Sikhs to keep them suppressed in future by the Government of
India under Indira Gandhi and the Congress.
You may feel mesmerized if you are told that Indira Gandhi herself
had planned the massacre of Sikhs all over India but it’s true. If she had not
been assassinated one week earlier, the reality would have come out itself
but it remained secret in government documents. The preparations made by
her, helped her successor and son Rajiv Gandhi, who was immediately
sworn in as next Prime minister of India to organize it as per plan though it
was one week earlier than scheduled. It was revealed first by a Sikh
historian Sangat Singh, a retired government officer in Delhi, not only he but
another historian Sh. Rajni Kothari too revealed the same. Cynthia Keepley
Mahmood also verified this truth and revealed the same so it can’t be ignored.
“Cynthia Keepley Mahmood, an Associate professor at the
University of Maine, US was told by a Sikh women, who had three close
family members in high position in government, that she was told to take her
children out of school and get them to a safe place well before the killing
began. She suspected that a plan to create communal violence had already
been planned to coincide with the birthday of Guru Nanak in the second
week but had been pushed forward to take advantage of conditions created
by Mrs. Gandhi’s assassination.”
Large scale Sikh genocide was being planned by the top layers of
government including Gandhi herself. The plan, known as Operation
Shanti, was to take place around November 8, as was a surprise attack on
Pakistan. Beant Singh, the man who assassinated Gandhi, heard of Operation
Shanti from R. K. Dhawan, Special Assistant to the Prime Minister and
decided to kill Gandhi. [Source: The Sikhs in History by Sangat Singh].
Indira Gandhi, in her war against the Sikhs, was not satisfied with
the result of Operation Blue Star, the Indian Army's attack on the Akal
Takhat with battle tanks, mountain guns and helicopter gunship, although
more than 5,000 innocent Sikh men, women and children perished in the
operation. A direct descendant of Ganga Dhar Kaul, alias Gangu Brahmin, a
cook employed in the household of Guru Gobind Singh, her vendetta
against the Sikhs was due to what her grandfather, Motilal Nehru, had told
to her father Jawaharlal Nehru. Motilal had justified the action of Gangu
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Brahmin in betraying Guru Gobind Singh's mother and his two young sons
to the Mughals because, in his opinion, Guru Gobind Singh's creation of the
Khalsa constituted a direct threat to Brahmanism.
"The Delhi violence was well planned and well organized. It would
have burst forth even if Indira Gandhi had been alive" ~ Economic and
Political Weekly. 8th December 1984;
"We shall kill all these Sikh bastards" ~ Indian police official
quoted in The Guardian. 6th December 1986.
For the details of Operation Shanti we are indebted to Dr. Sangat
Singh for exposing Indira Gandhi's venomous plan to wipe out all the Sikhs
from the face of India. Dr. Sangat Singh in his new book entitled, "The Sikhs
in History" writes at page 415:
Indira drew a diabolical plan, named 'Operation Shanti', to carry
out a general massacre of the Sikhs, of genocidal proportions, around
November 8, when the Sikhs would assemble in various Gurdwaras for
Guru Nanak's birthday celebrations;
“In October 1984, there was a massive deployment of army at the
border and war with Pakistan looked imminent. There was a rumor that the
Center had conceived a genocidal intention towards the Sikhs ----- the plan
was like this: large scale clashes would be raised all along the Punjab border
with Pakistan; it would be publicized that the Sikhs had revolted and joined
hands with the Pak forces, and then they would be slaughtered and bombed by
the Indian army and subjected to loot and massacre all over India.”
The Sikhs all over Punjab, especially in Gurdaspur, Amritsar,
Ferozepur, Kapurthala and Jalandhar districts were to be subjected to
massive aerial bombardment, apart from being slaughtered by army and
Para military forces. The Sikhs all over India were to be subjected to mass
scale massacre, loot, arson and incendiaries by lumping elements
organized by Youth Congress (I) activists. Elaborate preparations were
made by Youth Congress (I) network all over India; they were to await a
coded signal to start mayhem.
According to historian Rajni Kothari ‘Evidence from various
sources is mounting that soon after Operation Bluestar and the extremist
response thereto in parts of Punjab, a plan of retaliation by identifying Sikh
targets ranging from households to commercial establishments to
Gurudwaras had been undertaken including the planning of logistics and
the techniques to be employed”
The plan was discussed with certain army generals who advised
Indira against it. They pointed out that Nazis had used gas chambers to

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finish off the Jews, but had not been able to do so. And, her plan to finish off
the Sikhs in one go would only club her name with that of Hitler. But she
was unrelenting.
Indira was not receptive. In view of her nefarious Sikh genocidal
plan, she paid a sudden visit to Kashmir on October 27, when, however, she
got the omen of her imminent death. Back in New Delhi, the following day,
Nevertheless, one cannot lightly dismiss what P.C. Alexander, the principal
secretary of Indira Gandhi, has written in ‘My Years with Indira Gandhi’.
According to him, "she sent for Gen. Vaidya and asked him in my presence
about the preparedness of the Indian army in J & K to meet any unexpected
outbreak of trouble. General Vaidya assured her that the army was very well
prepared for any eventuality and there was no danger of it being taken
unaware by the Pakistanis.
After General Vaidya left, she asked me to remain in close contact
with Vice-President Venktaraman and apprise him of her concern at the
recent developments in Punjab and Kashmir. (Significantly the Sikh
President was to be kept out). She said that it would be helpful to keep him
fully informed of all the developments and get his views on them. I do not
know what prompted her to give me these instructions at that time………”
Indira wanted to involve Vice President from that very stage, as he
was to be the acting President once Operation Shanti was operative, and the
inconvenient Zail Singh was bumped off.
How much substance was there in this rumor cannot be stated for
sure, but as subsequent events have shown, there was certainly more to it than
meets the eye. It is a pointed to the genocidal intention of a despot in a hurry
Significantly, Zia ul Haq stated at Indira's funeral that it was with
great difficulty that he had been able to avert a war with India.
His then No. 2, Ghulam Ishaq Khan, after demitting the office of
President of Pakistan in July 1993, stated that Indira had planned to attack
Pakistan but was shot dead some ten days before the D-Day.
The omen of her imminent death weighed on Indira for the rest of
her four days of life. That was uppermost in her mind when she spoke of her
violent death at the public meeting at Bhubaneshwar on October 29. Later,
in the evening, she broached the subject with Orissa Governor, B. N.
Pandey, at the dinner table. The thought lingered on, as she returned to Delhi
on October 30th night but unlike Aurangzeb who was remorseful at the
"burden of sin" he was carrying, Indira, not being religious, was unrelenting.
Beant Singh, Sub-Inspector in Indira's security, got the outlines of
Indira's Sikh-genocidal plan from R. K. Dhawan, Special Assistant to Prime

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Minister, and decided to act to thwart it. He commissioned Satwant Singh to
assist him.
On October 31, 1984, at 9.00 a.m. Beant Singh with his service
revolver shot Indira in the abdomen five times. In less than a minute, at his
call, Satwant Singh emptied his automatic carbine in Indira's abdomen
region. Actually, one bullet in the head would have been sufficient. But
abdomen was chosen because, firstly, they had been assured that she would
not be wearing her bulletproof jacket, and secondly, they did not want to
hurt anyone else, which a shot at her head might have entailed.
Beant Singh had cautioned Satwant Singh to ensure that his friend
Dhawan was not hurt in the melee. Since that day, i had a question in my
mind, why no one else got any bullet injury as Indira was walking with five
other people including Dhawan? Dhawan is the person who knows more
than the truth revealed so far.
After shooting Indira, both threw down their weapons and Beant
Singh said, "I have done what I had to do. You do what you want to do"'
When they had emptied their firearms and surrendered, they were
taken to the sentry post at 1 Akbar Road, but why they were shot? Whether to
abolish all clues of involvement of others so that the secret behind this
murder remain a secret always?
This plan looks like with far greater proportions eventually
eliminating Sikhs from India. This is true democracy and Truth speak for
itself just imagine if this plan would have been carried after traumatic year
of 1984 same thing is planned here attack Sikhs on day Gurpurab same thing
in Bluestar. Wow! What a great Prime Minister Indira Gandhi was?
Indira would have been branded the most genocidal figure the day
humanity began, Operation Shanti shows even Hitler would be ashamed of
itself. No wonder Sikhs are sleeping and now wonder how many more
genocidal programs are planned against Sikhs.
If she would have not been assassinated, Sikhs would have
annihilated from this world.
By reading this one book you should realize that "Sikhs sailing on
ship where it can sink at any time."
Leveling Bhinderwale a terrorist, I don't know what Indira
would have been called in "Operation Shanti?”
Due to this episode or Drama of 1984 Sikh genocide and the one
which was to be staged on a large scale after one week of the death of the
shrewd politician Indira Gandhi, had she been alive. I fear there may not be
another massacre of Sikhs in future by government of India. So to avoid that
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i suggest the govt of India and my Sikh brothers that there must be one Sikh
representative in the peace talks in between India and Pakistan.
Whereas my assumptions reveal, i totally agree with this report
because there were no computers in India in general in 1984. The
miscreants were provided the copies of addresses of residences, business
establishment etc of Sikhs. It has been revealed several times. If the govt. of
India issues a circular confidentially to prepare the list of Sikh business
establishment and their residences over night, no official can get them
prepared, then to copy in thousands and send it to the high ups to distribute
within a few hrs or over night-impossible.
So how could these lists be prepared, copied and then sent to
congress offices, Municipal Counselor, MPs, MLAs etc? By having the
facility of computer, it is even not possible to carry out this work
confidentially as the news shall spread from one person to others. There are
thousands of Sikhs male/female deployed in government offices.
These preparations were going on for a long time after the
operation Blue star because since than Indira had realized her mistake to
attack on Golden temple and was in fear. That's why she instructed her son
Rajiv Gandhi and gave directions to take avenge from Sikhs if she gets
killed but when we see her dirty plan to kill the Sikhs and to defame them by
attacking Pakistan and bombarding the border districts to kill the innocents
and then to defame the whole Sikh community as traitor, Beant Singh and
Satwant Singh, rightly killed her. Thus he, not only saved thousands of
innocent lives but did not allow Indira to put a black spot of treachery on the
forehead of Sikhs.
Kihar Singh was innocent. He was falsely hanged by the wrong
verdict of the Supreme Court of India. he was charged of conspiracy and to
baptize Beant Singh into Sikhism by Amrit ritual at Gurudwara Bangla
Sahib. If this is the offense to get baptized through Amrit ritual, we all Sikhs
are guilty of that offense. Hang us all.
It clearly indicates that to carry out any dream plan to kill Sikhs and
then to blame Pakistan, (Operation Shanti) was accepted by Mrs. Gandhi.
She also kept on instructing Rajiv Gandhi about her death and the steps to be
taken after her death.
R K Dhawan, who is Punjabi and an advisor to Indira Gandhi, (as i
assume) certainly would have taken Beant Singh in confidence and leaked
this plan to him. That's why in a hurry, Beant Singh planned to kill Indira to
save Punjab and Sikhs, just one week before the expected attack. He
ensured that when killing Indira, no bullet should harm Dhawan. That was

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the reason that Beant Singh paid back his obligation?
These are only assumptions, i don't have any concrete evidence to
prove it, but to know the moves of your enemy, and you have to assume all
possibilities.
Thus no doubt is left that there was secret plan to kill Sikhs in 1984
on birth day of Guru Nanak Dev ji on 8th November 84.
These were the reasons that the Genocide of Sikhs in Delhi and all
over India could be organized as easily as government of India had fully
prepared itself. Though the preparations were arranged for 8th November,
just after one week but as Indira was killed, all the plan and preparations to
teach a lesson to Sikh community and suppress them forever in India, the
Congress cabinet (Ruling party) succeeded in her plan.
The genocide in major towns of India is well described in this book,
we tried to collect every information from people’s own eye witnesses
accounts, websites and the writings of historians and the books revealing
truth on this backstabbing to Sikh community by their most trusted
brotherly community for centuries with whom they had shared mutual
bonds of living together in a society. The trust was shattered immediately
and Sikh community separated itself from bonds of Hinduism.
We hope the new Sikh generation will not only come to know the
truthful account but also become part of it when they will feel betrayed by
this nation. Our leaders gave their consent to join India without having any
assurances in writing. We had the option to build our own nation or join
India or Pakistan. Pakistan had given assurance of 60%-40% share in all the
government and private jobs, assembly seats etc but the stupid, blind Sikh
leaders handed over the fate of sikh nation to Brahmins who have the
animosity with Sikhs since the time of Guru Nanak Dev ji.
The ruler Brahmins did the same what their ancestors did with Sikh
nation; we tried to explain what Sikh community faced in those three days
of horror when our own elected government in a democratic nation became
blood thirsty. It proved how the minorities could be unsafe ruled by a
majority in cover of democracy.
Please go through.

Ajmer Singh Randhawa

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 Index
Page no.
Few words on Sikh genocide 1-5
Chapter-1 ................................................................................... 6 - 13
Assassination of Indira Gandhi
Thakkar commission on probe death of Indira

Chapter -2 ................................................................................... 14 - 17
Brief introduction, (Satwant Singh and Kihar Singh)
Dedication of Bibi Surinder Kaur fiancée of Satwant Singh

Chapter -3 ................................................................................... 18 - 22
Disgusting attempt of Congress to avenge death of Indira

Chapter -4 ................................................................................... 23 - 28
The atrocities continued against Sikhs
MP Tarlochan Singh alleged Rajiv and Amitabh in Parliament
Mrs. Pratibha Patil

Chapter -5 ................................................................................... 29 - 32
The tales of tyrannies by Indira

Chapter -6 ................................................................................... 33 - 43
They took their time to kill between meals
1984 Sikh riots by Rahul Bedi and Joseph Mallikan
Baba Kartar Singh, DamdamiTaksal clashed with Indira
Was it a riot or a pogrom
Report by Tavleen Singh

Chapter -7 ................................................................................... 44 - 83
Sikh genocide, paralyzed administration. Incompetent Delhi Police
Questions by Justice RS Narula
List of tainted Police officers

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 Role of Police in Delhi
Usage of Chemical substance White Phosphorous to kill Sikhs

Chapter -8 ................................................................................... 84 - 103

Silence of Supreme Court of India
From the statement of Subhash Tandon
Statement before Nanawati commission
Home Minister Narsimharao hid like a rat
Set Up of Probe commissions
Interview of Delhi LG Padmakar Gawai
Nehru family history
Plan Operation Shanti to eliminate Sikhs

Chapter -9 ................................................................................ 104 - 114

BJP/RSS role in Sikh genocide
Letter of RSS top brass leader Nanaji Deshmukh

Chapter -10 ................................................................................ 115 - 120

The last meeting with Satwant Singh by his Advocate
Interview of Bimal Kaur Khalsa w/o Beant Singh

Chapter -11 ................................................................................ 121 - 200

Role of PM Rajiv Gandhi in Sikh genocide
Secret of script on demanding blood by Amitabh Bacchan
Role of Narsimharao, then Home Minister of India
Role of Hari Kishan Lal Bhagat
Sheila Barske revealed agony of victims
Role of Kamal Nath
Role of Amitabh Bacchan, the angry cine star of India
Justice Narula questions on role of Amitabh Bacchan
Protest against Amitabh Bacchan in Britain
Bajrang Singh-the savior of Sikhs
Ved Prakash jaiswal- savior of Sikhs
Role of Sajjan Kumar

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 Sagarpur massacre of a Sikh family
Role of Jagdish tytler
Role of Bhajan Lal, CM Hariana
Role of Lalit Makan
Role of Arjan Das
Role of Dharam Das Shastri

Chapter -12 .............................................................................. 201 - 216

Sikh genocide in Bidar, Karnatka
Lessons from Bidar by Kuldip Nayar

Chapter -13 .............................................................................. 217 - 239

Pogrom in Kanpur
First person account on massacre of Sikhs

Chapter -14 .............................................................................. 240 - 244

Sikh genocide in Indore

Chapter -15 .............................................................................. 245 - 253

Who betrayed Sikhs or Indira/congress
Rajiv Gandhi on Delhi Pogrom
Comparison in Rajiv and Zia-Ul-Haq

Chapter -16 .............................................................................. 254 - 275

Letter to President by Harjinder Jinda and Sukhdev Singh
Failure of Amnesty international
Human Rights Watch

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 Few words on Sikh genocide 1984.

This month light a candle in your window. And whisper a silent

prayer in memory of more than 4,000 Sikh men, women and children
slaughtered by Congress hoodlums 30 years ago. In Delhi alone, 2,733
Sikhs were burned alive, butchered or beaten to death.
Women were raped while their terrified families pleaded for mercy,
little or none of which was shown by the Congress flag-bearers. In one of the
numerous such incidents, a woman was gang-raped in front of her 17-year-
old son; before leaving, the marauders torched the boy.
For three days and nights the killing and pillaging continued
without the police, the civil administration and the Union government,
which was then in direct charge of Delhi, lifting a finger in admonishment.
The Congress was in power, and senior Congress leaders, perhaps for the
first time in their political careers, led from the front while the prime
minister, his home minister, indeed the entire council of ministers, twiddled
their thumbs.
Even as stray dogs gorged on rotting human entrails, gutters were
clogged with charred corpses and wailing women, clutching children too
frightened to cry, fled baying mobs armed with iron rods, staves and gallons
of kerosene, All India Radio and Doordarshan kept on broadcasting blood-
curdling slogans of 'Khoon ka badla khoon se lenge' (We shall avenge blood
with blood) raised by Congress party workers grieving over their dear
departed leader, India Gandhi.
Rajiv Gandhi, having ensconced himself as prime minister, later
sought to justify the terror unleashed by his party. Addressing a rally at
Delhi's Boat Club to celebrate his mother's birth anniversary, he thundered:

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'When a big tree falls, the earth will shake.' And shake it did!
In mid-morning on October 31, 1984, Indira Gandhi was
assassinated by two Sikh guards posted at her home. The assassins, Satwant
Singh and Beant Singh, later said they had killed the prime minister to
avenge the Indian Army's assault on the Golden Temple -- Operation
Bluestar -- at her explicit instruction on June 5 that year. Beant Singh was
killed by the Indo Tibetan Border Police soon after Indira Gandhi's
assassination. Satwant Singh and an alleged accomplice, Kehar Singh,
against whom there was thin evidence, were executed for the crime.
Indira Gandhi's death was officially confirmed by All India Radio
and Doordarshan at 2.20 pm, after due diligence had been exercised to
ensure Rajiv Gandhi's succession. By then, stray incidents of violence
against Sikhs, including the stoning of President Zail Singh's car, had
started trickling in at various police stations.
That night, the Congress party machinery went into a rumor-
mongering overdrive: in colony after colony (Delhi, the seat of India's
colonial rulers, is a sprawling conglomerate of 'colonies,' some up-market,
most little more than shanty towns), rumours spread like wildfire,
describing in graphic details how 'Sikhs were distributing sweets to
celebrate Indira Gandhi's assassination,' how 'gurdwaras had been lit up as
if it were Diwali,' and, how 'Sikh terrorists had infiltrated the city.'
By the morning of November 1, hordes of men, shouting Congress
slogans, had started running riot in south, east and west Delhi. They were
armed with iron rods and carried old Tyres and jerry cans filled with
kerosene and petrol. Owners of gas stations and kerosene stores,
beneficiaries of Congress largesse, provided petrol and kerosene free of
cost. Some of the men went around on scooters and motorcycles, marking
Sikh houses and business establishments with chalk for easy identification.
They had been provided with electoral rolls by their political masters to
make the task easier.
By late afternoon that day, hundreds of taxis, trucks and shops
owned by Sikhs had been set ablaze. By early evening, the killing, loot and
rape began in right earnest. The worst butchery took place in Block 32 of
Trilokpuri, a resettlement colony in east Delhi. Scores of families were
killed over November 1 and 2: most of them were dispatched by putting
burning tyres around theirs necks.
The pogrom continued with the active abetment of the police. On
November 1, some residents of Lajpat Nagar took out a peace march to
thwart the violence. The police stopped the march because the participants
did not have 'official permission.' In many places, police asked Sikhs to
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hand over their kirpans, took them away forcibly if the Sikhs refused, before
the marauders descended upon them.
To prevent Sikhs from taking refuge in gurdwaras, most of Delhi's
450 gurdwaras were sacked in the early hours of the violence. The
expedient means of setting houses ablaze was used to get at Sikh families
who had taken refuge on the roofs of their homes. Entire families were
roasted alive.
A sort-of curfew was imposed in south and central Delhi at 4 pm on
November 1. But no action was taken in east and west Delhi and the
outlying area of Palam where the massacre of Sikhs was being carried out
with macabre ferocity and astounding impunity. Curfew was imposed in
east and west Delhi at 6 pm, ensuring that the killers had an extra four hours.
P V Narasimha Rao, who was the home minister and responsible
for maintaining law and order in Delhi during those dark days, was fully
aware of what was happening. But he chose not to deploy the army in time
which could have prevented the pogrom. In his affidavit submitted to the G
T Nanavati Commission, inquiring into the pogrom, Lieutenant General
Jagjit Singh Aurora, much decorated hero of the 1971 war, has said, 'The
home minister was grossly negligent in his approach, which clearly
reflected his connivance with perpetrators of the heinous crimes being
committed against the Sikhs.'
The army was alerted at 2.30 pm on November 1; when the General
Officer Commanding went to meet the lieutenant governor for orders, he
was kept waiting for an hour. The first deployment of army jawans took
place around 6 pm on November 1 in south and central Delhi, which were
comparatively unaffected, but in the absence of navigators which should
have been provided by the police and the civil authorities, the jawans found
themselves lost in unfamiliar roads and avenues. The army was deployed in
east and west Delhi in the afternoon of November 2. But, here, too, jawans
were at a loss because there were no navigators to show them the way
through Byzantine lanes.
In any event, there was little the army could have done: magistrates
were 'not available' to give permission to the jawans to fire on the mobs.
This mandatory requirement was kept pending till Indira Gandhi's funeral
was over. By then, 1,026 Sikhs had been killed in east Delhi, the majority of
the dead were residents of Block 32 in Trilokpuri.
The slaughter was not limited to Delhi. Sikhs were killed in
Gurgaon, Kanpur, Bokaro, Indore and many other towns and cities across
India. In a replay of the blood-letting in Delhi, 26 Sikh jawans and officers
of the Indian Army were pulled out of trains and killed. There has been no
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effort to compute the death toll in these places, but the most conservative
estimates have placed it at 2,000.
After quenching their thirst for blood, the brave leaders of the
Congress and their foot soldiers retreated to savour their deeds of revenge.
The flames died, the smoke from smouldering shops and homes lifted and
the winter air blew away the stench of death. Rajiv Gandhi's government, in
a casual aside, issued an official statement placing the death toll at 425.
There were demands for a judicial inquiry to fix responsibility and
add up the casualties. Rajiv Gandhi stonewalled these demands. Human
rights organizations petitioned the courts. Rajiv Gandhi's government
declared that courts were not empowered to order inquiries.
Meanwhile, Rajiv Gandhi dissolved the Lok Sabha and went for an
early general election. The Congress launched a vitriolic hate campaign
through advertisements and posters ('Can you trust a Sikh taxi driver?'). In
Rajiv Gandhi's constituency, Congress party workers raised a rather telling
slogan against his opponent and sister-in-law, Maneka Gandhi: 'Beti hai
Sardar ki, qaum hai gaddar ki' (She is the daughter of a Sikh, a community of
traitors).
Rajiv Gandhi rode the crest of a gigantic 'sympathy wave.' The
Congress won 401 seats in the Lok Sabha. The BJP was reduced to two
seats, punished for sympathising with the Sikhs.
By 1985, Punjab was fast slipping into a bottomless spiral of
secessionist violence and Rajiv Gandhi was desperate to show a
breakthrough. He mollycoddled Akali leader Sant Harchand Singh
Longowal into agreeing to sign a peace accord with him. Sant Longowal
listed a set of pre-conditions; one of them was the setting up of a judicial
inquiry into the anti-Sikh pogrom. Political expediency made Rajiv Gandhi
concede this and other demands (it is another matter that the accord
foundered and Sant Longowal was assassinated by terrorists).
Thus was born the Ranganath Mishra Commission that shall
remain known forever for white-washing official complicity and political
patronage without which the slaughter of Sikhs would not have been
possible. Submissions and affidavits were surreptitiously passed on to those
accused of leading the mobs to facilitate their defense. Some of these
documents were later recovered from the house of Sajjan Kumar, one of the
Congress leaders who had been accused by victims in their signed
affidavits. Gag orders were issued, preventing the press from reporting in-
camera proceedings of the Commission.
For full six months, Rajiv Gandhi refused to make public the

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Ranganath Mishra Commission's report. When it was tabled in Parliament,
the report was found to be an amazing travesty of the truth, an exercise that
was dedicated to drawing a bizarre distinction between Congress party
workers and the Congress party -- the former were guilty, but not the latter;
no responsibility was fixed nor were the guilty named.
Subsequently, three other committees were set up: the Jain-Banerji
Committee to find out why cases were not registered by the police and, if
registered, why was it not done properly; the Kapoor-Mittal Committee to
look into the role of the police; and, the Ahuja Committee to compute the
number of deaths. The findings of the first two committees are gathering
dust in some corner of South Block.
The key finding of the Ahuja Committee is of relevance -- a total of
2,733 Sikhs were killed in Delhi. There is no record of an apology being
offered by either Rajiv Gandhi or his government for placing the death toll
at 425, leave alone for their description of the BJP as 'anti-national' because
it had placed the figure at 2,800.
In these 20 years, nine commissions and committees have been set
up to look into different aspects of the anti-Sikh pogrom. Much bluster has
been heard about bringing the guilty to book. What we have seen is inertia,
political intervention and tardy prosecution. Overwhelming evidence
against Sajjan Kumar, Jagdish Tytler and H K L Bhagat has been set aside
by skulduggery and gerrymandering.
Two thousand seven hundred and thirty-three men, women and
children killed in Delhi, another 2,000 killed in other towns and cities,
scores of women raped, property worth crores of rupees looted or sacked.
Families devastated forever, survivors scarred for the rest of their lives.
After 30 years, all that we have to show as justice being done is the
conviction of six men, who did not have the requisite financial or political
clout to manipulate their way to freedom and are serving sentence for
'murder.'
Sajjan Kumar is back in business as a Congress member of the Lok
Sabha; Jagdish Tytler is minister for NRI affairs in the UPA government.
Courtesy :- Charanjit Singh Bal

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 Chapter-1
Assassination of Indira Gandhi
Radio BBC announced in news on 31st October 1984 that Indira
was no more; she had been assassinated by her two Sikh body guards and
a clean shaved person to-day in the morning in a shoot out at her
residence.
It was easy to know that there were two Sikhs in her assassination
but the Indian security agencies are silent till date about the identity of this
third clean shaved person?
The Indian embassies all over the world were informed by a telex
message at 11.00 am that two Sikhs and a clean shaved person was involved
in assassination of Indira Gandhi. The identity of these two Sikh persons
was disclosed but who was that third person? Why any official information
of his identity is never revealed? This question was raised at number one in
its list of questionnaire, consisting 38 questions sent to Nanavati
commission formed officially on 08-05-2000 to probe on Sikh riots by
former justice R S Narula of Punjab and Haryana High Court.
Both these Sikh body guards were Beant Singh and Satwant Singh.
Both were from Delhi police. Beant Singh was a Sub-Inspector and he was
appointed in security staff of Indira Gandhi since 1980. Satwant Singh was
a new recruit. And only a few days ago, he was transferred in the security
staff of Indira Gandhi. Beant Singh shot from his service revolver whereas
Satwant Singh fired from his carbine. There is not any oficial information
available on this third person involved in assassination.

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 Indira Gandhi, Prime Minister of India 1917-1984;
As daughter of Jawaharlal Nehru, India's first Prime Minister, politics was always a part
of Indira Gandhi's world. After he father's death, Indira was elected as India's third Prime
Minister. As the leader of the world's most populous democracy, Indira became an
influential figure of Indian woman, as well as for others around the world. India continued
many of her father's policies such as pressing for land reform and the nationalization of
banks. However India endured great economic trouble during this time Political opponents
were jailed and the press censored. In 1977, she lost her election and faced charges of
corruption. Expelled from Parliament, and briefly jailed. She reorganized her party and won
election as Prime Minister in 1980. Sadly in 1984, she was assassinated by three of her body
guards.
“If I die a violent death, as some fear and a few are plotting. I know that the violence will be
in the thought and the action of the assassins, not in my dying.”
Indira Gandhi

We found one more evidence in a website …….

http://womansavers.com/women-who-changed-history.asp
It also reveals that there were three assassins who killed Indira
Gandhi and all these three were her bodyguards.
After killing Indira Gandhi on the spot, both these assassins handed over
themselves to other security staff personals on duty. They were then taken
into custody by ITBP (INDO TIBETAN BORDER POLICE) personals.
Without any protest, both of them surrendered and spoke in a loud voice …”
we have done whatever we wanted to do, now you do whatever you
want to do”. But the ITBP staff lost their patience on looking Indira fallen
on ground and in a pool of blood, they opened fire on both of these unarmed
men who were in their custody. Beant Singh was killed on the spot whereas
Satwant Singh received bullets in his backbone and was seriously injured
but alive. They were actually killed to wipe out the evidences of
involvement of other influential persons in this assassination, the third
clean shaven person was given the opportunity to run away or killed on spot,
his identity, his where about never revealed, no information provided so far
if he is live or dead.
So far his identity is not disclosed.
A former President of USA—the John F. Kennedy was
assassinated on November 22, 1963, in Dallas, Texas. Lee Harvey Oswald
arrested that evening, was accused of the crime but was shot and killed by
Jack Ruby two days later, before a trial could take place. The FBI and the
Warren Commission officially concluded that Oswald was the lone
assassin. However, the United States House Select Committee on
Assassinations (HSCA) concluded that those investigations were flawed
and that Kennedy was probably assassinated as the result of a conspiracy.
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Thus all the hooks of the chain of evidences in assassination were wiped out.
Indira Gandhi was herself master to wipe out evidences. Once she
called the main branch of State Bank of India at Parliament Street in Delhi.
The call was made to the Chief cashier Mr. Malhotra. He was asked to pay
Rs. 50 lacs (Five million) at once without completion of any formality. He
was also informed of a person who was to visit there and to collect the
money. He was Major Nagarwala. He arrived, collected the said amount and
left.
Now this Major Nagarwala had disappeared. When Indira didn't
receive the cash, she called again and when she was informed of the person
had collected money. She disconnected the phone. Now a FIR was lodged in
police, when she was asked if she had demanded the money, as per the
expectations, she refused of having any such information or of any such
demand of money or to made any call to bank. Now police begun in search
of Major Nagarwala.
It was alleged that somebody practiced to speak in her voice and
he/she has cheated the bank.
After the search of few days, Major Nagarwala was arrested. He
had hidden some money in a spare Tyre of a scooter whereas he had no
scooter. He was tortured, ultimately due to torture of police one day he
wished to record his statement in the Court next day but unfortunately he
had a cardiac arrest on the same night and died. His statement could never be
recorded. He was killed in Police Lock-up.
The investigation of this case was given to a Sub-inspector DD
Kashyap. After a few days, his motor cycle was collided with his
departmental jeep and he died in this accident.
The driver of this said police Jeep was also died after a few days,
thus all the chain evidences were destroyed. Now there was nothing to held
Indira guilty of her involvement in this scandal. So the Indian National
Congress was fully aware of this game to wipe out chain of evidences.
Hence an attempt was made on lives of both assassinators of Indira
Gandhi to wipe out the involvement of others or any influential person.
Beant Singh was martyred on the spot but Satwant Singh was seriously
injured but alive. Police couldn't get much information from him as he was
only provoked by Beant Singh and was not a main organizer in this
assassination.
Indira Gandhi was very upset in her last four days of her life. She
was feared of her death. This is evident from her last speech given in
Bhuvneshwar (Odissa). And then she feared the same with the Governer BN

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Pande in her supper hosted in her honor. All these thoughts kept on swirling
in her mind until she didn't come back to Delhi on 30th October. She was not
a religious lady so she couldn't regret on her wrong deeds.
She had appointed her loyal officers on higher posts in
administration and in police. She prepared a diabolical plan to eliminate
Sikhs in India with the help of these loyal officers appointed by her. She had
come to know that Sikhs are very religious people and they give a higher
importance to religion in their life. She had already experienced this by
army attack on the sanctum sactorum place of Sikh religion in early June the
same year on martyrdom day of fifth Guru of Sikh religion. She knew Sikhs
pay a visit to Gurudwaras with their families on the important days of Sikh
faith and are generally unarmed and negligent, careless of any attack upon
them. They generally keep their traditional weapons at home and could
easily be targeted and killed, they shall not be able to retaliate. So she
drafted a dangerous plan (Code name-Operation Shanti) to kill Sikhs on
coming birth day of founder of Sikh religion—Guru Nanak Dev ji which
was falling on 8th November in 1984.
According to this plan, the border districts of Gurdaspur, Amritsar,
Batala, Sri Ganganagar etc. the Sikh dominated areas were to be hit by air
strikes of Indian Air Force and she could hit two targets with one arrow, the
false propaganda department of India– the All India Radio and the Door
Darshan TV Channel had to air the news of attack by Pakistan and then to
provoke Hindus that Sikhs have supported Pakistan and are favoring this
attack. And then the murders of Sikhs in every village and town of India
were to be started.
Beant Singh, who was a sub-inspector in Delhi Police and was
posted in security staff of Indira Gandhi, somehow came to know about this
dangerous plan. To save the Sikhs from defamation and black-spot of
treachery on the forehead of Sikh nation, he decided to destroy the root
cause. To fail this plan, he took Satwant Singh in his plan.
On 31st October at 8.30 in the morning, Beant Singh pumped his all
the six bullets in the abdomen of Indira Gandhi and then ordered Satwant
Singh to open fire. He too emptied the magazine of his service weapon and
pumped all the 28 bullets in the chest and abdomen of Indira leaving no
chance of her survival. Though only one bullet could be sufficient to take
her life if aimed at her head but she was being followed by 5-6 persons and
they didn't want to take life of any other innocent person as the fire could
miss the target and hit someone else. Therefore they pumped all the bullets
in her chest and abdomen only. They were sure that Indira might be without
her bullet proof jacket on that day. Satwant Singh had already been given
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instructions by Beant Singh to be careful as no bullet should hit Dhawan as
he was his close friend. Dhawan was also walking with Indira on that day.
This was the only reason as no other person was hit in this firing other then a
police officer who received bullets as he tried to save Indira who was
following her. This precaution was taken by both these brave men.
After firing on Indira and killing her, they threw away their empty
weapons and shouted loudly, “we have done whatever we wanted to do,
now you do whatever you want to”.
The BBC correspondent Satish Jacob was on his way, it was only
co-incidence that he passed though Safdarjang Road in front of Indira's
residence that day, he noticed some unfamiliar movements that day. He saw
an Ambassador Car moved fast from the gate and he could only see the face
of Indira lying in the Car and Sonia Gandhi holding her. He immediately
turned his scooter and chased the car. The fast moving car then entered in All
India Medical Institute. By the time Jacob could reach there, she had
already been taken to operation theater. Now he used his sharp brain of an
investigative reporter and shot an arrow in dark by asking the attendant
there, “How is she now? Is she alright?” He got a prompt reply as expected,
“ She is not fine, she has received bullets”.
By getting this news, he immediately booked a trunk call to his
London office and requested the operator to connect soon. He also gave his
identity as a Press reporter and requested for an urgent call. His request was
accepted and connected to his London office. He forwarded the whole
information to BBC office which immediately aired it on Radio and its TV
Channels.
On that day, Peter Ustinov was there at 8.30 in the morning to shoot
a documentary film on Indira Gandhi, he was given the time t 8.30 am.
Indira had begun to dress up before his visit. Her hair designer Kishan
Nigam was already present in her dressing room. But soon a message sent
by Peter Ustinov was received that his time of appointment may be delayed
as his staff had not arrived. It was re-scheduled to 9.20 am.
Now at this given time at 9.20 A M.
Indira moved out of her residence and walked towards her office in
adjoining building 1, Akbar road which was connected through a small gate
from her residence. Satwant Singh was on guard duty (Saintry duty) at that
gate on that day, Beant Singh too had managed to shift his duty at the same
gate on that day. Both were on their duty there, on that day.
As Indira Gandhi approached at the gate, Beant Singh took out his
service revolver and took her on it's aim. She was amused and asked him,

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“Beant what are you doing?” instead of any answer Beant Singh fired from
his service revolver and pumped all six bullets in her abdomen. Then he
shout and ordered Satwant Singh to open fire. He too opened fire from his
service weapon and pierced the abdomen and chest of Indira by inserting all
the 28 bullets from his service weapon. It was like he was mesmerized and
obeyed blindly the orders of Beant singh.
Here peter Ustinov also comes under doubts. Whether his request
to postpone the time of shooting was just a co-incidence or preplanned as
part of game? So far no evidence is found to establish his involvement.
Both the assassins then surrendered themselves to the other guards
presented there on duty after they had killed Indira and threw away their
empty weapons. An attempt on their lives was also made by security staff by
firing on these unarmed captives who were already in their custody. Both of
them received bullet shots. Beant Singh got martyred on the spot whereas
Satwant Singh was seriously injured. Though he was treated at All India
Medical Institute but doctors deliberately left a bullet in his back-bone
which always teased him. Neither he could sleep well nor he could walk
easily. One day when all his requests to remove the bullet were turned
down and he couldn't bear the pain. He inserted his finger in the wound
and took out that bullet himself. Doctors were amazed to see his
courage.
Thakkar commission on probe death of Indira
Gandhi;
Justice M P Thakkar, a sitting judge of the Supreme Court was
appointed as Commission of Inquiry on 20th November 1984 to inquire into
Indira Gandhi's assassination on 31st October. He submitted an Interim
Report on 19 November 1985 and a Final Report on 27 February 1986. Both
were tabled in Parliament on 27 March 1989 with an Action Taken Report.
The Annexures have not been published. Some 214 of the 312 pages of the
Final Report dealt with the late P M's Special Assistant, R K Dhawan,
implicating him with a wealth of metaphors - "Needle of suspicion" et. al.
While the report was under wraps, Dhawan, who had been edged
out on 2 January 1985, was brought back in the PM's office by Rajiv Gandhi
on 18 February 1989. Even after the publication of the report, Rajiv had no
qualms about alleging on 4 April 1989:
"All those who are now talking about her safety are those who had
conspired in attempts at her life in earlier days", a lie which even the
disgraceful Thakkar Report did not support.
Spread all over Thakkar J's Interim Report is his distrust of the
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Sikhs. Operation Blue Star had created resentment "in the Sikh community
including elements which were considered "moderate" (p.11). The
implications are laid bare as the Report continues: "If a Sikh guard of the
Central Cabinet Minister could become disloyal and engage himself in
terrorist and anti-national activities, so could a Sikh security guard at the
PM House" (pp. 44 and 59). One of the hijackers of an Indian Airlines plane
was a police constable who had been deputed for guard duty at Law
Minister J N Kaushal's residence in Chandigarh.
Thakkar J ended by finding 21 officials remiss in the discharge of
their duties reflecting "failure on the part of almost every one, at all levels, in
the security set up, with perhaps no honourable exception".
The Thakkar Report indicates its target at the very outset. It is R K
Dhawan. After recording that it would proceed on the basis that Beant Singh
and Satwant Singh were the ones who fired the fatal shots at the late PM, it
says, in the very next para, that "there are reasonable grounds to suspect the
involvement of Shri R K Dhawan". His profile is sketched. Newspapers and
magazine articles are quoted on his clout.
As the Report wends its way, the "reasonable grounds" (p. 27) are
elaborated into as many as 25 "suspicion indicators" (p. 36). They firm up to
"an unwavering finger of guilt at the complicity or involvement of Dhawan
in the crime" (p. 49). If one circumstance "emits a signal of suspicion" (p.
72), another forms "a spoke in the wheel of suspicion" (p. 76). There is "an
accusing finger" at one place (p. 86) and "the cloud of suspicion" (p. 92) at
another. The CIA is not neglected. "The suspicion arises whether Dhawan
was close to some one having close clandestine connection with the
American Intelligence Agency CIA" (p. 111). Finally, there is no escape
from the conclusion that there are weighty reasons to suspect the complicity
or involvement of Shri Dhawan in the crime" (p. 126).
These findings were submitted to Rajiv Gandhi on 27 February
1986. On 18 February 1989, he reinducted Dhawan into his office, ending
his four years' exile. It was this which led some one to leak the secret Report
and expose Rajiv's duplicity. A judicial verdict had been procured to damn
Dhawan, only to be discarded later. The ATR explained that the Special
Investigation Team had concluded that Dhawan "had no hand in the
conspiracy for the assassination" of Indira Gandhi. But until Rajiv's hands
were forced, the censures of Thakkar as well as the "exoneration" by SIT
were kept secret.
R K Dhawan has acquired deserved notoriety as a singularly
revolting operator. But he was faithful to Indira Gandhi like a dog; albeit not
without a keen eye for the bones he could pick up. Not even a fool could
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suspect him of complicity in the crime. Justice Thakkar was no fool, either.
Surely if he was right in his censure on Dhawan, as the brain behind the
crime, Kehar Singh's execution was a monstrous wrong. (It is another
matter that his conviction was wrong on other grounds also as the late H M
Seervai ably demonstrated). If the Judge could be so wildly wrong while
serving on a Commission of Inquiry, what must have been the quality of
justice he dispensed from the Bench?
Ritu Saran's book The Assassination of Indira Gandhi, based on
hundreds of interviews and official documents, explains why Thakkar
believed as he did. "It was not as if Justice Thakkar was working in
isolation. The Commission was born out of political necessity and the judge
heading it was never short of advice. He was in regular contact with Arun
Singh and Arun Nehru, the two closest confidants of Rajiv Gandhi even
when Indira Gandhi was alive".
Thakkar J held consultations with Arun Singh "almost every other
day". He also "frequently met Arun Nehru as well as two men who had been
close to Indira Gandhi, her principal Secretary, P C Alexander, and a senior
member of her Secretariat, V S Tripathi. In course of time, the Thakkar
Commission became something of a political exercise, susceptible to
palace intrigues and internecine manoeuvring"
The shoddy product reflected the perverted process. The aftermath
was as bizarre. The SIT was asked to wind up by March 1989. Publication of
the Thakkar Report led to its revival and the filing of a second charge sheet,
on 7 April, implicating, among others, Simranjit Singh Mann. On 28
November 1989 as electoral debacle stared him in the face, Rajiv Gandhi
ordered its withdrawal.
Mann became an MP. Dhawan became a Union Minister and is now
a member of the Congress Working Committee. So much for the sanctity of
Reports of Commissions of Inquiry. The Thakkar episode reveals the depths
to which proximity claims to power can drag a judge. He readily becomes
assassin of character. All rules of evidence are flouted. Thakkar's claims
were not overlooked on his retirement. He was made chairman of the Law
Commission.
Ritu Saran writes: "A myth exploded by the Indira Gandhi
assassination was about the independence of the India Judiciary... The
contents of the report showed that from its very inception the entire
investigation was compromised by the coterie of politicians surrounding
the Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi... The Thakkar Commission episode will
remain a permanent pointer towards the pliability of even the higher
echelons of judiciary in the hands of the party in power."
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 Chapter-2

The bullet then was sent to his home by Satwant Singh which
is kept as a memoire of brave man.
The brave Satwant Singh never pleaded mercy in any court of law
or from President of India. In a statement given in court, he said valiantly
that if he is given hundred more births, he will be happy to die gracefully by
avenging the attack on sanctum sactorum of his Sikh religion by killing the
person responsible for attack. He was executed on 6th January 1989 at Tihar
jail along with another Sikh Inspector Kihar singh who was also executed
on charges of conspiracy. In fact Kihar Singh was innocent and had no role
in conspiracy or the assassination of Indira Gandhi. He was just framed on a
fabricated story of conspiracy by Police. He was friend of Beant Singh and a
religious Sikh. He encouraged Beant Singh to initiate into Khalsa by taking
Amrit at Gurudwara Bangla Sahib and he accompanied him in this
ceremony. He was punished for encouraging Beant Singh to be a
Khalsa.
THE DEDICATION OF BIBI SURINDER KAUR
Bhai Satwant Singh was kept in Tihar jail in Delhi. His family and
his fiancée, Bibi Surinder kaur were only allowed to meet him 3 times. The
bullet near his spine was still causing him great pain. The authorities would
not allow doctors to see him. So one day he used his own finger nail to cut
his skin and remove the bullet. After the bullet was removed, he regained his
health and was in a state of Chardi Kala (High spirit).
The authorities witnessing his better health and shining face,
thought of new methods to affect him and his family. They stopped his
fiancée from visiting him, stating that she can only visit once they have
married. Bibi Surinder Kaur decided she would marry a photo of Satwant
Singh, so that they could not use this excuse. Their relatives were unhappy
with this decision. Bhai Satwant Singh`s father, Sardar Tarlok Singh stated,
“Dear daughter, we will marry you to our youngest son Swaran Singh. The
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Khalsa Panth has had to deal with this brutal Indian Government. How can
you ever expect any justice from such a brutal regime? Even courts are just
pawns in the hands of Rajiv Gandhi. There is no hope that Satwant Singh
will ever be free!”
Bibi Surinder kaur replied, “Bapu ji, a woman only ever loves one
man. I have already accepted Satwant Singh as my beloved husband. He is
my husband, and I am his wife. That is how it shall remain. The brother of
Satwant Singh, will be my brother.”
Bibi Surinder kaur`s father, Sardar Virsa Singh said, “Daughter, if
you do not change your decision to marry the photo of Satwant Singh, then I
will commit suicide by taking poison!”
Bibi Surinder Kaur replied, “Dear Father ji ! Gurbani states,
MARAN LIKHAYE MANDAL MAHE AAYE !, every person has their
death written by Akaal Purkh Waheguru before they are born on this earth.
Waheguru has already written your last breath, and in the same way the
decision on my marriage to Satwant Singh cannot change either. If it is
written that he is going to die by hanging, then that will happen also. I am
ready to face whatever comes my way in the future. Until my last breath, I
will never let any stain come on respect due to the dastaar of Satwant Singh,
your dastaar father, and the dastaar of my father-in-law.”
It was now the year 1988, the role of Siri Akal Thakht Jathedar was
held by the dubious Jasvir Singh Rode. Due to the fact that Bibi Surinder
Kaur would not change her mind to marry the photo of Satwant Singh, both
families decided to take her to the Jathedar so he could convince her. Jasvir
Singh said to her, “Bibi, do not rush to make such a big decision. There is no
hope that the authorities will not give Satwant Singh a sentence of hanging.
So do not make such a big life decision, without thinking it through…”
Bibi Surinder Kaur replied, "Dear Father ji, Gurbani
states....MARAN LIKHAYE MANDAL MAHE AAYE !!....... The
authorities will give Satwant Singh the hangmans noose. Both our families
had decided to marry me and Satwant Singh. Due to Satwant Singh not
getting holidays, the wedding was delayed at the last moment. However if
Satwant Singh killed Indira Gandhi after our marriage, then he would have
been sentenced to hanging as well. I, as Satwant Singhs wife would have
had to see every hard time in the future. My husband, Satwant Singh did a
Great and brave task! The integrity of the Sikh Nation, its dastaar, was
ripped off by Indira Gandhi and she stamped on it with her feet in June 1984.
My husband took the dastaar of the Sikh Nation and replaced it on its head.
Even in my worst dreams, I could never turn my back on such a Great man.
It can never happen! I have accepted Satwant Singh as my husband. I will
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never let a stain come on his Dastaar. I will spend my whole life as the
widow of Satwant Singh!”
Akal Thakht Jathedar Jasvir Singh Rode said to both fathers of
Satwant Singh and Bibi Surinder Kaur, that due to the strength of will of
Bibi Surinder kaur, we should allow her to marry the photo of Satwant
Singh, in the presence of Siri Guru Granth Sahib ji. According to the hukam
of Singh Sahib, on 2nd May 1988, Satwant Singhs father, Bapu Tarlok
Singh, his mother, elder brother and wife, left their house with a picture of
Satwant Singh for the house of Sardar Virsa Singh. In the presence of Sahib
Siri Guru Granth Sahib ji, Bibi Surinder kaur married the photo of Satwant
Singh. In the afternoon, the Doli of Bibi Surinder kaur left the residence of
Sardar Virsa Singh for the house of Bhai Satwant Singh.
But the security agencies of India are tight lipped since then about
this third clean shaved person. Possibly if it's revealed in future but the
chances are that the evidence of his involvement may be destroyed forever.
The pogrom of Sikhs was well organized after death of Indira. The
killing by Sikh body guards was the leading news by All India Radio and
Door darshan—the govt. owned TV Channel to provoke Hindus and spread
violence against Sikhs in a planned manner. So that there may be maximum
killing of Sikhs in every part of India, and that was the only reason that the
govt. had hidden the identity or involvement of this third clean shaved
person and only Sikhs were accused of assassination of Indira. How this
genocide was planned and orchestrated shall be disclosed ahead with detail
in this book for our readers.
Before this, Indira was in Odissa on her official tour. In her speech
there in it's capitol Bhuvneshwar, she had claimed that each and every drop
of her blood shall give more strength to nation but whether the Sikhs shall
ever forget the tyrannies faced by them and whether they will forget the
killing of more then 20,000 innocent Sikh brothers throughout India and
whether they shall ever call this nation as their? I do not see this even after
28 years are gone by. Though there may a few sold out selfish Sikhs who
may agree but if voting is done on self determination, the truth will come
out. Now Sikhs are more interested in having their own homeland as they do
not trust the Indian govt and feared if their coming generations may not go
through same betrayals by govt and majority Hindus of this nation.
She addressed the public at 6.30 in the evening at Bhuvneshwar.
This Bhuvneshwar never proved lucky for her family. Her late father
Jawaharlal Nehru—the first Prime Minister of India also had his cardiac
arrest here and the died on 27th may 1964. She herself had to face the anger
of public when a protesting mob pelted stones on her car and a bone of her
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nose was broken in this incident and now again this was going to fatal in her
life as her this speech was proved her last speech.
She got a message in Bhuvneshwar that the car in which her grand
children Rahul and Priyanka were traveling had met with an accident. She
immediately cancelled her tour and returned to Delhi the same night on 30th
October. She was not aware that death God Yama was taking her to her
destiny where she was going to breath last.
Indira was then taken to All India Medical Institute of Sciences
where the doctors had made all arrangements before her arrival. Therefore
she was taken to operation theater without any delay.
Doctors did their best to save her life but she could not saved as all
the internal organs in her body were badly damaged. They even couldn't
remove all bullets from her body. Though All India Radio had aired the
news of attack on her life and wounded but the news of her death was not
given until her brain didn't stop functioning. At 2.20 pm the news of her
death was aired.
Rajiv Gandhi was on tour to West Bengal for one week. He
cancelled all his appointments and returned to Delhi. He was directly taken
to All India institute from Air port.
The grand children of Indira Gandhi Priyanka and Rahul were
given in custody of her close friend Teji Bacchan who was mother of
famous cine actor of Bollywood, the Amitabh bacchan.

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 Chapter-3
Disgusting attempt by congress to avenge death
of Indira from Sikhs:

There were headlines in newspaper next day on attack and death of

Indira and then newly sworn in Prime Minister of India—the Rajiv Gandhi
but there was not any news of any untoward incident of attack on any Sikh in
any part of India. Though on the left first column of Hindi Hindustan, there
was a short news of disturbance and some clashes with Sikhs in outer Delhi
and Ghaziabad but no report of any killing of Sikhs.
Then what went wrong and the reason of pogrom in Delhi the next
day which was organized by the then congress govt.?
The Delhi Door Darshan TV aired the news of arrival of congress
leaders and workers from all parts of India to Delhi. In the evening, I noticed
a news in which these congressmen were directed to go back to their
constituencies and districts to maintain peace and harmony in both the
communities.
I was amazed to see this news as I had not received any news of
disturbance from anywhere. Hindus, Sikhs and Muslims were roaming in
markets without any fear. I didn't see any feared person though I was
moving in market in my hometown at Dehra Dun but it was all calm and
quite. Markets got closed a bit early in the evening but people were still
roaming in streets and markets and were trying to get more news. Late in
the evening at 7 o'clock, I was going through a bye lane at Chakrata Road
with my cousin when we noticed a gathering of about 200-250 people on
busy road. Someone among the crowd threw a stone upon us, we stopped
and watched towards crowd but nothing happened and we returned to our
home safely.
Rajiv Gandhi had arrived in Delhi and President Giani Zail Singh
was not in India. There was not any such leader to control the situation as
there was no President and not the Prime Minister. People were confused
and in suspense.
The hidden agenda behind the call to send back the leaders and
workers of congress to their respected constituencies was revealed next day
only when reports of attack on lives of Sikhs and loot of their property started
to receive in. In fact these congressmen were directed to kill Sikhs mercilessly
after their return to their constituencies, loot their houses and to set their
moveable and immoveable properties on fire and to disrespect their women.
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 S.No. Name of District Figures Cases registered Cases Cases Cases Cases Cases Number
as per for killing or sent for Sent ended in pending ended in of
police violence Trail Untraced Conviction Trial Acquittal Gurudwaras
record of against person attached in
Sikhs killed or property Delhi
in Nov. 84 of Shikhs.
1. South District 13 56 16 36 9 9 26 6
2. South West District 310 56 35 21 6 5 29 2
3. West District 61 54 24 26 2 2 22 16
4. Crime & Railway
(i) New Delhi Blx Stn-55 90 7 - 7 - - - -
(ii) Old Delhi Blx Stn-25

19
5. Central District 24 56 25 22 7 7 16 4
6. East District 387 56 47 16 6 9 27 12
7. New Delhi District 4 5 4 1 1 - 2 -
8. South East District 2 23 11 12 1 - 10 2
9. North East District 57 19 12 11 1 - 11 3
10. Ovter District 176 36 17 17 2 4 11 6
11. Anti ReeCell 326 255 115 115 7 2 119 -
12. North District 163 33 27 27 5 4 47 6
13. Himachal Pradesh 33 33 22 11 2 4 16 6
TOTAL 1605 740 403 324 48 43 335 64
 Sikhs Cases
Cases Cases Cases
Killed Cases sent Cases
registered sent ended Ended Gurudwaras
S.No. State as per untraced/ pending in
for killing for in attacked
police cancellation trial acquittal
or violence trial conviction
records

1. Delhi 1605 740 403 324 48 43 335 64

2. Jharkhand 79 460 129 130 - 13 - 1
3. Orissa 04 143 43 100 4 10 29 1
4. Uttarkhand - 201 58 109 8 6 40 15
5. West Bengal 01 38 14 81 - 1 - 3
6. -Bihar - 168 45 121 03 - 1
7. Haryana 51 65 36 29 04 - 28 4

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8. Jammu & Kashmir 17 44 14 30 - 5 7 4
9. Uttar Pradesh 260 Fresh RTI filed
Denied as
10. Madhya Pradesh
being secret Fresh RTI Fiked
11. Chhattis-garh Awaited Fresh RTI filed

12. Maharashtra 01 Fresh RTI filed

The statistics of Sikh genocide in Delhi

13. Himachal Pradesh 78 26 56 1 - 20 8

Total 2018 1937 768 917 68 78 78 100
THIS DATA HAS BEEN COLLECTED BY ME AND IS BEING COLLECTED FOR HELPING- SIKHS FORE JUSTICE
NAVKIRAN SINGH ADVOCATE CHANDIGARH INDIA E: MAIL:NAVKIRAN@SINGHLAWERS.COM
 These statistics are provided by the famous advocate and activist of
LFHRI sardar Navkiran Singih ji.

These are the statistics collected in between 1984-1994, these also

proves the casualities of Sikhs massacred in genocide is disclosed to 20,000
which is found similar with other statistics. (Picture No.)
False data on death toll of Sikhs in India was issued to show very
less number of Sikhs killed in genocide of 1984. The evidence of its
falseness proves from the death toll in Delhi which is now 2733 on govt.
records is shown as only 1605.

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 Data of the States of India in which violence took place against the Sikhs in Novmber, 1984
Sikhs Cases
Cases Cases Cases
Killed Cases sent Cases Ended Gurudwaras are
registered sent ended
S.No. State as per untraced/ pending in personal property
for killing for in
police cancellation trial acquittal effected attacked
or violence trial conviction
records
1. Delhi 1605 740 403 324 48 43 335 64
2. Jharkhand 79 460 129 130 - 13 - 1 312
3. Orissa 04 143 43 100 4 10 29 1
4. Uttarkhand - 201 58 109 8 6 40 15 31
5. West Bengal 01 38 14 81 - 1 - 3

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6. -Bihar - 168 45 121 03 - 1
7. Haryana 51 65 36 29 04 - 28 4
Total 1740 1815 728 831 67 73 433 88 343
Data from the States of Utter Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Maharashtra, Himachal Pradesh, Jammu & Kashmir in which
killings of Sikhs Violence against Sikhs took place is still awoited.
 Chapter-4
The atrocities continued against Sikhs;

Though the sun was bright on 1st Nov of 1984 but it had brought the
darkness with it. Whatever was going to be happened to-day, a blackspot on
nation's forehead none other then by it's own children—the Indians who had
the duty to protect it but today were going to dishonor it in streets.
It had happened centuries ago also when Taimur lang conquered
Delhi and massacred all it's residents but to-day his descendent Rajiv Gandhi
had organized massacre of only one community—the Sikh community whose
two members assassinated his mother Indira Gandhi—former Prime minister
of India responsible for invasion to Golden temple.
The day broke and the pet goons (miscreants) of Congress came out
on streets—they had been assured of their security. The Indian
administration, Police, Council of Ministers, Parliamentarians, counsels all
provided full help and co-operation to these goons. These goons who were
Hindus by religion had been provided list of Sikh homes, their business
establishment, taxi stand and their other business centers, by the Ministers
and counsels of the area.
Now these death squads were on road to target Sikhs, wherever
they found a Sikh, he was caught, poured kerosene or any inflammable
substance before he was set on fire alive. Their vehicles were torched, their
females were molested or raped too. Such tyrannies are done only by
Hindus, earlier Muslims threatened and offered wealth, women for
conversion to Islam but they never molested or raped women but the brave
Aryans (so called Hindus) had crossed all limits to shame humanity. The
dance of evil forces and death could be seen everywhere. The sobbing Sikh
women were raped on dead bodies of their husbands, brothers or other male
members of their families killed. Such was neither heard before nor seen—I
am sure the soul of Taimur Lung also must have ashamed upon himself to see
this but these Hindu goons were far ahead in humiliating humanity.
The dead body of Indira Gandhi was kept at Teen Moorti Bhawan to
be paid last homage by public Which was also the official residence of
India's first Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru. Now it's a museum. People
had made a long queue to pay tribute to their beloved leader. The newly
sworn in Prime Minister of India shri Rajiv Gandhi who was also elder son
of late PM Indira Gandhi was himself present there. And the cine star
Amitabh Bacchan was also seen with him. He was a close friend of Gandhi
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family so there was nothing strange to see him present there. But the appeal
he made to this nation was enough to stun everyone.
A team of Door Darshan had already been called there at Teen
Murti Bhawan for him. When camera crew had finished all preparation,
Amitabh was called and incited the Hindus of this nation in his famous
angry image to spill blood of Sikhs. His appeal was like this ….KHOON
KA BADLA KHOON means BLOOD IS AVENGED BY BLOOD and
also said that the blood drops should reach to homes of those who killed
mother Indira.
So Amitabh Bacchan was the first person to incite the Hindus of
this nation against Sikhs on govt. owned and sponsored the only TV
Channel of India, the Door Darshan. He made a direct appeal of blood of
Sikhs. The other Congress leaders of Delhi like Hari Kishan Lal Bhagat,
Sajjan Kumar, Jagdish tytler, Kamal Nath, Dharm Daas Shastri, Lalit
Makan etc were alike thos dogs who bark and bite in their own area,
similarly these leaders too killed the Sikhs in their own constituencies only.
These leaders killed the innocent Sikhs with the help of local Jaats, Gurjars
and Balmikis community but the credit to spread violence throughout India
goes to Amitabh Bacchan only.
The Amitabh Bacchan was alleged of provocation to kill the Sikhs
publically by a senior judge, former Chief justice of Punjab & Haryana
High Court Sardar RS Narula who in his complaint to Nanavati
commission.
The Government of Delhi State has, by a Notification dated May
08, 2000, assigned to Justice Nanavati all matters relating to the 1984
massacre of Sikhs. Here are some key Questions for the Commission.
He asked the 4th & 5th question in his questionnaire of 38
questions as ;
3. Who was the clearly visible and identifiable man who continued
to be shown on the Doordarshan television throughout the first part of
October 31-Nov. 1 night (standing at the threshold of the room where lay the
dead body of Indira Gandhi for public view) shouting: “Sardar Qaum ke
ghaddar” and “Khoon ka Badla Khoon” – openly inciting spilling of Sikh
blood.
(Ans. It was Amitabh Bacchan)
4. Why no action has been taken against that man, till date, for
openly spreading disaffection between communities and provoking
bloodshed of identifiable persons ?
We have explained it openly that this easily recognizable person
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was Amitabh Bacchan, a cine actor of Bollywood. Justice Narula being a
justice was abided by certain oaths so he directly couldn't open his mouth to
reveal his name but we clearly reveal his identity in public. Justice Narula
ask in his 4th question (written above) alleging this person.
People may say that the maternal grand father of this Amitabh
bacchan was also a Sikh and his mother Teji Bacchan was a lso belonged to a
Sikh family but they forget that this lady Teji bacchan had left Sikh religion
by violating 10th Guru's order by marrying outside of her religion and since
than she was a Kaystha lady. She had good friendship with Indira from
Alahabad. Indira used her influence to get him (Amitabh) a role in a movie
'Saat Hindustani” produced by Khwaza Ahmad Abbas. She herself wrote a
letter approaching Abbas to give him a role.
Now the time was to re-pay debts of Indira family. Thus he
(Amitabh) appeared live on TV Door Darshan and incited Hindus to spill
blood of Sikhs. Due to his provocation, the violence was spread throughout
India and more than 20,000 innocent Sikhs were butchered brutally on
roads. All the evidences of his involvement were either removed or
destroyed. The Door Darshan has it's video clips but it refuse to give it's
copy. I tried to obtain but I was denied by Door Darshan.
I myself filed a Public Interest Litigation in Delhi High court
against Amitabh bacchan on his role of incitement to Hindus against Sikhs,
to create enmity in two peaceful communities, and to provoke Hindus by
raising hatred slogans on Door Darshan aired intermittently for three days. I
appealed to open the case but a Hindu judge Man Mohan Kumar refused it
to be accepted. Then I pasted whole material relevant to this petition and
allegations on Amitabh bacchans were pasted on net to expose his
disgusting face in whole world. You can view whole Court proceeding in
this blog mentioned in previous para.
I have also pasted my statement on net so that in case of any attempt
on my life through his influence or his approach in high ups if a get killed,
even then the world may read the truth. Kindly read my statement at
:http://monsteramitabh.blogspot.com/

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 It is alleged that Rajiv Gandhi paid mobs to attack and kill sikhs in Delhi
following the death of his mother Indra Gandhi, by her Sikh body guards,
Satwant Singh and Beant Singh
Beant was killed and Satwant Singh got wounded, arrested and later on
hanged along with Kihar Singh on 6th January 1989 following a verdict of
Supreme Court of India.
Over 5,000 Sikhs were Killed by the mobs in listed by Rajiv Gandi in
November 1984, many other Congress Party senior member who assisted and
supported this mobbing included H K L Bhagat, Sajan Kumar, Dharmdas
Shastri, Jagdish Tytler, Police Commissioner of Delhi, Governor of Delhi
Many were influenced by the media appearance on television in India, by
Rajiv Gandhi and actor Amitabh Bacchan.
As Sikhs feel they have not received any justice after many investigations
and commissions facing to give the justice twenty five years after the
mobbing that claimed the lives of 20,000 Sikhs (BBC report) the
intervention by Tarlochan Singh MP has been welcomed.
Tarlochan Singh has said,”If these concerns are not raised and addressed
the feeling amongst Sikhs will grow and result in Sikhs becoming more and
more alienated from India.
These sentiments were supported by other politicians including SS
Ahluwalia BJP he said, “The concerns have gone beyond simple
compensation, we are seeking justice”
Varinder Singh Bajwa said, “1984 happened 25 years ago, if you want to
pacify Sikhs, the guilty must be brought to face justice”
The Raj Sabha members all supporting this motion listed by Tarlochan
Singh MP the govt to bring the culprits to justice”
Sikh are also demanding the holy artifacts that were taken during the
storming of Harmandar Sahib in 1987 to be returned to the Sikhs.
Sardar Tarlochan Singh Memeber Parliament had alleged in
Parliament to the late Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi and Amitabh
Bacchan of their role in orchestrating Sikh genocide 1984.

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 Mrs. Pratibha Patil
While President Pratibha Devi singh Patil is scheduled to present
"The Standards" to 6 Lancer, a regiment of Armoured Corp which took part
in Operation Blue Star, Sikhs For Justice (SFJ) a Human Rights NGO,
working to unravel the true facts about November 1984 Sikh Genocide, has
raised questions and concerns regarding President Patil's role in November
1984 massacre of Sikhs. Several hundred Sikhs were killed in Jalgaon
District of Maharashtra in November 1984 while Pratibha Patil was
Congress (I) MLA and Cabinet Minister in Maharashtra Government.
As per Gurpatwant Singh Pannun, Legal Advisor, SFJ, in the State
of Maharashtra it was only Jalgaon and surrounding areas where several
hundred Sikhs were killed in November 1984 while Pratibha Patil was
Congress (I) MLA, as per more than 70 affidavits submitted by surviving
family members of the victims to Justice Nanavati Commission. In addition
to President Patil's mentor-protégé relationship with late Ms. Indira Gandhi,
stated attorney Pannun, the fact that in November 1984 President Patil was
Congress (I) MLA from Jalgaon area and a Cabinet Minister in
Maharashtra, raises serious questions and concerns about her possible
involvement in the killing of Sikhs in her constituency while Sikhs were not
killed in the rest of Maharashtra in November 1984.
According to attorney Pannun, as per the findings of Justice
Nanavati Commission, it is a matter of record that it was Congress
leadership which organized massacre of Sikhs in November 1984. It is
evident from the cases of HKL Bhagat, Dharamdas Shastri, Jagdish Tytler,
Sajjan Kumar and Kamal Nath that Congress MPs and MLAs were actively
involved in organizing attack on Sikhs in their respective constituencies
during November 1984. President Patil who heads the largest democracy
of the World must come clean with details regarding killing of Sikhs in her
area of influence during November 1984.

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 To trace the possible involvement of President Patil and her party
associates in the killing of Sikhs in Maharashtra during November 1984,
SFJ attorney Pannun announced to file a petition under Right to Information
(RTI) Act to obtain the exact number of Sikhs killed in Jalgaon area, FIRs
lodged with names of the accused during November 1984.

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 Chapter-5
The tales of tyrannies by Indira;
You must have read or heard about tyrannies of Moguls against
Sikhs and Hindus. If these Muslims had not forced Hindus to embrace Islam
forcefully under threat of life, in that Sikhs could be there but not the
amazing Khalsa. Khalsa was created to save Hindus from tyrannies of
Muslims and save Hindu religion. The first of Khalsa is to face a tyrant but
now here, it was not Moguls but our own —-the Hindu govt. which was
thankless and had a motto to eliminate Khalsa/Sikh religion.
All of you might be aware with Holwel memorial of Calcutta (Now
called Kolkata). This memorial was built by British to commemorate the
memories of 122 British women and men who were locked in a small sized
room of 10'x10' by a Muslim ruler in Bengal. Most of them died due to
suffocation. We all condemn it and pray for the deceased but do you know
such atrocity was also carried out by Indian army in Golden temple? See this
eye witness account;
The well known journalist and writer Harbir Singh Bhanwar
mentions an eye witness account narrated by his one friend in his book
“Diary de panne jo itihas ban gaye' as……..a close relative of Prof Dhawan
is employed in Military camp of Amritsar. He paid a visit in the camp of
(POWs) prisoners of war. He has informed that a large number of Sikhs are
locked in a small room. A govt. officer has also approved it by saying that
the Sikh prisoners are kept in a small room of newly built school building
which has no electricity and water.. Nearly 60-70 prisoners are locked in
small room, there clothes are torn off, no treatment to wounds is given, and
there is no arrangement to treat them. (Page 57) Sun is tremendous, no fan is
there, two people suffered from Diaria, they wanted to release them but
there is no facility so they came out through a small window to release them.
They were immediately shot down by army. They were alleged of escaping
from there. Many others too were killed by their hands tied at their back in a
similar manner.
Now just compare yourself, Sikh religion is the only religion which
serves humanity without any discrimination of religion, caste, creed, color
or race. It serves food in a community kitchen without any discrimination
but the Indian army only could kill the thirsty, hungry or wounded persons.
A Khalsa could never do it.
Just watch out how a major difference is there in both communities

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of Sikhs and Hindus?
It's also necessary to mention here that the house of journalist
Harbir singh which was situated in the complex of Golden temple was also
looted by Indian invading army., The cash and gold ornaments of his wife
were looted and stolen by soldiers.
The real invasion (operation) on Golden temple was started on
night of 5th June 1984.Sant Longowal and Gurcharan Singh Tohra,
President of SGPC were also present in their offices respectively in
complex which is situated at Samundri Hall near Guru Ram Daas Saraai.
The army started massacre of Sikhs on night of 5th June inside the Golden
temple complex.
Gurmeet Singh Cheema, publicity in-charge SGPC, who was
present there on that night, informs …..that every Sikh was a terrorist for
army. It was to be noted that every soldier was under influence of liquor and
out of senses. (Had he been is sense, he would have dared from god and not
killed the innocents, therefore a heavy doze of liquor was given to these
soldiers). They were provoked to attack on sacred Golden temple after they
had been given a heavy doze of liquor. A fierce fight was going on in the
complex. During this time, Sant Longowal and Tohra ji were present in the
room of President and we were in in our office inside samundri hall with
some friends. Whole of the Samundri hall and office of SGPC were over
crowded by the employees of SGPC and the devotees.
The fierce fight was going on in the complex of golden temple. The
Samundri hall was covered by army at about 3.45 am by army and fired
indiscriminately to terrorize all present inside. As soon as the army
personals came to know that Sant Longowal and Tohra ji were inside, they
shouted in a loud voice to inform their senior officers about their presence
and said that, “ Longowal ji is here”.
To hear these sounds, Sant Longowal and Tohra came out of the
room. One army officer caught hold of them by their arms and took them
under his custody. After this a new chapter of atrocities by army started. We
all were searched, our holy mandatory signs were removed, our turbans
were also removed and pockets were emptied. All belongings were
confiscated.
Then we were taken in the open lounge of Guru Ram Daas Saarai.
Nearly one thousand un-armed persons were kept there. It would be about
4.30 in the morning. We might have hardly made 5-6 lines but by that time
two grenades were thrown upon us from the top storey of guru Ram Das
Sarai. These grenades blasted among the crowed. The stampede was there
to be saved from this grenade attack and everyone was running to save
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his/her life. In between army opened indiscriminate firing upon crowed.
Hundreds of people were killed or wounded.

Have a look on this lounge in an old picture.

Then the remaining people were seated in the corridor sarai (Free
accommodation for pilgrims) by army. We were seated there among dead,
wounded and crying people. The army soldiers were killing people
mercilessly. We witnessed many were asked to run by raising their hands
and then shot from behind. There was not any room without dead bodies.
The army, to which every citizen is proud and feels sense of safety, was
today seen in a new face. First a bomb to set fire in room was thrown and
then soldiers opened fire on people coming out of rooms. More then eight
hundred people were gunned down in saraai. The people present in
gurudwara had not been served a drop of water since 4th of June. There were
35 people in room no five, 31 died of thirst out of these 35.
Can you have any such hope from your own army? This Indian
army itself shot those unarmed by bullets instead of saving them. Were they
not feel ashamed on killing innocent, unarmed old men, children, youths,
girls and women of all ages? These merciless wolves killed them in every
room. Was Indira not responsible for killing of these innocents who didn't
provide any opportunity or made no attempt for their safe escape from
complex?
If General Dyer who killed the unarmed, innocent Indians in
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Jalianwala bagh was guilty and Sardar Udham Singh who killed this culprit
in England after 20 years was a freedom fighter and held high the heads of
Indians to save pride, and was called a martyr then the Sikhs who avenged
from Indira and killed her for her crime on attack on Golden temple and to
kill thousands of unarmed innocents were not martyrs then what were they?
Whether they were extremists? What is the parameter to declare patriotism
in this nation? The ruling congress or any other govt in this nation has so far
not honored Neta ji Subhash Chandra Bose and he is never called a freedom
fighter by Ministry of home affairs? If it accepts —then only to Gandhi and
Nehru or a few other Congress leaders only. Kindly read history of India and
know this bitter truth yourself.
The Hitler was left far behind if we compare the atrocities upon
Sikhs by Indian army, police and other para-military forces. A Sikh woman
who was a citizen of Canada, and had visited Shri Darbar sahib along with
her 13 year old son and her husband, was also arrested by Indian army and
taken to interrogation center. Being a human you will feel disgust upon
yourself when you come to know about her sufferings ——she is still alive
and is a witness to that agony which she faced, to meanness and the
wilderness of these soldiers which they could do with a helpless person.
Whatever agony she faced, might have also been faced by hundreds of other
unfortunate Sikh women and girls who were tortured by these rascals. Only
god knows what would have happened with those sisters who could haven't
faced these tortures, either they might be killed or gone insane or they might
have committed suicide.
Only god knows.

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 Chapter-6
1984 Sikh riot: They took their time to
kill between meals

Senior journalists Rahul Bedi and Joseph Malliakan are still

haunted by the 1984 Sikh riot.
The horror of those 72 hours, when frenzied mobs butchered
thousands of Sikhs in 1984 has not left senior journalists Rahul Bedi and
Joseph Malliakan, who covered the riots to this day.
"To visualize that time close your eyes and imagine that there's no
state. The police remain inert while rabid mobs attack you minute after
minute with military precision. The administrators look the other way with
complete indifference and the situation seems never to abate," Bedi, who
covered the massacre in Trilokpuri's Block-32, says;
The massacre in the small colony in east Delhi was planned, he
found out. Nearly 320 Sikhs - men, women and children - were killed
over two days.
On reaching the spot on November 1 evening, a day after Gandhi's
assassination, Bedi and Malliakan were chased away by a mob. But the
journalists persevered and made it to the spot on the following morning,
where they saw "meticulous slaughter of Sikhs while policemen nearby
watched, bothering not even to call for reinforcements".
“The massacre continued for two long days in houses on either side
of a bye lane. The killers were so exact and meticulous that they did not even
hurry with their job, just took their time to rape, murder and torture them
between meals," Bedi says.
Malliakan, now editor of JEM magazine, says he still cries on
recalling those four days.
"I saw a Sikh along with his wife dragged out of his tenement,
doused with kerosene and set on fire. Those scenes have not left me. There is
no closure to it," he says.
He recounts the day when the police and the army infiltrated the
area and brought out the victims. That was the time when reporters first had
access to the area. "I first discovered what a bonfire of human flesh is
likeâ? ¦," Malliakan breaks down and takes a long pause, "I first touched a
child who was ashen in colour and had not eaten anything in 30 hours. When

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the area's ACP came I was quivering with anger and told him to shoot
himself if he had any regard for his uniform," he says.
We have also been informed about the animosity of Indira with
Sikh community and how she reacted on several times. An example of
Ramlila Ground Delhi is also received by us who we need to share with our
readers.
Here it is;
“Sangat ji, all this was happened only due to following reasons in
Delhi! Soon after this the Govt. stood against Damdami Taksal and Sikhs in
Punjab.
Result—Sikh genocide of 1984……”
In Delhi on 7 December 1975 AD to commemorate the 300th
anniversary of the Shaheedi of Sri Guru Tegh Bahadur Jee, in the Ram Lila
ground, a procession of 2.2 million people arrived and P.M. Indira Gandhi
came onto the stage. In the presence of Sri Guru Granth Sahib Jee, all those
on the stage arose to welcome and respect her, but it was only Baba Kartar
Singh Jee who remained seated. On the stage Baba Jee spoke passionately
about this anti-Sikh act. Many leaders who spoke on the stage said that P.M.
Indira Gandhi had built an excellent relationship with Punjab, after which
she said, ".the Delhi government got Sri Guru Tegh Bahadur martyred and
today the Delhi government prostrates to Sri Guru Tegh Bahadur Jee. The
same Delhi government who gave reports against the Sikhs, today respects
and reveres Sri Guru Tegh Bahadur Jee."
Baba Jee's time to speak was after P.M. Indira Gandhi, he stated :
'First Rajput Kings used to give their daughters to get rewards.
Today Sikhs are disgracing themselves if they do the same. For this reason
no Sikh is to marry their daughter to a Mona or a patit and the rehatnama
says:
A Sikh that marries his daughter to a Sikh and does not take any
money/dowry, he is a true Sikh of mine and will reach my abode in
Sachkand. (Bhai Sahib Singh Rehatnama, p.160)
The second point that he clarified was that 'We want to ask Indira
Gandhi who achieved the rule of the Delhi government? If you have come
here to prostrate to Sri Guru Tegh Bahadur you have done no great act. If
Guru Jee had not become martyred, the master of this throne would have
been a Muslim and everywhere all would be greeted with Salaam Walekum.
You yourself would have been under a Burka (Hijab).

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 The number of hairs that are on the body of the P.M., even if she was
to cut her head off that many times and placed at the feet of Guru Jee, she
still would not be able to remove the debt owed to Sri Guru Tegh Bahaur Jee.
Regardless of how powerful the P.M., 'no one is more powerful than our
Guru. She should prostrate to our loved one, the light of the 10 Kings - Sri
Guru Granth Sahib Jee, not require that we get up and pay respect to her.'
Following this, Jakaras (Hails) were heard from all areas of the arena.
Due to the truth being spoken by Baba Kartar Singh Jee, this led to
disputes being raised by P.M. Indira Gandhi with the Damdami Taksal. If
anyone disrespected Sri Guru Granth Sahib Jee he never tolerated it. Thus
he spoke up against the Nakali Nirankaris and led programs to tackle their
onslaught on Sikhi.
Baba Kartar Singh Jee served as the Jathedar of Damdami Taksal
for 8 years and did much Gurmat Parchar in this time. On August, 3rd, 1977,
he was traveling from Maleeha (Jalandhar) to Solan and at the station
Hussaainpur, where his car crashed into a tree causing him critical injuries.
He was taken to the C.M.C. Hospital. He ascended to Sachkhand here on
August 16th, 1977. He was cremated at Gurdwara Gurdarshan Parkash at
Mehta on August, 21st, 1977.
Was It A Riot, Or Was It A Pogrom?
By : ARTIKA BAKSHI
Shashi Tharoor - a man of many words. Many meaningful words,
that hit a chord every time they are expressed.
Having heard him speak during his time at the UN and on his
entering mainstream Indian politics, he has impressed me. Here was a man
who actually said it the way it was.
His 2001 novel, "The Riot" struck a chord with me.
It deals with the Hindu-Muslim riots in India as an aftermath of the
criminal demolition of the historic Babri Mosque by right-wing Hindu
mobs, setting it against a background of Indian markets opening to big
multi-national corporations like Coke, Walmart, etc.
He takes you through the events with a series of interviews, as well
as notes from journals kept by the protagonists - Priscilla Hart and V.
Lakshman: an American NGO worker in love with the subcontinent and all
it's drawbacks, and an Indian bureaucrat, who works within the system but
with suppressed romanticism lying somewhere deep within him.
Through this well-narrated tale, what particularly struck me was
the character, Gurinder Singh, Superintendent of Police. An upright Indian

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Police Service ("IPS") officer and a St. Stephen's College product, who
curses, swears, jokes and enjoys his drinks strong, and easily comes forth as
a hero.
The bureaucrat holds his advice to heart and values his sincere
friendship.
The reason Gurinder gives for joining the police force holds true, or
should I correct myself here, held true, in the dreams of thousands of
families in rural Punjab. Most parents have dreamt of their turbaned boys
joining the Indian Adminstrative Service ("IAS"), the IPS or Armed forces.
Sikhs have always been looked at with a sense of awe - their integrity, their
fearlessness, their commitment to defending and protecting the underdog.
Gurinder delves into the aftermath of the 1984 pogroms that left a
mark on the heart of each and every Sikh and, I suspect, on any Indian who
has fully understood the idea of, and dreamed of a secular and harmonious
India.
For me, the 1984 pogroms are a faint memory, but Gurinder's words
left my heart cringing. We are given a quick overview of the birth of the
militancy in Punjab in response to the state's human rights abuses against
the Sikhs, to the unnecessary sacrilege of the Darbar Sahib by Indira
Gandhi's troops, to the day she paid for her sins at the hands of her own
security guards.
What followed was a massacre of innocent Sikhs across the lregth
and breadth of the country, a blot on everything India claimed to be in its
own well-cultivated public persona.
Through Gurinder Singh's experience, Shashi Tharoor attempts to
highlight the high value Sikhs give to serving humanity. During the
pogroms, when Gurinder Singh's 10 year old nephew and brother-in-law
are massacred by a marauding mob, he considers resigning from his job as a
senior police bureaucrat. But he doesn't.
His grieving old father stops him, saying that by staying within the
law enforcing agency, he could work towards preventing such crimes from
happening again. Thus ensues a bit of a dialogue on the duty of a Sikh to
contnue to work for 'sarbat da bhalla', even when confronted by the worst in
human nature.
However, the novel merely touches on the 1984 anti-Sikh
massacres.
Unfortunately Tharoor - an educated, intelligent and well-
informed man that he is, working in the thick of the very political party
which authored the pogroms - fails to distinguish the term "riot" which
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correctly applies to some of the aftermath of the Babri Mosque demolition,
from what happened against the Sikhs in 1984: a pogrom and nothing even
remotely akin to a 'riot'.
It is odd that the author would bring up the 1984 crimes in a book
titled "Riot", and not highlight this distinction.
It was a golden opportunity - unfortunately squandered - to correct
his fellow countrymen from the ongoing and intentional mischief of the
repeated use of the misnomer vis-a-vis 1984.The motivation, obviously, is
to dilute and minimize the enormity of the crimes. But the net effect is that
the whole country confirms its boorishness in its relationship with its most
patriotic segment of society.
The government, the country's public intellectuals, the media, and
therefore the people, have continued the fraud ad nauseum. But the fact that
Shashi Tharoor has failed to distance himself from the practice is in itself
troublsome.
Maybe, just maybe, he'll write a book soon under the title,
"Pogrom", and redeem himself.
TAVLEEN SINGH tavleensingh@expressindia.com
Posted online: Sunday, October 31, 2004.
It's hard to write an article that appears on October 31 without
remembering that it was on this day, twenty years ago, that Indira Gandhi
was shot dead in her garden by two Sikh policemen. With the return of the
Gandhis to the political limelight there will be many this year who will
remember Mrs Gandhi, many who will pay fulsome tributes, many who will
glorify her reign. How many will remember the pogroms that followed?
Almost nobody is my guess even if we now have a Sikh Prime Minister and
an uncompromisingly secular government. Not even the Communists with
their daily petulance over perceived communalism will dare remind the
government they control that justice still has not been done. It's the one
event that even the most ardent secularists choose to forget which is for me a
constant puzzle.
In the many years I have spent reporting wars, riots, caste killings
and other violent events on our sub-continent, I can remember nothing that
matches the horror of those first three days after Mrs Gandhi was killed. For
those of you who were not there or may have forgotten, let me help you
remember. Within minutes of Mrs Gandhi being shot, my news editor rang
me and asked me to rush to the hospital where she had been taken. By the
time I got there they had already closed the gates of the All India Institute of
Medical Sciences and although there was no official announcement of her

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death till late that afternoon we found out within the first hour. Despite All
India Radio pretending all day that she was still alive news of her death
spread through the city quickly but on the first day there were no killings.
There was tension, an ominous, heavy tension but nobody, and especially
not ordinary Sikhs, had any idea of what was going to happen. The most that
was expected were a few stray incidents of violence.
I worked at the time for a British newspaper and they wanted me to
go to Amritsar the next day to gauge the mood there. By the time I returned
on the afternoon of November 1, I could see the fires from the airport.
There was chaos at the airport because there were no taxis since
most Delhi taxi-drivers were Sikhs and the mobs had started burning them
alive. When I finally managed to get a ride with a Tamil gentleman, our taxi
was surrounded on the way to the city by a mob with petrol soaked rags in
their hands. ''Any Sikhs in the car,'' they grinned as the Tamil gentleman
looked nervously at me. By that night armies of killers roamed the streets of
Delhi looking for Sikhs to kill and Sikh properties to burn. For the next two
days, the mobs were allowed to murder, loot and burn while the government
sat back and watched. By the time the Army was ordered out, the streets of
Delhi were littered with bodies and the burned out remains of trucks and
taxis with the charred, corpses of their drivers at the wheel. Nobody
bothered to pick up the dead because there was no room left in the morgues
and one of the images that continues to haunt me is of a dog eating a human
arm in a Delhi street.
More than 3000 Sikhs were killed in two days in the city and then in
a couple of hours it was brought to a sudden halt. All it took to stop the
carnage and the savagery were a handful of soldiers in the streets with
orders to shoot at sight. The mobs melted away as they would have done on
day one if the government had wanted them to.
Anybody who believes that what happened in Narendra Modi's
Gujarat was the worst communal violence since Partition does not
remember what happened in Delhi in the first week of November 1984. It
was our first State-sponsored pogrom and if we do not acknowledge this
then we must recognize the attempts to bring justice to the victims of
Gujarat is mere tokenism.
It is wonderful that the wheels of justice, that Modi and his
murderous thugs tried to stall, are moving again. May every murderer,
rapist and thug be brought to justice so that we never have another Gujarat.
But when will those responsible for what happened to the Sikhs in 1984 be
punished for what they did? I ask the question rhetorically because I know
the answer is never, but justice of some kind must be done if we are serious
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about ensuring that no government in future ever gets away with pogroms
against its own citizens.
Of course swift and severe justice is the best way to ensure this but
swift justice is not possible from a justice system that will take 350 years to
clear its backlog of cases. Besides, Prime Ministers and Chief Ministers are
unlikely to be tried like ordinary criminals so the way forward, in my view,
is for our shiny, new, ''secular'' government to set up something similar to
South Africa's Truth Commission. Let men like P V Narasimha Rao (Home
Minister in 1984) and Narendra Modi and all the officials and policemen
who failed to do their duties come before the Commission and answer for
their failures. Let those who saw their husbands, brothers and sons burned
alive come forward and publicly identify those who led the mobs.
Let the new ''secular'' government put its secularism where its
mouth is and convert the toothless Minorities Commission into a powerful
Truth Commission. It is the least we can do for the thousands of innocents
who died because two Sikh policemen assassinated Mrs. Gandhi.
A day after former Indian prime minister Indira Gandhi was killed
by her Sikh security guards 20 years ago, crowds of mobs barged into Sikh
women's homes, dragged their husbands, sons by their hair, set fire to them
and then bludgeoned them to death.
"My husband, my son was snatched from my lap and was killed. I
had six brothers, they were all killed their sons-in-law were killed. My sons-
in-law were killed too. At least 18-19 people of my family were killed. My
entire family was killed. I single handedly brought up these small kids,"
screamed Jassi Bai, a grey-haired woman on crutches who lost her entire
family in the riots.
As India marks the 20th anniversary of Gandhi's death on Sunday,
about 800 Sikh women widowed in an orgy of anti-Sikh violence after the
assassination, are still seething in anger.
Living in tenements in a corner of Delhi often called "Widows'
Colony", all the women tell horrific stories of bloodthirsty mobs
"necklacing" their family with burning tyres, setting their turbans on fire or
beating them with iron rods.
"It's understandable and all right if you punish the guilty,
irrespective of whether he is a Sikh, Hindu, or Muslim. If he has committed
the crime, then by all means punish him, kill him. But what did all the Sikhs
do? My only plea is give us justice, we want justice," said Ravel Kaur, as she
sobbed, sitting next to a photograph of her slain husband in her ramshackle
glass shop in New Delhi.

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 With their beards and distinctive turbans -- their religion prohibits
men from cutting their hair -- Sikh men are easy to spot in India and all over
the world.
The government says about 2,733 people died in the wave of
killings aimed at the Sikh community after Gandhi was shot dead by two
Sikh bodyguards seeking revenge for her decision to send the army to flush
out Sikh separatists from the Golden temple, Sikhism's holiest shrine.
But activists say about 4,000 people were killed in the riots, said to
be the worst religious violence since the bloody partition of the
subcontinent into India and Pakistan in 1947.
Two decades and many investigations and commissions later,
T.K.S. Tulsi, a lawyer fighting for the riot victims, says only 10 people have
been convicted for murder while 500 people have been acquitted and half
the cases have been closed by police.
"As it is, under our system, to be able to nail a person who is
wealthy or influential is almost impossible. But when both combine, when
they are wealthy as well as influential, it is virtually a breakdown of the
system. So therefore, we have had virtually no convictions, there have only
been a few convictions and victims have got tired. But it is not as if they
have got defeated, the victims are still angry and this anger will persist and
this will perhaps persist for many generations," Tulsi said.
Living virtually as refugees in their own country, the Sikh widows -
- part of a community of about 19 million people -- say all they have
received in all these years is a 300,000 rupees compensation and dank
quarters in the "Widows' Colony".
Although two decades have passed, their wounds are still festering
because of a host of social problems: their children have grown up with a
burning sense of revenge which has driven many into a life of crime and
drugs.
Most of the women said they had lost all hopes of ever getting
justice after the return to power of the Congress party, who the Sikhs say
sparked the brutal riots of 1984. Congress denied the accusation.
Jagdish Tytler, one of the Congress leaders, who has been given a
clean chit by the Delhi High court in the riots case, said the anger against
him was misdirected.
"Nothing, it's all nonsense. I am one person who is not ever
involved, directly or indirectly and the High Court has given this notice.
And the High Court has given its findings, the CBI (Central Bureau of
Investigation, - federal investigating agency) has given its finding. I am the
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only person with no FIR (First Information Report), with not even a
complaint against him. It is all a political stunt."
Few are hopeful even though the country has its first Sikh prime
minister, Manmohan Singh. (ANI)
India refuses to learn lessons from its history of communal riots.
The sins of 1984 revisited Gujarat in 2002 and are likely to surface again,
says Josy Joseph.
THE police looked the other way as politicians led marauding
mobs into the city. You could be talking of Delhi of 1984, or Ahmedabad of
2002.
For its very long history, India has an extremely short memory.
Uncomfortable events from the past are tucked away into obscure corners,
especially those, who involved in violent-bursts of passions, stoked by
religion, caste, politics or plain hatred.
May be it is the greed to move forward to the future that prevents
backward looks. But the forward march is more often than not interrupted
by another round of bloody sacrifice of innocence. And yet again the nation
fails to offer succor to its victims, deliver justice punish the guilty.
Assurance of immunity to the criminal is almost ingrained in the
society. Witnesses to bloody pogroms in India grow up without any guilt.
Each mob violence is forgotten in the next one.
In just three days, over 4,000 Sikhs were killed in the wake of the
assassination of Indira Gandhi, India's most controversial, powerful and
longest-serving prime minister. The poorest neighborhoods in Delhi saw
the worst riots.
It was an organized massacre of the minority community by
politicians and their supporters. Rioters had a free run as the Delhi Police
looked away. They ruled the streets as an overwhelmed civil society figured
ways out.
Within days of the riots, the usual Indian response was triggered:
Commissions and committees, assurances and some stupid political
statements, charges and counter charges, and denials by the very leaders
who incited the mob to violence.
Hundreds of FIRs were registered by the police. Hundreds more
were refused, because the victims wanted to name Congress leaders like
Sajjan Kumar, HKL Bhagat and Jagdish Tytler.
Investigations into hundreds of murders were closed by police,
they didn't even make it to courts. Hundreds of murders are yet to be even
registered by police.
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 In 20 years, nine commissions and committees have inquired into
the riots. The first one headed by Justice Ranganath Mishra, who went on to
become India's chief justice and later the National Human Rights
Commission chief. But the commission was a sham. Statements submitted
by widows and victims were made available to the accused like Sajjan
Kumar, whose supporters were allowed to file their responses months after
the deadline. Years later, the CBI found these statements in Sajjan Kumar's
house.
The latest commission, one led by Justice GT Nanavati, is still to
complete its inquiry. The government last week gave yet another extension
to him.
By 1990, six years after riots, just one killer had been convicted.
Three special courts set up in 1990 were almost shams. One court acquitted
over 100 accused within weeks. The exception was the court chaired by
judges like SN Dhingra.
Widows and survivors walked the Kafkaesque corridors of Delhi
courts for years in search of justice. They were threatened, some gave in. A
handful of the Sikh leaders were accused of taking money from the accused.
Through the travails of these victims, Delhi progressed. Apartment
complexes, BPO boom and malls - it has been an unprecedented two
decades for Delhi as right wing ideology burst into the scene. Hopes of the
BJP-led government delivering justice were misplaced.
The past two decades has been an unending trauma for the riot
victims eeking out a living in the shanties and crumbling colonies,
earmarked for them. For the orphans of 1984, the lost childhood has been
replaced by a miserable youth.
In a city that is a comfortable home to political refugees from over
40 countries, the victims of 1984 are forgotten and hidden - like sins.
Delhi has been the graveyard of many an empire: Be it the Slave
Dynasty, Lodhis, Mughals or the British. But can modern Delhi overcome
its history? Will India survive the curse of history? For a country that refuses
to learn from history how bright could the future be?
The answers to these questions lie buried in the lessons of the past.
In search of a solution to the endless cycle of violence, Timesofindia.com
captures various aspects of the 1984 riots, its victims and responses, hoping
that the leaders, authorities, ordinary men and women realize that no cause
is worth a life
source: India refuses to learn lessons from its history of communal
riots. The sins of 1984 revisited Gujarat in 2002 and are likely to surface
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again, says Josy Joseph.
THE police looked the other way as politicians led marauding
mobs into the city. You could be talking of Delhi of 1984, or Ahmedabad of
2002.
For its very long history, India has an extremely short memory.
Uncomfortable events from the past are tucked away into obscure corners.
Especially those that involved violent-bursts of passions, stoked by
religion, caste, politics or plain hatred.
May be it is the greed to move forward to the future that prevents
backward looks. But the forward march is more often than not interrupted
by another round of bloody sacrifice of innocence. And yet again the nation
fails to offer succor to its victims, deliver justice punish the guilty.
Assurance of immunity to the criminal is almost ingrained in the
society. Witnesses to bloody pogroms in India grow up without any guilt.
Each mob violence is forgotten in the next one.
In just three days, over 4,000 Sikhs were killed in the wake of the
assassination of Indira Gandhi, India's most controversial, powerful and
longest-serving prime minister. The poorest neighborhoods in Delhi saw
the worst riots.
It was an organized massacre of the minority community by
politicians and their supporters. Rioters had a free run as the Delhi Police
looked away. They ruled the streets as an overwhelmed civil society figured
ways out.
Within days of the riots, the usual Indian response was triggered:
Commissions and committees, assurances and some stupid political
statements, charges and counter charges, and denials by the very leaders
who incited the mob to violence.

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 Chapter-7

In Delhi, every year busloads of tourists visit the memorials

established by the Indian government for the late Prime Ministers Indira
Gandhi, and her son Rajiv Gandhi. These memorials are forgetorials; they
do not inform the visitors of the chillingly sinister justification provided by
Mr. Gandhi for the Sikh pogrom: The ground does shake when a big tree
falls.
I was a teenager in Delhi in November 1984, when Mr. Gandhi
spoke those words. My father was an officer in the Indian armed forces. We
rented an apartment in a yellow government-owned block in Sector 3, Rama
Krishna Puram in south Delhi. Before the mob appeared, Father had called
his regiment, requesting two security guards, but for some reason the guards
were unable to make it on time. A mob passed by our block, attacking the
Sikhs they saw on the streets. We took refuge in our Hindu neighbor's house.
Even there we could hear the acoustics of the mob, the barbaric slogans.
“Khoon ka badla khoon say (Blood for blood).”
We were the lucky ones. We were spared. Around 20 minutes later,
the mob passed our apartment block. I recall hearing a couple of gunshots
fired in the air, followed by a dead silence, and the loud racist and
bloodthirsty slogans receding, as if a demonstration of the Doppler effect.
The few hours we were in the neighbor's house fill an enormous
space in my mind. How many of my assumptions collapsed that afternoon. I
have not been able to articulate those few hours, the burned remains of the
buildings I saw later and the tiny particles of ash floating in air. Eventually
two security guards appeared at our door, but I didn't feel safe. I have tried
hard to forget those moments, but they stand in my way.
We were unaware at that point that the ruling Congress Party was
using all the organs of the Indian state to conduct a pogrom. The state-
controlled All India Radio announced that, barring a few little incidents, the
situation was under control. The state-controlled television, Doordarshan
broadcast live the national mourning as Mrs. Gandhi's body lay in state
(with Bergmanesque closeups of her face). But the soundtrack was the
soundtrack of the mob created by the cabinet ministers and members of
parliament, as we found out later. Khoon ka Badla Khoon,. (Blood for
Blood). Most of the Indian press collaborated with the government in the
coverage of the pogrom. The Indian Express newspaper was one of the few
honorable exceptions.

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 Last December in Delhi after the brutal gangrape of a 23-year-old
student, I witnessed demonstrations in several neighborhoods in the city
and attended a panel at a research library. There was a long and chilling
pause in the audience when the panelists pointed out the silences around
sexual violence that took place in 1984 pogrom. Several Sikh women were
gangraped. Others lost as many as 21 members of their extended families in
a single day.
The aching spectacle and the acoustics created by mobs are too
horrific to describe in detail. Many victims had been earlier displaced by the
Partition of India in 1947 and later by Mrs. Gandhi's emergency in 1975.
Most led impoverished existence in resettlement colonies on the fringes of
Delhi weaving jute cots or working as carpenters or ironsmiths.
Public buses and trains were used by the state to transport paid
mobs. Voter's lists were used to mark Sikh houses and businesses overnight.
Most victims were burned with the aid of kerosene or a white inflammable
powder. More than four thousand Sikhs were burned alive in Delhi alone.
Unknown number of Sikh men set on fire in more than forty cities
throughout India. The mobs, it is well documented, were given money,
liquor, kerosene, and instructions by senior Congress leaders. India'ss then
home minister did nothing while the city of Delhi started smelling of human
flesh and burning rubber tires. Delhi Police actively participated in the orgy.
Prominent citizens and lawyers begged the prime minister to act, but he did
nothing for four days. This kind of coordination of the state apparatus to kill
its own citizens in such large numbers only a few blocks from the
Parliament was unsurpassed in Indian history.
A few days later, Prime Minster Rajiv Gandhi, a Cambridge
dropout, used really bad physics to justify the pogrom: When a big tree falls,
the earth shakes. The anti-Sikh riot, was mostly mentioned in the Indian
public sphere as a footnote to Indira Gandhi's assassination. Barring the
exceptions of Urvashi Butalia's The Other Side of Silence and Amitav
Ghosh's 1995 essay, The Ghosts of Mrs. Gandhi in The New Yorker, most
Indian writers were reluctant to engage with that horrific past. Things are
changing slowly. Several human rights reports and a few books have
appeared, the most significant one being, When a Tree Shook Delhi by the
distinguished journalist Manoj Mitta and the Supreme Court lawyer, H. S.
Phoolka. Among other aspects it examines the role played by Delhi Police
in facilitating the atrocity, and the sinister role played by the judiciary
afterwards. A few documentaries have been made and a feature film, Amu
by Shonali Bose appeared a few years earlier.
Almost three decades and several judicial commissions later, not a
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single politician, cabinet minister, bureaucrat, diplomat, judge, or a high-
ranking police officer has been brought to justice. Witnesses have been
pressurized, offered huge amounts of money, harmed physically and
emotionally, and even killed. In April 2013, a Delhi court acquitted Sajjan
Kumar, a Congress leader from Delhi and one of the main accused in the
pogrom. Last week, the Delhi High court rejected his appeals and decided to
continue his trial. In 2009, Jagdish Tytler, another Congress leader accused
of involvement in the pogrom, was exonerated by the India's federal
investigation agency, Central Bureau of Investigation. Indian courts offered
a modicum of hope by ordering the CBI to continue investigating Mr.
Tytler's role in the pogrom.
The Justice Nanavati Commission had indicted both Mr. Tytler and
Mr. Kumar in its 2005 report on the carnage. The Commission considers it
safe to record a finding that there is credible evidence against Shri Jagdish
Tytler to the effect that very probably he had a hand in organizing attacks on
Sikhs, the Nanavati Commission report remarked. The report added that,
there is credible material against Shri Sajjan Kumar and Shri Balwan
Khokhar for recording a finding that he and Shri Balwan Khokhar were
probably involved as alleged by the witnesses.
Kamal Nath, another main accused, is a senior cabinet minister in
the current administration; he represented India at the World Economic
Forum in Davos earlier this year. Several witnesses have testified that Mr.
Nath was present at Rakabganj Sahib Gurudwara and directed and
instigated mobs.
In 1984 Rakabganj Sahib, a heritage gurudwara, only a few blocks
away from the Parliament, was a target. In the first week of June, as the
Indian press reported plans for laying a foundation stone for a November
1984 Sikh massacre memorial at Rakabganj Sahib, the Congress
government in Delhi set about creating hurdles to prevent its construction.
The initiative for the memorial came from Delhi Sikh Gurudwara
Management Committee (DSGMC) after a change in its leadership from a
pro-Congress party group to an anti-Congress party group. The New Delhi
Municipal Corporation (NDMC) warned the organizing body against
building an illegal structure in the gurudwara complex.
Why exactly this opposition to remembrance of lives and
communities destroyed in 1984? Such control over sites of traumatic
memory suggests the state is deeply anxious about restoration of forgotten
histories, especially the crimes it committed against its own citizens in the
recent past. The memorial will necessarily question the official narrative
around what to remember and how to remember. In India, it seems, only the
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party in power has the supreme right to build memorials, and the ones it
keeps constructing with obsessive zeal are around the lives and deaths of so-
called great leaders. Yet India has no memorials for around 1.5 million
people killed and over 12 million displaced during the violent Partition,
accompanying the birth of India and Pakistan in 1947.
Memory, W.G. Sebald wrote, even if you repress it, will come back
at you and it will shape your life. Not so long ago I asked my own family
members, once again, about their memories of November 1984. My sister
told me how she has sought to erase the memories of her school, which was
looted, partially destroyed, and set on fire by a mob. During those couple of
hours in the neighbour's house, I still recall, she kept saying, Let's go home.
I have to finish my homework. She was 12.
My father recalled his journey home from work on the evening of
October 31. He was the commanding officer of the Signal Regiment (E-
Block) near the Parliament. When the officer's van passed by the All India
Institute of Medical Sciences in central Delhi, he saw some signs of
violence through the van window. As the violence intensified on November
1, 1984, father received several desperate calls from his Sikh staff members:
junior officers, signalmen, radio and cipher operators. He dispatched a
Hindu driver to rescue them.
My mother said she had nothing to say. When I insisted, she told me
about the regiment driver. Ishwar, the driver, called very late on the night of
November 1. She had answered the phone. Ishwar was crying. He told your
father the details of the day, almost like an entry in a log book, she said Then
he broke down. Ishwar had driven for nine hours through Delhi, through fire
and smoke, bodies and ash. He had rescued dozens of Sikh men and brought
their families to the safety of a barbed-wire camp in Khanpur area in south
Delhi. Many more needed help. Ishwar had not slept or eaten for the last
sixteen hours. He could no longer stare in the eye of the horror.
Your father tried to persuade Ishwar to make one more trip, mother
recalled. But Ishwar broke down. My mother was silent for a while. She
spoke about Ishwar's sobbing, crackling voice, and the complete collapse of
language. To this day I hear Ishwar's voice and his scream, mother said, her
eyes filled with moisture. When she spoke several hours later, she asked me
a question about the novel I was working on. I could see that she felt like
saying something to me, but she was unable to do so
On June 12, the foundation stone of the Sikh pogrom memorial was
laid at Rakabganj Sahib Gurudwara complex. Building a memorial
obviously raises huge questions. What event will be remembered and how
will it be remembered? Will there be a single one or a plurality of
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memorials? How will one ensure that the memorialization project respects
the dead and not reduce itself into a showcase for competing political
agendas?
The memorials and their materiality may or may not allow
mourning, and may or may not help healing. But there is one memorial the
city of Delhi needs urgently, the one that would really honor the dead and
restore humanity to the living, a memorial that would bring an end to
infinite impunity the Indian political class enjoys after organizing, inciting,
and enabling collective violence and after conducting pogroms.
Jaspreet Singh's most recent novel, Helium, will be published in
August by Bloomsbu

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 The disclosures made by Justice RS Narula, former judge of Punjab
and Haryana High Court .
The Delhi government, led by BJP chief minister Madan Lal
Khurana, set up a committee under R.S. Narula, retired chief justice of the
Punjab and Haryana High Court in December 1993.
In its January 1994 report, the committee recommended
registration of cases against Bhagat, Kumar and Tytler.

Justice R S Narula
1984 Questions which Remain Unanswered.
Eminent jurist and former Chief Justice of Punjab & Haryana High
Court, article reproduced from The Sikh Review, September 2000.
The Government of Delhi State has, by a Notification dated May
08, 2000, assigned to Justice Nanavati all matters relating to the 1984
massacre of Sikhs. Here are some key Questions for the Commission.
Justice Narula himself reveals that once I thought to write an article
on the 1984 genocide of Sikhs but I have, time and again, restrained myself,
as the article would forewarn the culprits because my reference to various
aspects of the case may lead to destruction of even the remaining relevant
records.
The Government of Delhi State has, by a Notification dated May
08, 2000, assigned to Justice Nanavati all matters relating to the 1984
massacre of Sikhs. Here are some key Questions for the Commission.
Once I thought to write an article on the 1984 genocide of Sikhs but
I have, time and again, restrained myself, as the article would forewarn the
culprits because my reference to various aspects of the case may lead to
destruction of even the remaining relevant records.
Here are some of the questions the Commission – indeed the
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Government – must answer.
1. The official Telex message sent at about 11 A.M. on 31.10.84 to
Indian Embassies and High Commissions abroad mentioned “Two Sikh
Guards and a clean-shaven” as the assassins of Indira Gandhi. Who was the
third man “the clean shaven” one?
2. Why was the large number of Sikh police personnel taken off
duty, and sent to the barracks on the 31st October when no one could see any
risk to their lives ? Why were they disarmed?
3. Who was the clearly visible and identifiable man who continued to
be shown on the Doordarshan television throughout the first part of October
31-Nov. 1 night (standing at the threshold of the room where lay the dead body
of Indira Gandhi for public view) shouting: “Sardar Qaum ke ghaddar” and
“Khoon ka Badla Khoon” – openly inciting spilling of Sikh blood.
4. Why no action has been taken against that man, till date, for
openly spreading disaffection between communities and provoking
bloodshed of identifiable persons?
5. What happened at the meeting held in P.M. Rajiv Gandhi's house
on the evening of October 31? Who were present there? Official records are
stated to refer to such a meeting and the presence of the Govt. and police
officials therein.
6. Some police officers – above DSP level were called by wireless
messages to attend a meeting at a Minister's (H.K.L. Bhagat's) house late on
Oct. 31. Who ordered the meeting, how much time was spent in the meeting,
who addressed the meeting, and for what purpose?
7. Who accompanied Rajiv Gandhi on the night between
31.10.1984 and 1.11.1984 when he – admittedly – went around East Delhi
with HKL Bhagat, and others, for a short time?
8. Photographs and news published in newspapers and magazines
showed that wherever any Sikh properties were on fire, the fire brigade
showered the water on the adjoining non-Sikh properties – and not on the
burning ones. What action has been taken against the fire brigade people for
this deliberate mischief and wanton disregard of duty? What was it due to?
9. Was any inquiry held into the deployment of D.T.U. (PSU)
drivers for ferrying rioters from place to place in official buses, to which fact
reference was made in the press and some police reports? Who organized
the drivers and provided for fuel?
10. Why did the police take away even the kirpans of the Sikhs from
their houses (violating their Constitutional right) to defend themselves
against organized violence? Why was this continued even after the first set
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of disarmed defenders was fatally attacked?
11. How was it, that all the Delhi police stations adopted the patently
illegal method of not recording separate reports (FIRs) of separate complaints,
but compressed all the complaint of murders into a single case of riot in the
area? What action has been taken against the delinquent officials?
12. When at 12.23 P.M. on 1.11.84, a wireless message from East
Dist. Central Police Room (office of DCP Sewa Dass) was received by SHO
Kalyanpuri (Surbir Singh) to the effect that people had set fire to the
Gurdwara, why was the message confined to sending the fire brigade and
why was police force not sent to arrest the “people” who were roaming
about during curfew with cans of petrol?
13. Why did the SHO Kalyanpuri not take any police action except
sending back the wireless message that “information has been sent” (to the
fire brigade)?
14. When at 12.40 P.M. on Nov. 01. 1984 a wireless message was
sent by Surbir Singh, SHO to his Kalyanpuri police station to reach Block
No.11 Kalyanpuri, why did police not rush to the spot to control the killings
and looting?
15. Why was neither any adequate police action taken nor serious
notice taken of the alarming wireless message sent at 14.35 hours, and again
at 15.10 hours on November 01, to SHO Kalyanpuri, that there was serious
trouble in Blocks 32 and 36 of Tirlokpuri, where the Gurdwara and Sikh
shops were being put to fire and the position was serious? Why was extra
force not called/sent to the spot from the police lines or Central Area or from
non-Sikh areas which were quiet?
16. Same questions as No. 15 above arise, with greater force, to the
situation reported at 15.10 hours on Nov. 01 by East District Control Room
to the area police station, Kalyanpuri, by wireless, specifically reporting
that extensive loss of life and property was taking place in Blocks 32 and 36
of Tirlokpuri? Why was army not called by higher-ups when every minute
report was being received by them?
17. Why did none of the scores of wireless messages refer to the
target (Sikhs) of all the killings or looting?
18. Why was seriousness not attached to the situation when
wireless messages started pouring in from 18.30 hours on Nov. 01 onwards,
about dead bodies lying on the roads? Why was the common feature of dead
bodies being of Sikhs not brought on record?
19. Why were the higher-up police and executive officers – up to
the Home Minister, Narasimha Rao, paralyzed when the situation in
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Kalyanpuri and Tirlokpuri (in East Delhi) reporting: (a) the butchering and
murders of persons on large scale was reported on Wireless at 17.31 hours;
and again (b) when DCP R.K. Sharma's wireless message was received at
18.58 hours on Nov. 01 reporting about 200 persons having already been
killed in Tirlokpuri alone?
20. Was this deliberate non-action not due to the publicly expressed
view of the then P.M. that all this was the natural rumbling caused by the
“fall of a Big Tree”?
21. In spite of details of the wholesale killings of Sikhs reaching
highest quarters by late night on Nov. 01, why no preventive measures were
taken on the following two days?
22. Why, and by whom, the request of Commissioner of Police,
dated October 31, to call Army on Nov. 1 turned down? Why was calling
Army postponed even on Nov. 01 after the mayhem had already started?
23. Why did no Govt. officials contradict the statements made by
Congress leader Dharam Dutt Shastri (who has been given State security at the
cost of tax payers like us) in police station (reported in Indian Express) that police
should not arrest the people who resorted to the violence, as they were not
criminals, but respectable persons. Who were those “respectable persons”?
24. Who and why was public notice (report in Indian Express)
issued on or about 5.11.1984 that persons who had stolen property from
Sikh homes in their possession should place them in the street corners, so
that the owners can take it back? The obvious object was to destroy
evidence of legal presumption that the holder of looted (stolen) property
had looted it.
25. When Additional Commissioner of Police, Ved Marwah, IPS,
started inquiry into the conduct of erring police officers, and they were
letting out the truth, why was he not allowed to continue the inquiry and to
make his report?
26. What has happened to the notes of the true statements made
before Ved Marwah unofficially?
27. Why did government not oppose the prayer for stay of inquiry
made by Brahmanand – a Congress stooge – in his Writ Petition heard by
Justice Maharaj Krishan of Delhi High Court?
28. When Army units from Meerut side reached borders of Delhi,
and it was found that the units had some companies of Sikhs, they were
stopped from being deployed. Who ordered this – and why?
29. How is it that when their substitutes were called from
elsewhere, there was no Sikh unit therein?
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 30. When, instead of holding departmental proceedings, criminal
cases were filed against some policemen under the Police Act, and/or
Criminal Penal Code, why was Govt. sanction not first obtained, when the
law in that respect under Section 197 Cr. P. C. is clear?
31. When such cases were dismissed “for want of sanction” why
did the Govt. not promptly give sanction for prosecution? Alternatively,
why did the Govt. not resume the departmental proceedings which had been
stayed suo moto because the cases had been filed in court?
32. Why, instead of following at least any one of the two logical
courses, (viz. grant sanction and/or resume departmental proceedings), the
Govt. went up in patently useless Criminal Revision petitions to the High
Court and kept them pending for a long time, and then conceded that
sanction was indeed necessary, after having, in the meantime, dropped the
departmental proceedings?
33. When the Kusum Lata Committee (appointed by the Govt.)
found about 72 police officers to be guilty of crimes and serious dereliction
of duty, why no action was taken against them? On the contrary, why were
those officers given promotions?
34. When, on the eve of Punjab elections (1991) Narasimha Rao,
then Prime Minister, gave a press statement that action would be taken against
the alleged guilty police officers, one such officer made a press statement
threatening to speak out the truth if action was initiated against him by the
Govt., that was the end of the action announced by then P.M. Why?
35. What was “Operation Shanti”? When was it conceived and
worked out?
36. How is it that hundreds of attackers drawn from different parts
of Delhi and Haryana appeared, armed with iron rods of same material and
size? Why have these rods not been recovered from them after the killings?
There are about one hundred other questions — to ask those
questions is to answer them!
The record is full of material to expose the reality. For example,
there is a videotape showing why Satnami Bai, having identified HKL
Bhagat in the earlier hearing, refused to identify him in court after she had
been drugged.
I have given here an indication so that in case of fresh independent
inquiry, if I am no more on the scene, this indictment can be published and
pursued.
Large scale Sikh genocide was planned by the top layers of
government including Indira Gandhi herself. The plan, known as Operation
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Shanti, was to take place around November 8, as was a surprise attack on
Pakistan. Beant Singh, the man who assassinated Gandhi, heard of
Operation Shanti from R. K. Dhawan, Special Assistant to the Prime
Minister and decided to kill Gandhi. [source: The Sikhs in History by
Sangat Singh]
http://violatingfaith.blogspot.com/
Neither any Sikh was reported killed on 31st October, nor was any
house of a Sikh looted! If we have a look on next day's news papers on 1st
November, we do not find any untoward incident against Sikhs …..but yes,
there was a short news in 1st column on page no.1 that some tension was
seen in out skirts of Delhi and Ghaziabad and some reports of disturbance
also mentioned. What was the reason the public which was pacified, got
provoked next day and then this same public is so incited that it starts killing
their own brothers—the Sikhs? We have to find the answer.
The day when Indira was assassinated, public was feared but
peaceful, they may be Hindus, Muslims or Sikhs but nothing worst
happened anywhere. Some Hindu anti social elements tried to create
tension by disturbing in crowd as reported from AIIMS (All India Medical
Sciences) but it was not on large scale. Hindus couldn't dare to attack on
house of a Sikh because Sikh could fight till his last breath and saved his
family. Therefore nobody attacked on houses of Sikhs.
The attack begun only after hoodlums assured safety. They were
incited against Sikhs and prepared mentally to attack on innocent Sikh
families. To set their houses on fire and wherever they see a Sikh—kill him.
The govt. of India used it's all the propaganda organizations to prepare
grounds to eliminate Sikhs in India like Door Darshan TV, All India Radio
and news papers etc.
A fact-finding team jointly organized by one People's Union for
Democratic Rights (PUDR) and people's Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL)
in the course of investigations went to every corner of Delhi where the
innocent Sikhs were killed. Indian govt. called these well organized killings
of Sikhs as Sikh riots but the riots means where to communities, groups
clash with each other. Here in 1984, only Sikhs were attacked in a well
planned manner, a very well organized by perpetrators and chief organizers,
hence it was genocide of Sikhs not the riots. To unravel the facts behind
these killings, both these organizations had published a book jointly named
as “DOSHI KAUN” in Hindi which was also published in English as
“WHO ARE THE GUILTY”. These books were sold immediately from
the book-shelves in markets. All the government system of India was
shattered by publishing of these books including Rajiv Gandhi. The
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President of Delhi Congress at that time called it as BUNDLE OF LIES and
threatened these organizations who collected evidences, revealed and
published. She was Ambika Soni.
On the basis of information gathered from various sources,
including eyewitnesses, survivors and relatives of the dead, When all these
incidents were investigate, it was found….'the main reason behind these
incidents were three rumors'. First rumor was of distribution of sweets by
Sikhs on assassination of Indira Gandhi which was found baseless, they
couldn't find any eye witness of it and second …..'The Second rumors was
that train-loads of hundreds of Hindu dead bodies had arrived at Old Delhi
Station from Punjab. Third, water was poisoned by the Sikhs, As for the two
latter rumors, we came across evidence of policemen in van touring certain
localities and announcing through loudspeakers the arrival of the train and
to poison the water. In certain areas, we heard that police officials had rung
up residents advising them not to drink water. These rumors( the last two
were officially repudiated later) contributed to the shaping of a public mind
that acquiesced in the attack and murders that took place soon after.
The second face begun with well equipped with armes the Hindu
youths, brought by Tempos, Vans, Buses and Trucks. Their arrival was
noticed from the midnight of 31st Octber and next morning they could be
seen from South Delhi to North Delhi, from west Delhi to east Delhi, as they
were seen in Munirka of south Delhi, Saket, south extension, Lajppat nagar,
Bhogal, Jangpura and in Ashram area.beside these they also spread in
markets of Connaught place of south-west Delhi and in the colonies across
Yamuna and in north Delhi too. With cans of petrol they went round the
localities and systematically set fire to Sikh houses, shops and Gurudwaras
(their places of worship) before they set them on fire. We were told by the
residents of these colonies that they were lead by known famous Congress
leaders and activists who identified the residences and shops of Sikhs and
informed the killing squads. A senior Police officer of Delhi revealed under
condition of not disclosing his name that , 'the sign boards of shops are
generally written in Hindi or English, how could the illiterate goons could
identify them whether the owner of shop was Sikh or Hindu until it's true
identity is not revealed by a local or by a literate person? In some villages of
Delhi like Trilokpuri, Mangolpuri and across Yamuna, the loot was
organized by local Gurzars and Jatt farmers along with the local residents in
which most were congress activists. We were also told that the Balmiki
(Bhangi) community organized the loot. The buses of Delhi Transport
Corporation were engaged in ferrying these members of killing squads from
one place to other in south Delhi. How could DTC deploy it's buses to ferry

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these goons?
These killing squads had planned a very well organized plan to kill
Sikhs. According to census of 1971, the number of Sikh youths in the age
group of 20-25 in Delhi was about 1,00,000. Most of the Sikhs killed in this
pogrom were of this age group only. As per reports of Hindustan times on
7th Nov. & 11th November, the dead toll of Sikhs was only 325 including 46
Hindus. It was the biggest joke with dead. The statistics collected from
Jhuggi colonies and other sources it was counted to more than 100 which
later on confirmed to 2733 officially on govt. records but unofficial records
reveals that more than 10,000 Sikhs were killed only in Delhi.
The same tactic was applied to set ablaze the houses, shops and
Gurudwaras of Sikhs in Mangolpuri and Trilokpuri where maximum
killings were reported. The youths were mostly targeted. They were pulled
out of their houses, beaten and then set on fire alive, whereas the old men,
women and children were generally given a chance to escape. The
registration papers (Papers of ownership of their houses) were also burnt.
We were informed in Mangolpuri that even children were not spared. We
also received the reports of gang rape with Sikh women. A well organized
plan was orchestrated to destroy the wealth and life of Sikhs by set on fire
their houses, shops, businesses and holy Gurudwaras. The orgy of
destruction embraced a variety of property ranging from shops, factories,
houses to gurudwaras and schools belonging to the Sikhs.
In all the affected areas, the killers were present to burn alive the
Sikhs on public roads. Even five days after the incidents, on November, in
the courses of one our regular visits to Mangolpuri we found that although
the ashes had been cleared, the pavement in front of the Congress (I) office
was still blotched with burnt patches, which the local people had earlier
pointed out to us as spots where four Sikhs were burnt alive.
More important; in the most affected areas, such as Trilokpuri,
Mangolpuri and Sultanpuri, the mobs were led by local Congress (I)
politicians and hoodlums of that locality. These areas, it will be recalled,
were setup in the urban resettlement drive initiated by the Congress (I), and
have since been active support bases of the Congress (I). These areas have
also in the recent past provided the Congress (I) rallies in the city substantial
numerical support. In other words, there exists in such areas an established
organizational network through which masess are mobilized for
demonstration of Congress (I)'s ostensible popular support. A veteran
politician based in Delhi put in very crisply when he said that these
resettlement colonies "are the kept (rakhel) of the Congress (I)".

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 Particular of the police officers involved in November
1984 riots in Delhi.
SR No Name and Rank District Position
1. H C Jatav East
2. Sewa Das East DCP
3. Chandar Prakash East
4. U K Katna West
5. Ajay Chadha South
6. R C Kohi Railway
7. Mahabir Singh North Add, DCP security
8. Roop Chand North
9. Raghubir Singh Malik North ACP
10. S M Bhaskar East ACP
11. R C Dahia West ACP
12. O P Yadav South ACP
13. Durga Prasad North ACP
14. Raghunath Singh North ACP
15. R C Malhotra East Retd. ACP
16 Purushottam Das North ACP
17. Sheodeen Singh West ACP
18. Jaipal Singh South ACP
19. Jagdish Cnadra Sharma West ACP

INSPECTORS:
20. Shoorveer Singh Tyagi East
21. Hari Ram Bhati West
22. Jai Singh East
23. Ram Chandar West
24. Ram Pal Singh West
25. Ram Mehar East
26. T P Sharma Cr. & Rly.
27. Sadhu Singh Cr. & Rly
28. Jai Bhagwan Malik North
29. RC Thakur East
30. Hawa Singh West
31. Bhim Singh East
32 R P Singh East
33. Rohtash Singh South

SUB-INSPECTORS:
34. Sri Chand East
35. Manphool Singh East
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36. Som Prakash East
37. Babu Lal West
38. Ram Chandar West
39. Shakti Singh South
40. Ishwar Singh South
41. Sat Prakash North
42. Surinder Dev East
43. Tulsi Das East
44. Mani Ram East
45. Jagdish Prasad East
46. Laxmi Chand South
47. BhanwarSingh South
48. Iqbal Singh South
49. Satpal Kapoor East
50. Ram Singh North
51. C L jatana East
52. Om Prakash Central
53. V P Rana South
54. Ganesh Tiwari South
55. ai Bhagwan North
56. Sadhu Ram East
57. Mool Chand Shakarpur
58. R D Singh

ASSISTANT SUB-INSPETORS:
59. Amar Nath North
60. Mange Ram North
61. Raja Ram North
62. Atar Singh West
63. Rameshwar Nath Central
64. Bakshi Trilokpuri

HEAD CONSTABLES:
65. Jai Chand West
66. Rajbir Singh East
67. Hargopal Singh East

CONSTABLES:
70. Munshi Ram East
71. Khazan Singh West
72. Mohinder Singh Central
73. Ishwar Singh East
74. Neeraj Singh East
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 75. Rajkumar East
76. Gajraj Singh East

SHO
77. Rao Ram Shakarpur
78. Ravtas Singh Sadarpur
79. Surver Singh Kalyanpuri

SHO and CONSTABLES, RK PURAM Sector-IV P.S.

*Hindi magazine ‘Insaf kab aur kaun dega?November 1984 se ab
tak ka safar.
*Who are the guilty?

The Gurzars and Jatts from the outskirt villages of Delhi played a
key role in loot and massacre of Sikhs. They provoked against Sikhs, fuelled
in fire and brutally killed the Sikh youths. Justice Narula himself wrote it
that …..36. How is it that hundreds of attackers drawn from different parts
of Delhi and Haryana appeared, armed with iron rods of same material and
size? Why have these rods not been recovered from them after the killings?
The participations of the Jats and Gujjars from the so-called "urban
villages" of Delhi played a very strong role in adding to the numbers of
rioters and in aiding to the numbers of rioters and in aiding the riots,
murders and looting. They were particularly dominant in West and South
Delhi. Most of the these villagers who once owned land in Ber Serai,
Munirka and Mohammadpur, for instance made a tidy sum of money after
their land was taken away for the urban expansion of New Delhi. The land
owned by these villagers was generally of a very poor quality with no
irrigational facilities. For this reason the villagers in these areas had to
augment their resources through non-agricultural means, not least of them
being brigandage. After their lands were acquired by the government they
suddenly became prosperous and began to exert themselves politically as
well.
It is a known fact that if one is to make any headway in an election
the Gujjars and Jats of these areas have to be one's side. Unfortunately,
much of the police force which is stationed in this area and around is drawn
from these communities. For this reason, on various occasions there had
been a noticeable complicity in these areas between the criminals and the
police. This truth was brought home startly during the recent riots.
As for the Scheduled Caste communities who were displaced due
to the acquisition of land for urban expansion those from the Balmiki
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community utilized the benefits of the reservation policy and came into the
city where they found jobs in the policies, UPSC etc. The Bhangis went into
the Corporation, while the third-major group, the Dhanuks considered the
lowest caste, are engaged in a variety of odd jobs. Among the Scheduled
Caste communities living in the resettlement colonies, the Balmikis are pre-
dominantly supporters of Jagjivan Ram, while the Bhangis are solid
supporters of Congress (I), Information gathered by us from the trouble
areas suggests that the Bhangis many of them working as a corporation -
comprised the bulk of the local miscreants the Sikhs.

Role of Police;
All throughout the period from October 31 to November 4 - the
heights of the riots the police all over the city uniformly betrayed a common
behavioral pattern marked by (I) total absence from the scene; or (ii) a role
of passive spectators or (iii) direct participation or abetment in the orgy of
violence against the Sikhs. On November 1, when we toured the Lajpat
Nagar area we found the police conspicious by their absence while Sikh's
shop were being set on fire and looted. Young people armed with swords,
daggers, spears, steel Trishuls (Tridents) and iron rods were ruling the
roads. The only sign of police presence was a police jeep, which obstructed
a peace procession brought out a few concerned citizens (who later
organized themselves into the Nagarik Ekta manch) on the evening of
November 1, When the procession was on its way to the Lajpat Nagar main
market, a police inspector from the van stopped the procession, warned it
not to proceed reminding its members that the city was under curfew and
Section 144. When leaders of the procession wanted to know from the
police inspector why the arsonists and rioters were not being dispersed if
curfew was on, he gave no reply and warned instead that the procession
could go to the Lajpat Nagar market at their own risk. At the Lajpat Nagar
market, leaders of the procession sought to pacify the mob by pointing out
that innocent Sikhs were not responsible for Mrs. Gandhi's assassination
and should be protected from the attacks. They raised the slogan : "Hindu-
Sikh Bhai Bhai " As the crowd began to listen to the speeches made by the
procession leaders, organized attempts were made by certain groups from
among them to shout down the speakers, by raising the slogans :- "Indira
Gandhi Zindabad" "Hindi Hindi Bhai Bhai". It is significant that wherever
we went, we did not find any sign of mourning or grief on the faces of those
who were participating in the looting and burning. Attempts of pacify them
by the peace marchers were met with derisive laughter. Listening to their
gleeful faces, one would have thought it was a festival, but for the arson and
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loot that was going on.
Beside these organized attacks wherever a Sikh was seen on the
roads or streets, he was helpless to face these killing squads. He was killed
on the spot, he may be an army personal who was going on vacation to his
home or was returning to join his duty, was targeted by these brutal killing
squads either at a railway station or in the bogie of the train. But the bitter
truth is these cowards though supported by local administration and the
Police had not strength to face a Sikh anywhere. It's quite easy to stop a
moving truck on road and kill it's driver but to face an armed Sikh —-is
sheer foolishness. Therefore these brutal killers massacred only single or
less in numbered Sikhs. They didn't set any example of valor to which these
Congress goons could feel proud.
The Station Hours Officer (SHO) of Kalyanpuri police station
under which Trilokpuri falls, withdrew the constables who were on duty
there. In Sultanpuri, the SHO, one Bhatti, is alleged to have killed two Sikhs
and helped the mob in disarming those Sikhs who tried to resist the mob. No
action is ever taken against this guilty Police officers.
But the Delhi Police was also under control of ministry of home
affairs. The Home Minister, Mr. Narasimha Rao who was inducted in the
new Cabinet by Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi soon after Mrs. Gandhi's
death, was empowered in his capacity as a Home Minister to deploy the
para-military forces (if the Delhi Police force was found to be inadequate or
inefficient) to quell the violence that erupted following the announcement
of Mrs. Gandhi's death. He could deploy the force to save the helpless
citizens in a short notice if he wished but he didn't did so and left the
innocent Sikhs on mercy of killing squads. He dishonored his position and
violated his constitutional duties by not following them truthfully.
Any direct involvement of him may not be proved in Sikh genocide
but he is responsible for giving indirect support to the killings and for the
negligence to save precious lives of citizens by delay in giving orders and
taking the decisions being the home minister of the nation ...doesn't give
him any benefit of doubt but keeps him under clouds. We will discuss more
in coming pages ahead.
Delhi police was so negligent that it's one officer Gautam Kaul
(Additional commissioner of police) accepted before the rioters in All India
Medical Institute that, ' we were not prepared to face such situation (Indian
Express 1st Nov. 1984) Very amazed to see that an inefficient officer was
given the charge of Additional Commissioner, Security in a short time.
On the morning of November 3, 8.30 a.m. onwards two opposition
M.P.'s repeatedly requested both Mr. Narsimha Rao and Shiv Shankar to
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provide army protection to trains carrying Sikh passengers arriving from
Punjab. No troops were sent, with the result that every train was left at the
mercy of killing squads who dragged out Sikhs from the incoming train
compartments lynched them, their bodies on the platforms or the railway
tracks and many were set on fire. News paper reports that 43 persons were
killed. This was denied by Doordarshan in the evening. Visiting the
Tughlakabad station around 3.30 p.m., the STATESMAN reporters saw
"two bodies still smouldering on the platforms across the tracks".
(November 3, 1984). The troops had either arrived after the incident, or the
incident took place in front of the troops who did not intervene.
As per the information provided by
http://www.carnage84.com/official/kusum/ch11.htm President Giani Jail
singh said that he had no right to intervene. The police commissioner of
Delhi Subhash Tandon says that he was not given any report on what was
going on in Delhi whereas he himself was seen with the mob which attacked
at the Gurudwara Rakabganj. Home Minister Narsimharao was silent.
Lieutinent Governor Gawai thought as everything was under control and
he didn't took any dicision to call the army. He said to President ….If army is
called it could be disastrous. A magistrate refused to order to apply force on
mob (if required) to sign the order to control the mob by applying force
whereas the homes of Sikhs were set on fire in his neighborhood and Sikhs
were burnt alive.
The senior politician of Congress like Rajpal Singh was in meeting
till late in the night and busy to deliver kerosene and a white colored
inflammatory substance to mob. To get help of Delhi police and the DTC
was in it's agenda.

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 A pack Of Wolves In Khaki Clothing.
The history gives no account of such precedent on this subject as
does the manner in which dreaded, criminal, murderous and ruthless
officers of Delhi Police disposed of thousands of dead bodies of innocent
Sikh people in an inhuman, wicked and cruel manner. Come on! Let us
assume for a while that it was not Delhi Police officers who murdered or got
murdered the Sikh people in November “1984”. Well, let us also assume for
a while that the Delhi Police is neither aware of the truth about killings of the
Sikh people in Delhi nor do they know where the killers came from to do
this bloody massacre of the Sikh people.
Nevertheless, the truth is as universally accepted as the existence of
Sun God and the facts speak for themselves that over five thousand innocent
Sikhs fell dead in a single day, and all the dead bodies were found in the
streets of Delhi that include the area around thirty kilometers. Besides, a
large number of decomposed or badly burnt or extensively wounded dead
bodies were seen lying in lanes, alleyways, squares, parks, trains, railway
stations, bus terminals, trucks, streams, canals, markets, streets, stores,
factories, taxi stands, petrol pumps, transporters, warehouses, etc.
The houses of two Punjab and Sind Bank chairmen, Mohinder
Singh and Bhai Inderjit Singh, in Friends Colony (East) were looted and
burnt. In nearby Maharani Bagh, mobs arrived with lists carrying numbers
of rich Sikhs' homes. Again, the purpose was loot and arson. This then
spread to Hauz Khas, Vasant Vihar and Safdarjung Enclave. In distant,
sleepy Saket where we lived, mobs came in a neat row of three-wheelers, as
if in a procession, and burnt down the very pretty new gurdwara, leaving the
granthi for dead. He was later rescued by neighbours, all of them Hindu. On
a drive back from my office to home one afternoon, two of my women
colleagues and neighbours, Anita Kaul Basu and Anuradha Kapoor,
squeezed themselves on the pillion as no other transport was available. We
drove past the Chirag Dilli area and saw a beautiful new bungalow fully
ablaze on the intersection of Outer Ring Road and what is now Josip Broz
Tito Marg. Anita, who, with her equally talented husband, Siddhartha Basu,
runs a successful TV production house that produces Kaun Banega
Crorepati, was then expecting her first child as we were our second. Both
boys are now grown up and working for many years. And we still cannot
erase that image from our eyes or minds.
It was the legal obligation of the Delhi Police to take these dead
bodies in their custody, and they did fulfill it. However, Delhi Police
'neither' lodged an FIR, 'nor' did they made a note of it in their diary, 'nor' did
they photograph the dead bodies, 'nor' did they conduct a post-mortem on
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the dead bodies, 'nor' did they write the post-mortem report, 'nor' did they
appeal for witnesses to the killings, 'nor' did they inform the kin of victims
through a pubic notice, 'nor' did they hand over the dead bodies to an heir,
'nor' did they investigate a murderer for the massacre, 'nor' did they file a
single murder case to be decided in a court, 'nor' did they keep the dead
bodies of innocent Sikh people in a mortuary or a funeral parlor, 'nor' did
they administer the last rites to anyone and 'no' funerary rites were
administered as per the doctrine of Sikhism, 'no' recitation of the sacred
Gurbani funeral was done, 'no' Gurdwara authorities were informed to
witness a cremation and 'no' ritual material or wooden sticks were used to
burn the dead bodies.
Moreover, when a dreaded terrorist is killed, the police are
supposed to perform their funeral rites as per the ritual of the religion of the
dead, the last rites of the dead bodies of the Sikh people were performed by
the followers of other religions. For instance, the funeral ceremony of the
terrorists who attacked the Indian Parliament as well as the Pakistani
enemies who died in the Indo-Pak war was performed in a dignified manner
according to the respective religion of the dead, the corpses of the Sikhs
were cremated with the dead bodies of alcoholics, meat-eaters, crooks,
criminals and the like persons and without performing any religious ritual
too! This terrible inhuman act has threatened the very fabric of the Indian
society and all of the religious traditions and customs of the country.
Whereas it is the foremost as well as the most important moral duty of the
Delhi Police to comply with all their legal obligations, on the contrary, the
senior officers of the Delhi Police crossed all limits of cruelty when they
collected or got collected the dead bodies of Sikh people so inhumanly.
With a nod and a wink of the Centre – especially, M.M.K. Wali, the then
Home Secretary, Government of India, P.G. Gavai, the then Lt. Governor of
Delhi, and Subhash Tandon, the then Police Commissioner of Delhi – the
senior officers of Delhi Police bribed sweepers, criminals, butchers and
slum-dwellers with alcohol and a lot of money to drag the dead bodies of
Sikh people from different areas of Delhi to dustcarts, street venders'
pushcarts, cycle-rickshaws and auto-rickshaws so cruelly as if “a sweeper
drags an animal to his handcart.” Thereafter, they tied or wrapped together
the dead bodies collected from different parts of Delhi and put the bundles
in small trucks and tempos to take these to the forests on the outskirts of
Delhi and Aravalli hills surrounding Delhi to set the lots on fire with the help
of petrol, diesel or other chemicals during the hour of darkness in night as a
top-secret act! It marks the cold, dark and scary nights of November
“1984”. It was a time when a commoner of Delhi was so terrified and the Sikh
people were in hiding while many of them were injured. Television was the
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only electronic media and it was Government-controlled at that time.
In the hard times of this tragedy, Delhi Police showed a stunning
contempt of the Gurugranth Sahib and hundreds of Gurdwaras. For
instance, Gurdwara Sri Guru Singh Sabha in Gamdi near Bhajanpura,
situated in trans-yamuna area of Delhi was totally devastated and the
Gurugranth Sahib and other religious books were burnt and rereduced to
ashes. Thereafter, the Gurudwara was occupied by the police to build a
police station on the land. This police station remained in existence here for
8 years that is till 1992, and all this happened in Delhi, the capital of the
country, to bring about the disgarce of a brave community. We must not
forget the fact that “ten hungry hounds can kill even a lion or tiger
collecively!” The Centre government has conspired against the Sikh in a
planned manner and toldthe Sikh people again and again that investigating
committees are doing their job well and they will definitely get justice. This
job of investigating committees lasted for 26 years and total 18
investigating committees were set up one by one in this long period.
Unfortunately, it proved to be merely deception, a criminal conspiracy.
Therefore, Your Honor, I request you to take this petition of mine as a Writ
Petition and let the legal proceedings be begun. I must request (as in
November “1984”) that:
(a) an immediate legal action be taken against all the then senior
officers – ACP, DCP, Joint Commissioner and Commissioner of Police
including the SHOs and other officers posted in all police stations of Delhi
in murder, roit, arson, rape, throwing away dead bodies, destruction of
evidence, spoiling religious places, provoking a mob of criminals and the
like serious cases. Besides, on the basis of the given facts, let a strict action
be taken against the topmost police officers and felonious political leaders
who made the police force do this heinous crime; and
(b) an order be issued for letting a big and special team of senior
officers with an honest background from North-east and Keral or South
India be set up by the Hon'ble Supreme Court in the leadership and guidance
of the present honest Commissioner of Police so that the legal proceedings
be done in time-bound manner.

Delhi Police failed the uniform

In fact, the least celebrated story of those riots is also its most
inspirational and reassuring. It is of Hindu neighbours setting up vigils,
even in upper middle class localities and carrying out 24-hour patrols to
protect Sikhs. Mostly, these were no more than motley groups of babus and
other salaried professionals – including this reporter in G Block, Saket –
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wielding anything they could find, lathis, walking sticks, iron rods and
hockey sticks, the most effective weapon, though in short supply. It was
noted then that sometimes these patrols looked like excited teams of uncles
and teenagers in some mohalla cricket match. You also found what
protection you could, thick winter jackets (it was quite cold already at
night), crash helmets, anything. These defenders would not have lasted if
challenged by even half a mob with any intent. But the fact that these were
never challenged, that mobs saw even these and disappeared and then
stopped targeting colonies that had this vigilante patrolling tells you the real
story of the 1984 killings. It wasn't a communal riot in the classical sense,
there was no mass upsurge, no widespread frenzy. It was just three days out
for the looters, rapists and killers, given a furlough by the police and the
local government, and of course, the Congress party.
One-fifth of the 30,000-strong Delhi Police then was Sikh, but it
was not to be seen. Of its SHOs, 13 out of 66, and four out of 21 ACPs were
Sikh. Many of them were told to stay at home, or stayed in headquarters.
They bitterly complained to us reporters that they were being treated like
outcastes, not wanted by the brass though willing to work even as they
worried about their own families. In an inquiry later, they accused then
additional commissioners, Nikhil Kumar, H.C. Jatav and DCP Seva Dass of
negligence. Nikhil, who later became an MP and governor, was reported to
have pleaded that he was on leave and merely visiting the Headquarter, so
was no more than a “guest artist”. Nikhil denied this later, but the larger
belief still remains that Delhi Police failed the uniform, and until today,
nobody senior enough has been called to account. Then you say why there is
no closure on India's tragedies, ever.

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To kill Sikhs govt. of India used banned chemical substance, WHITE
PHOSPHOROUS, distributed to death squads formed by it.
Since 1984, i was searching the chemical used by killing squads
sponsored by Govt of India in Delhi and which was provided by then ruling
Congress govt. and poured/rubbed on Sikhs caught and then ignited in
flames.
I could never come to know what it was.
But today while reading eye witnessing account of a US citizens
who saw the powder thrown on Sikh youths and burnt them in flames, i
better decided to share it with you.
It took me 31 years but you will come to know its secret in few seconds.
It was WHITE PHOSPHOROUS (It burns to the bones) it's use was
banned by Geneva convention but then Indian Govt. provided it to it's Congress
sponsoered Hindu goons in Delhi to kill Sikhs in 1984 pogrom in Delhi.
See in the words of that foreigner who witnessed Sikhs burnt by
hindus in Delhi as …..“Later I discovered it was 'white phosphorous',
banned by the Geneva Convention, and still used by the Israeli Army
against Palestinians, and in other “hot spots” around the world. It ignites
upon contact with a human body. Third-degree burns kill the victim in a
most agonizing way”.
So, now we were in one of those “hot spots.” What a neat, clinical
euphemism. My golden retriever gets “hot spots.” People being scalped
alive, their limbs hacked, boys and girls raped and beaten and dismembered,
this qualified as a “hot spot,” I remember thinking.
“White phosphorus 'burns to the bone”
It causes skin to melt away from the bone and can break down a
victim's jawbone, but white phosphorus – known in Vietnam as Willie
Pete – is still used by sections of the world's military. Further problems are
caused because the substance can stick to clothing or on the skin and
continues to burn unchecked as particles are exposed to air.
White phosphorus munitions Chemical Compound-White
phosphorus is a material made from a common allotrope of the chemical
element phosphorus that is used in smoke, tracer, illumination and
incendiary munitions.

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 In the above picture you can see the impact of its usage on human
body, the charred body of a Sikh youth lying on pavement shows its usage.
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 The Sikh organizations/SFJ (Sikhs for justice) should file a legal
case against India in International Court/UNO on using the banned
substance on its citizens in 1984. The truth needs to be known to world.
Read full article here: The Survivor: Part II, A Short Story by
SARBPREET SINGH

Above: Bishop Caleb paces back and forth in front of the gate.
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 1984 & I Witness
MICHAEL SINGH
In 1984, horrendous crimes were committed against the Sikhs in
the very land of their origin. To commemorate this horrific event, we at
sikhchic.com had asked our regular columnists, as well as our
contributors and readers, in 2009 (the 25th annivbersary of the tragedy)
to share with us the impact 1984 had had on their lives. We requested
personal stories and anecdotes, as well as an attempt to capture their
inner thoughts and deepest ruminations on what 1984 meant to each one
of them and their loved ones – without going into a litany of facts and
figures or a listing of the injustices to date, all of which would invariably
be covered with due diligence elsewhere. We presented these personal
perspectives to you throughout the twelve months of 2009. [They can be
accessed now by going to the “1984” icon on the sikhchic.com
homepage.]
The following was the second of that series entitled “1984 & I”.
WITNESS
On June 1, 1984, my brother Surinder and I were staying with the
head of the Punjab's Criminal Investigation Department (C.I.D.) at his
quarters in the Chandigarh cantonment in Punjab. His daughter was our
classmate and we'd spent idyllic days playing badminton with the officers,
taking tea, and laughing all day long.
A knock on the door just after midnight brought a groan from my
brother Surinder.
“We're asleep, leave us alone!” he said in Punjabi.
It was our host himself. “Hurry,” he said, “You must leave
immediately!”
He put us in a silent jeep. It made no noise. Perhaps it was an
electric car. Like a ghost, we moved across the Punjab landscape along the
Grand Trunk Road and to the border, town unknown. Punjab was being
sealed off for some huge event, also unknown.
The driver dropped Surinder and me off at the border. Like any
half-white young men raised in the upper echelons of India, we had as
strong a sense of entitlement as royalty. If Punjab's borders were being
sealed, so what! That only meant we had to infiltrate and see exactly what
was going on.
We swore we would return.
Two weeks later, news began to filter out across India, of an assault

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on the Golden Temple, the Sikh Holiest of Holies.
Something terrible had happened. We had to go and see!
Surinder was afraid that people could be suffering. I was excited at
the adventure. By now all roads were blocked with octroi (excise duty)
posts.
We wore Afghani disguises. Well, for Surinder, Afghani shalwar
kameez was no costume, but merely daily wear. He much preferred its
longer cut and embroidered cuffs, to the shorter Punjabi version. I usually
wore button-down oxfords, chinos and tennis shoes.
We both looked exactly like Afghanis now, with our custom-made
Afghani clothes, our light skin, dark hair, and my green eyes. Our American
passports would betray our subterfuge, yes, but who would ask? We were
fearless.
Anyone who questioned us, we knew we'd threaten with a phone
call to the head of the C.I.D. Well, I would threaten. Surinder would
mollify. He was much more diplomatic and basically just a friendlier dude.
An octroi guard turned us back. We waited until dark and in the
moonlight we detoured across sugar cane fields and canals and finally made
our way to the Grand Trunk Road, where we hitched rides all the way to
Amritsar.
The drivers all told us the same thing: that Indira Gandhi had
invaded the Golden Temple and killed a lot of people and destroyed
buildings.
Surinder was horrified. How many innocent people had died? He
couldn't imagine. All the suffering and pain, those gorgeous 16th century
buildings Destroyed? This could not be.
He was most worried about the Akal Takht, a building I'd never
heard of. It was the Seat of Sikh Temporal Authority [as opposed to the
Golden Temple itself sitting across a causeway, straddling the water and
representing the Seat of Spiritual Authority of the Sikhs], a huge Sikh
Centre, I found out later.
We'd visited the Golden Temple as children. Sikhism was the
religion of our father who was raised in a Hindu family, to be a Sikh. That
was the tradition still prevalent back in the 1930's, to raise your firstborn as a
Sikh.
I matched the intensity of Surinder's horror, with pure schoolboy
excitement. To him, India was the home he loved, full of people he loved. To
me, India was a giant tourist playground. My callousness about possible
sufferings made him contemptuous. But we both agreed we had to see just
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what was going on, because the press was banned and nobody really seemed
to know anything for sure.
Upon approaching Amritsar, the truck we were riding in was waved
to a stop and all of us were ordered out. I had already fastened my tape
recorder with gaffer's tape to the small of my back. And I had tucked my
16mm Bolex camera into a filthy old jhola (cloth bag). When I raised my
arms, a soldier patted me down but missed the tape recorder, and when he
spun me around, I shifted the jhola quickly so he didn't see it under my
shawl, and off we went to see what destruction Mrs. Gandhi had created.
Tanks and submachine guns and barbed wire greeted us at the
Golden Temple. We circled around to the medieval streets in the back.
Crooked winding lanes were dotted with Gurkha Regiment guards,
imported because their foreignness would imply that they would not be
taking sides in what was clearly the most traumatic event to have taken
place in our lifetime in India.
“The police hacked off the arms of people and we collected their
torsos in gunny sacks,” said one of the residents who dared to greet us in the
empty streets. He spoke in Punjabi, into my tape recorder. For half an hour,
we interviewed him as he described the utter carnage of three days of
gruesome battle that is now known with the rather beautiful name Operation
Blue Star.
“Blood ran in the streets,” he said. “Here.” But we saw nothing,
because the streets had been cleaned up by now, two weeks later.
A Gurkha guard came towards us, and we hid the tape recorder and
moved on towards the Golden Temple.
There was a line of poor people, laborers. We joined the line. We
entered from the southern gateway. Everything was absolutely quiet. We
looked up and went into a sort of dreamstate or trance.
This could not be happening: the familiar minarets and many of the
domes of the Golden Temple's sacred and historic buildings were
completely destroyed. Pockmarks from submachine guns turned surviving
edifices into shattered honeycombs, damaged beyond repair.
“The Akal Takht!” moaned Surinder. It was half-destroyed. How
could this have happened?
And why?
The Golden Temple and surrounding buildings were more
important to the Sikhs, than the Al Aqsa Mosque or the Kabaa to Muslims,
or the Wailing Wall to Jews, or St. Peter's to Catholics. And here it was,
mostly destroyed.
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 The line moved. Soon we emerged into the encircling walkway
known as the parikarma. Perhaps a hundred people from the line were
carrying bricks, rebuilding the 16th century walls of marble, with crude
replicas of white plaster.
With my Nikon, I quickly took a close-up showing the line between
old and new: the old was marble inlayed with precious stones in the pattern
of a flower. The new was whitewash with paint continuing the flower's
leaves. Whoever was in charge, was literally whitewashing over history.
There was no noise amongst the workers. It was as quiet as a
church. Perhaps Dresden felt like this after the Allied bombings of civilians.
I cranked up my spring-wound Bolex and tested it while it was still
in my jhola. Immediately, its echo seemed to fill the entire parikarma! Two
guards with rifles glanced over at us and started walking and motioning.
“Hey, come here!” they said. We pretended not to hear, and headed for the
main gate.
We managed to get out of there quickly, descending the main stairs,
only to see that our exit from the compound itself was completely blocked.
Of course it was.
We were on the inside, this time, of the rows of barbed wire and the
tanks and submachine guns. We couldn't retreat back inside. We were
trapped. This was serious business. There would be no calling our host, the
head of the C.I.D. Nobody would have any patience with us, and if they
suspected us of being foreigners, we would have to persuade them that we
were not spies. Was it a good thing that we were carrying American
passports, or a bad thing? We didn't want to find out, either way.
A man started to yell at us. “Come here!” It was not a guard, but a
soldier, with a submachine gun pointed right at us. We ignored him. Not a
good idea to ignore a command from a man with a submachine gun.
“Just keep walking,” said Surinder. We noticed a spot where the
barbed wire was spread just enough so one could hop across it safely. We'd
seen a man doing it. We headed for that spot. Now two soldiers with
submachine guns shouted “Hey, don't go over there. Come here!”
I felt like tiny jet rockets were attached to my ankles, pushing me to
run. I had to force myself to walk calmly, pretending not to hear them. Soon
a bullhorn came on. “Stop, stop! Come here!”
“We're going to get shot,” Surinder said. “We'd better stop.”
We lifted our hands up and turned to face our executioners. We
walked slowly towards them. “Don't shoot, don't shoot!” we said in Punjabi.
But they were not Punjabis. They too were Gurkhas. They didn't
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understand a word of Punjabi.
As we got closer, we saw flashes of anger in their eyes. An officer
approached. “What are you DOING?! You'll get ripped to shreds in that
barbed wire! Please use this passage if you would like to exit, sir.”
Two weeks later, full color pictures of the destruction would appear
in India – taken by another infiltrator, the great photographer Raghu Rai.
Twenty years later, Raghu told me he'd hidden his Nikon in a row of
flowers that he'd set onto a platform with candles and incense. He and his
assistants carried it in over their heads, right past the machine guns,
claiming to be paying their respects. His crystal clear color photographs
were flashed all over the world, showing for the first, and only, time,
complete views from all angles of the true horror of Indira Gandhi's crimes.
What a brilliant, important, and gutsy thing he did.
Reasonable people everywhere were convulsed with horror and
grief. The Golden Temple itself seemed relatively untouched, but half of the
surrounded buildings, including the great Sikh Reference Library, were
completely leveled. How would Sikhs react? What was going on? Why had
Mrs. Gandhi done this?
*****
We flew down to Madras to hang with our parents.
They lived there, doing social work for an organization that gave
out micro loans to widows, hosting inter-faith events with speakers from all
over the world, and writing papers on local and national politics and
religion.
They were always somehow involved in many levels of India,
whether they lived up north near Amritsar where they'd raised us, or on the
Deccan plain in the early years, or now in the south where they were both,
essentially, foreigners.
My mother was a white woman from Connecticut, and my father
was, linguistically and culturally, from just as far away: Punjab. But they
liked Madras for its sophistication and friendships.
My father explained Operation Blue Star to my brother and me in a
way that the national press dared not. Essentially, Mrs. Gandhi wanted to
hold onto power. That was the alpha and omega of it all. She'd lost that
power in 1975 after overstepping her constitutional limits, declaring a
national emergency, and in general cutting everybody off at the knees who
dared get in her way.
My father knew her. She didn't used to be like this. She was a
sophisticated lady. She spoke fluent French. She tried to hire my father
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twice, to run some educational program or something. She visited our house
in the Punjab. What had turned her ugly?
According to my father, she had a flaw, just like the heroes and
heroines of Greek tragedies. That flaw was that she loved her debauched
and sadistic son, Sanjay. He had egged her on to push for forced sterilization
of poor farm and city women and men. He had beaten up all his political
enemies by ordering around a band of thugs under his command. He was
ruthless, mean, cruel and utterly free to treat India as his personal Petri dish
for experimentation and ruin.
And she stuck by him. Soon mother and son had assaulted Indians'
constitutional rights almost as mercilessly as would the Bush
Administration post-9/11.
Unlike the United States, however, Indian democracy is strong
enough to get rid of its leader should he or she run amok, and the Indian
Supreme Court duly threw her out of office for her crimes.
Clawing herself back into power would require some help, so she
recruited a charismatic religious leader with a third-grade education and a
heart filled with desire for a pure and righteous India, where all were equal
and justice reigned supreme. His name was Bhindranwale.
More importantly for her, Bhindranwale was a Sikh. Sikhs
controlled the Punjab, and Punjab was India's wealthiest, most prosperous,
most energetic and most powerful state. If he could deliver Punjab to her in
the next election, she could maneuver her way back into her Congress
Party's favor and then into the Prime Ministership again.
She armed him to the teeth with guns and propaganda tools. His
audio cassettes filled even the remotest villages with calls mixing religion
and politics.
And sure enough, in the next elections, he delivered Punjab for
Sister, as he would call her.
And soon enough, the right dominos toppled at her feet, and she
was Prime Minister again. The only hitch was: Bhindranwale would not
give up his arms. In fact, he was now talking about creating a new Sikh
region out of the Punjab. This was quite alarming. He must be stopped.
Being apprised of her plans and before Mrs. Gandhi could make a
move, he'd transferred his headquarters and supporters into the Golden
Temple itself. Why the authorities there allowed this to happen, my father
didn't know. Perhaps they themselves were dreaming of a Sikh state.
“Pure folly, idiotic dreaming schoolboys,” was my father's description
of that whole movement. Perhaps Bhindranwale gave them no choice.
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 Mrs. Gandhi could have gone after him with a silent assassin. A
food poisoner, or the good old-fashioned kirpan-to-the-kidneys technique,
or perhaps someone with an umbrella tipped with a deadly chemical, like
the Russians used to deliver an innocent looking but fatal jab at someone's
shin or a Judas.
In any case, something discrete.
But no ! She lined up the Indian Army itself, surrounding the Golden
Temple on a special holiday when it was full of thousands of pilgrims.
Bhindranwale was ready. His strategy and tactics were established
by a retired Indian General, who had been the star in the War of Liberation
that led to the creation of Bangladesh.
He'd joined Bhindranwale. His men had set up machine guns to fire
six inches off the floor of the parikarma, cutting down anyone who entered.
Small gunfire was exchanged, and then larger arms could be heard. The
battle raged for three days. Hundreds of terrified pilgrims were trapped,
and cut to pieces. Blood flowed in the holy reservoir, the Amrit-Sar.
Indira Gandhi got her man. And in the process, destroyed half the
sacred buildings, burned the Sikh Reference Library to the ground (after the
troops had looted its treasures), and also attacked and ransacked dozens of
other Sikh temples all over India.
And now, my father said, there would be retribution. How could
there NOT be retribution? And what form would it take? Riots perhaps, but
by whom, against whom? Newspaper editorials debated the merits of
firing, or retaining, Mrs. Gandhi's Sikh bodyguards. They could swing their
automatic weapons in her direction and end her life in a split second. She
should sack them immediately, said some. No, Sikhs would riot if that were
so, said others. We wondered what the Sikh bodyguards themselves were
thinking.
Than one afternoon, while we were taking tea on our parents'
Madras porch, the radio starting playing its signature classical Indian audio
logo. Over and over and over. It was as if the radio station had basically shut
down. The cook appeared. He said word on the street was that Indira
Gandhi had been shot five times.
My father waved him off. Word on the street indeed! How ridiculous!
But the radio kept droning the same audio logo. Something clearly
was wrong.
Soon the servant reappeared with a local tabloid, a totally
disreputable “newspaper” with the news that Indira Gandhi had been shot.
Again my father waved it off. Pure gossip-mongering. My mother and
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brother weren't so sure it was wrong, however.
I turned on my Bolex and filmed them taking tea, waiting for “real”
news. We posed for a family portrait on the porch. I also turned on my tape
recorder in case something came on the radio.
Suddenly, a voice on the radio: “This is All India Radio. The news,
read by Pamela Singh. The Prime Minister, Mrs. Gandhi, is dead. She was
shot by her bodyguards at her residence, One Saftarjang Road…”
We all looked at my dad for some guidance. He was shaking his
head. “I don't know, I just don't know about this country,” he said. “What a
tragedy. She took a huge risk, and paid with her life.”
The street outside was empty. People were staying indoors, perhaps
afraid. We talked about India, and whether it still existed. “Maybe not,” said
my father.
“Maybe already the Punjab is breaking away as we speak,” he said.
“Maybe Assam is also gone, and maybe even Tamil Nadu,” where we were.
India didn't exist when my father was born. “Perhaps India was just a 37-
year experiment,” said my father.
“What's going to happen?” I asked my dad.
“More violence, now from the other side,” he said. “All over India,
perhaps.”
Not wanting to miss out on anything, my brother and I decided to
hightail it up to New Delhi.
We would stay with the Bishop of Delhi, Maqbool Caleb, and his
family. The Calebs lived near Mrs. Gandhi's residence, in the old British
Viceroy's Mansion. We would have to move quickly, as airports may be
shutting down if there was a national emergency or riots or whatnot.
We immediately went to the airport, found a flight, and flew north
the 1100 miles to Delhi's Paalam Airport. From there, a taxi to the Caleb's
residence. We marched in unannounced.
“Don't go back outside!” said Bishop Caleb. “They are pouring oil
on people.” I thought that meant some sort of religious ritual, so
immediately I grabbed by Bolex and Nikon and tape recorder, and went
outside.
There was a large crowd there waiting at the bus stand. Except the
buses weren't leaving. They were just coming in, and dumping off
passengers, and the drivers were walking away. So the crowd grew larger,
and more restless.
Someone started throwing stones at shops. They ringed the Rakab

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Ganj, the huge Sikh shrine that was next door to the Bishop's compound.
The shopkeepers shuttered their shops and fled. More stones. I took some
pictures with my Nikon. I was scared someone would get angry, so I
clicked with the camera held down at my waist.
The sky was getting dark. There was a huge column of thick black
smoke rising from near the Sikh Temple. And a distant roar. It was quite
exciting, like a movie set. I didn't see anybody pouring oil on anybody else.
The mood was electric.
Then I saw a portly Sikh gentleman running for a bus. Four young
men, Hindus, were also running for the bus. But there was no driver. The
Sikh gentleman didn't make it to the bus. The four young men dragged him
down!
Perhaps he was a pickpocket! Yes, he must've stolen something
from them, because they were treating him rather roughly. I'd never heard of
a Sikh being a thief in my entire life growing up in India.
“Sikhs are neither thieves nor beggars,” my mother used to say. But
what did she know. HER Sikh friends may not be thieves or beggars, but
why shouldn't there be Sikh scoundrels, especially in a big city like Delhi.
A crowd formed around the fallen Sikh gentleman, and then I saw
flames. And a black cloud of smoke as the crowd moved away from the heat of
the flames. Only then did it occur to me. By “oil,” the Bishop meant “petrol.”
I immediately turned on my tape recorder, and raised my Bolex to
film the lynching. “Where are you from?” said a voice nearby. I lowered the
Bolex. “I'm from Madras,” I said in my Punjabi-accented Hindi, about as
convincingly as a Texan claiming to be from Massachusetts. He stared at
the camera and I understood immediately that I had to put it down. Things
were going to be happening that nobody there wanted filmed.
I felt a pair of eyes staring at me. It was a young Sikh in a red turban.
His eyes were pleading. And sure enough, he started getting roughed up. He
took one last glance at me and ran towards a truck full of police. But the
police sat in their truck quietly, their rifles at their side, doing nothing. The
young Sikh had no chance to reach them, and if he had, they probably would
have done nothing, simply watching it all happen.
I thought to run after him, protect him. But all I could imagine was
lying on the ground beside him, being beaten to death with my Nikon.
Soon he, too, was in flames, and a crowd surrounded his body on
fire, watching him writhing about, no doubt in his final agonizing moments
on earth. Black, sooty smoke rose and subsided.
I realized that I was in the middle of a massacre of sorts. Unlike in
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the movies, this one moved in fits and starts. There was no music. There was
no sign in the sky that said “A massacre is happening.” There was complete
calm in between the convulsions of lynching. The crowd did not seem
particularly disturbed or foaming like rabid dogs.
They were all young men with nice haircuts, and they were killing
any Sikh they saw, almost methodically. I had a completely Sikh name on my
passport, Mohinder Singh. What if someone should ask me for an identity
check? Even one of the young men? Would I say “No”? Was I in danger?
I knew I could pass for white. I would pretend I didn't understand
Hindi. I would play the American tourist. No, I decided the situation was a
bit too harrowing. I would return to the Caleb's compound about 100 yards
away. I kept my tape recorder rolling, and started to walk back.
Someone tugged at my sleeve. I leaped and immediately yanked
myself away.
“Please sir, please taken me with you!” It was a young Sikh girl of
about 12. “Please sir!”
I nodded and she followed me. So did a group of young men. The
girl and I broke into a sort of trot. So did the young men.
As we neared the compound, I saw laundry being thrown over the wall,
colorful laundry. Only it wasn't laundry. It was children being tossed to safety by
their parents, over the glass-sharded wall and into the Bishop's gardens.
The gate of the Bishop's compound was chained shut. The gardener
came running with the key, let us in, and quickly rechained the door. The
young men arrived, leaned up against it, and starting shouting “Let us in!”
The mob grew larger. And louder. They had big sticks, and metal
truncheons.
“Where in hell did you go, Mike?” said my brother. He was totally
furious.
If Bishop Caleb was angry that I'd disobeyed him and gone out into
where “they are pouring oil on people,” he didn't show it. He was very calm.
Thirty women and children sat in the bedroom that my brother and I
were using. The kids' eyes were popping. I wanted to tell them, “Hey look,
I'm one of you. My brother and I are your brothers. We're half-Sikh. We are
also in danger.”
But that was completely phony. I knew that if the mob broke
through the gate, I'd again play the American tourist, pretend I didn't speak
Punjabi, and increase my chances of safety.
Outside, we heard firing in the direction of the adjacent Rakab Ganj

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Sikh Temple. And more smoke. And more people jumped a high wall and
streamed from there and into the Bishop's compound. They had witnessed
their relatives hacked to piece and burned alive.
One woman had seen her son escape the mob by running from roof
to roof, leaping in huge bounds. But they finally caught him and threw him
off a roof and onto the ground, where others caught him, beat him, and set
him on fire.
They had seen an old man trying to save his son from a mysterious
combustible powder that the mob was throwing at people. The old man had
smothered the flames from his son with his own body, and the mob then
stormed him and killed him and set him afire with the same powder.
Later I discovered it was white phosphorous, banned by the Geneva
Convention, and still used by the Israeli Army against Palestinians, and in
other “hot spots” around the world. It ignites upon contact with a human
body. Third-degree burns kill the victim in a most agonizing way.
So, now we were in one of those “hot spots.” What a neat, clinical
euphemism. My golden retriever gets “hot spots.” People being scalped
alive, their limbs hacked, boys and girls raped and beaten and dismembered,
this qualified as a “hot spot,” I remember thinking.
Our bedroom was full. There was only enough space for the thirty-
odd people to sit, and they sat quietly. I started taking pictures with my
Nikon. After about six shots, Surinder came in. “What are you doing?! Don't
humiliate them, Jesus CHRIST, Mike!!” I put away the camera, ashamed.
Yelling from the mob outside terrified me. They could easily spill
over the wall, just as the women and children in our bedroom had done. We
would all be hacked or burned to death.
But the Calebs stayed absolutely calm. Leila, the daughter, was 18
and in nursing school. She quietly and efficiently nursed their wounds,
tying makeshift bandages and talking in a low calm voice to each one.
Surinder helped her. I felt quite useless, occasionally filming.
Jane Caleb, the Bishop's British wife, walked quickly between the
dining room and kitchen, coaxing people to eat. They ate slowly and silently.
They were all in shock. Jane had barely escaped the mob. She had been across
the street in the church, editing the church magazine. As the mob approached,
she and her staff climbed onto the church's roof, some five stories in height.
“We had nowhere else to go,” she said. “Had they followed us, we
could have done nothing but throw ourselves over the edge.” But all the mob
wanted was the bamboo sticks holding up the sweet peas in the church garden.
Armed with those, they left to cruise the streets, and Jane and her staff quickly
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descended and crossed the street into the safety of the compound.
The Bishop did something extraordinary. He walked outside the
house and into the front yard. The mob was RIGHT THERE. I grabbed my
Bolex and from a distance, filmed him walking. But I was too afraid the mob
would see me, and I hid when he came close to them. The camera may
trigger their rage and they would climb over the gate or just break it down.
I walked up behind Bishop Caleb. He did not actually face the mob.
He just walked in his garden, in full view of them. They were young men,
with clean clothes, and new shoes, and haircuts. They looked like fraternity
boys anywhere in the world.
“Open the gate! We know you're harboring Sikhs!” they shouted.
The Bishop just kept walking in a circle, slowly, with great dignity, his white
robes flowing, his cross hanging across his broad chest. He said nothing. The
mob somehow became silent, perhaps amazed at his calm and his authority.
They went away and Bishop Caleb walked back into the house.
It was the bravest thing I've ever seen. I almost wept, overcome by
his courage.
The next day the mob returned. “Open the gates!” they chanted.
Then they again dispersed, slowly.
Inside, a totally calm Bishop Caleb got on the phone to a General.
“Um, ah, General, do you think you could send some police or something
over here? You see, we've got a bunch of boys who are saying we're
harboring people inside. They are, sort of, you know, threatening to enter
the compound. So you know, if you could, you see, if some police could
come over here and chase them away if possible?”
Talk about understatement. What could be more of an emergency?
And he never said it was urgent. But he was understood. The police,
however, never arrived.
“Time for croquet,” said Leila Caleb. What? “Yes, time for croquet.
We have to look normal, leading our lives,” said the teenage Leila. And so,
with an occasional young man peering over the walls, we played croquet.
I filmed the surreal scene with my Bolex. Leila was playing with
her British cousin Lucy. She had landed from England at the very moment
the massacre began outside the compound.
Seeing us, a young Sikh girl decided she would also brave the open
air. She grabbed the Bishop's bicycle. It was a woman's bicycle, easier for
the Bishop to ride because of his robes. She rode around and around the
compound in a circle, almost defying anyone to see her. She was an
inspiration, determined not to let this “ethnic cleansing” (another very cute
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euphemism) intimidate her.
I ran inside for my Bolex and filmed her riding in circles.
“Ah, um, Mike, could you do something?” asked Bishop Caleb. At
last, I could be more than an observer, or a humiliating photographer. “Yes,
Maqbool, of course.”
He told me to get his car from the garage. He had to go to the All
India Radio headquarters and speak to the nation. There were thousands of
Sikhs being pulled from buses and trains and their own homes, scalped,
raped, and massacred. Leaders of all religions were asked to convene daily
at the radio station and broadcast their appeals for peace.
The servant opened the gates. There was nobody on the street. I will
never forget the sight of an empty street, and the fear of total anarchy.
Anybody or anything could be around the corner, ready to pounce. I would
be driving around that corner in a few seconds. Nobody but I seemed at all
worried. I was petrified.
We quickly opened the car's boot, and motioned for three young
girls. They climbed in and we locked them inside and drove off into the
anarchy of the empty streets.
Bishop Caleb must have talked to the girls before, because he had
me stop in a certain neighborhood, where we let them out of the trunk. They
were completely calm, and thanked him, and walked away.
How could they be so calm, I wondered. Were they not in mourning
for lost relatives? Were they not frantic? Were they in shock? All I knew
was, they seemed perfectly poised and courageous and walked briskly
without a look back.
The next day, and the next, and the next, we filled the boot of the car
with kids or women, dropped them off in their neighborhoods, and
proceeded to All India Radio where Bishop Caleb delivered his talks,
without a script, appealing in the most reasonable of ways, for people to
calm down and help each other.
The killings ended as mysteriously as they had begun. There was no
sign, no announcement. We had no idea that thousands upon thousands of
people had died horrible deaths. Nor did we have any idea that the mob was,
in reality, controlled and directed by Government forces.
That is another story for another day. Sikhs had been killed; Hindus
had killed them. But other Hindus had also risked their lives to save Sikhs,
both friends and strangers. The press would surely call this “ethnic riots,”
but they were, simply put, government-sponsored pogroms.
Soon our bedroom was empty, and the Bishop and his family and
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servants returned to their routines. I asked the servant lady if she had been
afraid. “No, Bishop-Sahib is a man of God. I was never afraid.”
I wondered what had kept Maqbool Caleb, Jane, daughter Leila,
and son Sunil all so utterly tranquil. Perhaps it was indeed their faith,
something I myself did not enjoy.
On the fifth day, I grabbed my Bolex and went to the spot where I
had seen the portly Sikh gentleman burned to death. His body had been
taken away. I filmed the remaining ashes that still lay in a heap at the spot.
Who was he? Perhaps a relative of those we had harbored? Would
anybody who loved him ever know his fate? What about the fate of the
thousands of others so mercilessly slain?
And their survivors?
The Government and the authorities have yet to account for what
they did – and failed to do.
Every year at Christmas, the survivors from the Rakab Ganj
gurudwara send a gift and a card expressing their gratitude to the Bishop's
family for their selfless and fearless actions.
Other Sikhs across the world who have heard this story have
wished to formally honor the Calebs, but they have respectfully turned
down such recognition. They say they were only performing their Christian
duty to love their neighbors as themselves.
[Michael Singh is an award-winning television writer/producer.]
With courtesy:
http://www.sikhchic.com/article-detail.php?cat=17

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 Chapter-8

“Whenever I pass by the Supreme Court of India, I hang my head in

shame for these unanswered queries in mind: Is it the biggest temple of
justice for us or an refuge for the agents of the Centre government,
murderers of the innocent and police officers with criminal background?
Or is it a meeting-place for judges, the eyewitness to mass murder of the
innocent, who did not perform their moral and legal duty due to which
the whole community Sikh has been deprived of justice for long?
Therefore I would like to ask:
(i) Are the Supreme Court judges ignorant of the fact that Delhi has
witness killing of over 5000 innocent persons?
(ii) Is the Supreme Court ignorant of the fact that about 10,000
murderers of the innocent of Delhi reside in the vicinity of the Court?
(iii) Is the Supreme Court ignorant of the fact that it remained
closed continuously for four days in November 1984 because the roads had
been blocked by the killers?
(iv) Is the Supreme Court ignorant of the fact that the Supreme
Court judges remained closed indoors continuously for four days while the
Court itself was in possession of the killers, so no applicant or advocate or
judge could enter the Court in this period? And…….
(v) Is the Supreme Court ignorant of the fact that the murderers of
the innocent are enjoying themselves without restraint while the suffering
families are wandering about for justice? However, the Hon'ble Court has
taken Suo-motto action after reading news published in dailies many a time,
it kept mum on the issue of widows!
The Supreme Court judges knows everything, but due to being
corrupt, schismatic, cowardice, impotent and an agent in the Centre
government, they use to keep mum as the former Supreme Court judge
Ranganath Mishra.
Evidence was overwhelming that the Delhi Police connived in the
Sikh massacre. TUSHA MITTAL, a senior journalist, tracks how it was
systematically compromised over 25 years.
This is what the police did during the 1984 Sikh massacre: they
watched. They let the rampaging mobs storm the Sikhs' houses. And some
even took part. They removed the Sikh police officers who would have
acted against the killers. They disarmed ordinary Sikhs so they couldn't
protect themselves, and gave them no protection. They wired messages
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about Sikhs charging ahead with kirpans, but forgot to mention the mobs
assaulting the Sikhs.
This is what the police did soon after the 1984 Sikh massacre:
concealed the number of those killed despite dead bodies all around. Closed
300 of the 700 cases claiming the culprits were “untraceable”, directed
subordinates to not to register cases. merged hundreds of cases into a single
FIR, refused to register FIRs against police officers and government
officials, Registered — shockingly — FIRs against Sikhs. Threatened
eyewitnesses and forced them to sign affidavits favoring the police.
Reduced major offences to minor ones, manipulated evidence, and
destroyed paper trails. In some areas, the police said that the curfew that
followed the mass killings only applied to the Sikhs.
There's worse. Pretending to be victims, many officers wrote false
affidavits exonerating various Congress leaders who were seen inciting the
killer mobs.
Since the pogrom, many investigative commissions have come and
gone, each scrutinizing the role of the police. First, in 1984, the commission
led by IPS officer Ved Marwah. Then, in 1987, the Committee led by former
IAS officer Kusum Lata Mittal. In 1990, the Jain-Agarwal Committee led by
retired judge JD Jain and retired IPS officer DK Agarwal. And, in 2000, the
Nanavati Commission of retired Supreme Court judge GT Nanavati. Each
received thousands of affidavits meticulously detailing how the police aided
the Sikh massacre......SUBHASH TANDON WAS BEHIND ALL THIS...
There have been two commissions of enquiry and eight committees
to probe the 1984 anti-Sikh riots. In these 28 years, meek efforts of the
government to bring the guilty to book have just meandered through a maze
of paper work and such toothless enquiries or commissions.
The inaction on the reports of the commissions and the committees
stems from futility of the Commissions of Inquiry Act, 1952. It does not
give the commissions of inquiry any powers to prescribe punishment
(though they can recommend it). The government can ignore their findings
and that is what has happened in this case for 28 years. The commissions are
like "a dose of homeopathic medicine when immediate surgery was
needed", says a senior police man who has served in Delhi.
Such has been the attitude that for the first two years, no account of
the dead was carried out. The Ranganath Mishra commission - the first one
set up to probe the riots -- was given names, addresses and complete details
of 3,870 people killed in Delhi. But police said 1,419 were killed. Cases of
only these people were registered. The Delhi government filed a list of
2,300 people killed. A separate committee later established that 2,773
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people died in Delhi alone.
2005, the GT Nanavati Commission indicted Jagdish Tytler, he
resigned from his post as Minister of State for Overseas Indian Affairs. The
government asked CBI to re-investigate the cases.
The Nanavati Commission found that there was a colossal failure in
maintenance of law and order in Delhi during the riots. It expressed
dissatisfaction with the then Lt. Governor P.G. Gavai and the then Police
Commissioner, SC Tandon. The latter said the commission, did not take
strict action against the defaulting police officers nor did he give them
directions to be strict with the marauding mobs.
The Nanavati Commission also touched upon the delay in
deploying the Army in the Capital on October 31 itself. So who delayed the
deployment? The Lt Governor of Delhi has the powers to deploy the Army
in such circumstances, without waiting for the political clearance. The then
LG, PG Gavai claimed he gave the go-ahead to the Police Commissioner
SC Tandon on the morning of November 1. The riots started the same day.
The Delhi Police is directly under the Central government.
Surinder Singh — a prime-witness against Congress leader Jagdish
Tytler, who allegedly led a killer mob — approached the Commissioner of
Police Subhash Tandon for help after the killings. “This,” Singh told, “is
what the police officer Tandon said to me: Jo log mar gaye, hamne unki
madad ki. Aap mar jaate, ham aapki bhi madad karte (We helped those who
died. Had you died, we would have helped you too). ” RASCAL TANDON
ACTIVELY PARTICIPATED IN THIS CARNAGE….
A quarter century later, neither justice nor accountability has come.
In all, the various commissions and committees indicted 147 police officers
for their role in the Sikh killings. Not one officer has been prosecuted. Some
42 of these officers had retired or died by 2005. The Delhi Government has
taken no action against the remaining officers.
Several officers, whose dismissal was recommended for their role
in the killings and in destroying evidence, were promoted. Several others
were allowed to retire gracefully. The Union Home Ministry exonerated
five officers. Meanwhile, systematic machinery has been in place to ensure
that those accused of killing the Sikhs remain scot-free.
It was on Shoorveer Singh Tyagi's watch that 500 Sikhs were
brutally killed in the east Delhi slum of Trilokpuri. He was the SHO of the
local police station. This was the Capital's heaviest toll in a single location.
The Kusum Lata Mittal probe noted Tyagi's “criminal misconduct” during the
killings and described him as a “living shame for any police organization”.

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 “[Tyagi's] attempts, to a great extent successful, in obtaining
affidavits in his favour by browbeating the witnesses indicate that it is
highly unlikely that any witness would have the courage of coming and
giving evidence against him,” Mittal wrote in her report. Her shocking
finding — Tyagi found an honorable discharge from the court only because
the police failed to take the sanction from the Union Home Ministry to file a
charge sheet against him, which was mandatory because he was a
government employee. No action was ever taken against him. In 2005, he
was promoted to the rank of Assistant Commissioner of Police (ACP)......
Sewa Dass, DCP (East), was Tyagi's immediate boss.:The conduct
of Sewa Dass is a slur on the name of any police force. He should not be
trusted with or assigned any job of responsibility. Sewa Dass removed Sikh
officers from duty who were inclined to take proper measures to deal with
the rioters. The SHOs under his jurisdiction systematically disarmed the
Sikhs [and] as a result they couldn't protect themselves. At the same time no
steps were taken to provide police protection to them. Sewa Dass was
getting directions from POLICE COMMISSIONER SUBHASH TANDON
DIRECTLY..........NEHRUVIANS CRIMINALISED THE INTERNAL
SECURITY APPARATUS... IN THE MEAN PROCESS....WHO IS THAT
BASTARD ON EARTH , WHO CAN SAY THAT NEHRUVIANS ARE
SECULAR...????????...

FROM THE STATEMENT OF SUBHASH

TANDON BEFORE NANAWATI COMMISSION
He has further stated that there was a meeting between the
Lt.Governor himself and Major Gen. Jamwal, GOC Delhi area, in the
afternoon. Maj. Gen. Jamwal had informed him that he did not have enough
units and he would be able to cover only two contiguous districts i.e.
districts adjacent to his Headquarter Delhi Cant. On his suggestion Mr.
Jamwal agreed to deploy one in Central District and one in South District.
He has also referred to the attack on Gurudwara Rakabganj and his having
gone there. He has stated that when he reached there firing from inside the
Gurudwara was under flames so he had jumped into Gurudwara ground and
prevailed upon a leader to request the persons on the terrace of the
Gurudwara not to fire any more. He has also stated that he had brought out
from the Gurudwara three Hindu servants with their wives and this had the
desired effect of satisfying the mob outside that no harm was done to them.
He has also referred to the presence of Shri Kamal Nath and stated that he
was helping the crowds to disperse. He has stated that at that time

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Additional CP/Range New Delhi had also arrived there and he along with
the DCP of the area had kept the crowd under check. He has referred to his
various meetings with Lt. Governor and a meeting with the Home Minister
in the evening of 1-11-84........
He had come to know about the massacre in Trilokpuri at about 6
p.m. and had directed Addl. CP/Range Delhi to proceed to that place and
make necessary arrangements. He has stated that as the Station House
Officer of that Police Station was found negligent in protecting the Sikhs he
was arrested and suspended immediately (you can found him moving scot
free...). He had thereafter personally gone to Trilokpuri and given necessary
instructions for protection of the remaining persons and their safety. He has
stated that the situation had eased considerably from 4-11-84 onwards.
According to him he had so many received instructions from the Home
Minister either on 31-10-84 or till the evening of 1-11-84.NO ACCOUNT
OF THOSE INSTRUCTIONS... NO DETAIL....NANAWATI
COMMISSION KYA GHANSS CHARNEY GAYEE THI....NO
QUESTIONAIRE.... BLOODY BUNCH OF CRIMINALS........

Lt. Gov. of Delhi, P.G. Gavai

In an interview with The Indian Expressin 2005, P. G. Gawai, who was
Lieutenant-Governor of Delhi in 1984: ‘I know I will again be made a scape
goat to shield the higher ups.”
Gawai claimed the carnage came about because the Rajiv Gandhi ask me
to Government at the center ‘deliberately delayed’ calling in the army when
the mass killing begun on 1st November 1984. The sequence of events
clearly tells a tale. Political authorities purposely wasted time in keeping
with their nefarious design to teach Sikhs a lesson. Gawai told the The
Indian Express (PV Narsimharao) was calling me up to only ask me to
protect his friends.
He said that after all this time the Indian state was not prepared to ‘face up
to the political complicity’ in the massacre:
“It’s a shame they are still engaged in that drama.”
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 He has stated that on 31-10-84 he had not received any intelligence
report regarding any plan to attack the Sikh community or their properties
(I.B.'s bastards were not all that moron to give advance information).
Nothing unusual was brought to his notice by the Addl. CP, CID on 31-10-
84 or on 1-11-84. Till then he had not received any report about the serious
violence that was going on in East District and West District.............
"He Hid Like A Rat"
An Interview by AJMER SINGH
Padmakar Gavai was the Lt. Governor of Delhi during the anti-
Sikh pogroms of 1984. The following is the text of an interview he gave to
journalist Ajmer Singh of Tehelka in 2005.
Did you ask Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi about the need to
deploy the army?
Yes, I did. Why the hell did I go to him - to impress upon this only.
After that the only thing we could do was to approach the Home Ministry
under which the police really works.
What was the Prime Minster's reaction when you asked him to
deploy the army?
What do I tell you now about my meet with Rajiv? Jagdish Tytler
and Dharam Dass Shastri were sitting there. He told me there was a delay in
summoning the army. I told him I don't want to argue with you, you are
grieving. But I know what the outcome will be.
Does that mean some people ganged up against you?
All these people, Tytler, Shastri, ganged up against me. They had
poisoned Rajiv's ears about my handling of the situation. What force does a
Lieutenant Governor have? Tytler couldn't tolerate that a dalit had become a
Lieutenant Governor. I was told 'Gavai, this man is working against you'.
Who do you think is responsible for this?
In a broad way I am trying to share my feelings with you. Home
Minister chuhe ki tarah chhupey rahe. Mujhe hidayat di, log phans gayen
hain aap zara madad kariye, mere dost hain. Par uske siwaye koi madad
nahin. Yeh kya batana chahte hain? Yeh sab chor log, bole saale ko
scapegoat banao na (The Home Minister [Narsimha Rao] hid like a rat. He
asked me to help his friends. The others did not matter. These rogues have
made me a scapegoat).
Was Narasimha Rao hiding like a rat?
Yes, out of sheer fear. He was hiding like a rat. [A close confidant of

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both Indira Gandhi and Rajiv Gandhi, he later became Prime Minister.]
Who else was responsible?
Jamwal. Yes, he refused to meet the Police Commissioner [S.C.
Tandon]. He wanted to meet me. But, I told him not to waste time and act
immediately. These are the two people who should have met. I had asked
Tandon about deploying the army. When I complained about the army to
Gen. Vaidya [Chief of Army Staff], he said casually that these things take
time. [Major General J.S. Jamwal was Commanding Officer of the Delhi
area in 1984.]
You had earlier talked about a meeting.
This meeting was convened by Dr. P.C. Alexander [Principal
Secretary to the Prime Minister]. A lot of time was wasted. In the meeting
also, I told them about deploying the army. Everyone agreed with me.
But Alexander has denied such a meeting.
Yes, I know. But he presided over the meeting. The Home Minister
was also there. I was asked to go on leave. In exchange, I was offered the
chairmanship of UPSC [Union Public Service Commission]. I told him in
such circumstances a Lieutenant Governor does not go on leave but resigns.
It is a matter of shame. What was Alexander doing? Just writing letters. I
was left all alone.
You have talked about Home Minister Narasimha Rao's role.
What about the Prime Minister's role?
They showed to the world that was everything under control. But,
the Lieutenant Governor was asked to take care of everything.
Did the Prime Minister leave everything on you?
Rajiv's advisors were party to this. A lot of time was wasted.
[Courtesy: Tehelka]
It gets clear now by this interview that Rajiv Gandhi, General AS
Vaidya, PC Alexandar , home minister Narsimha Rao and his minister —-
means all were responsible for the killing of innocent Sikhs. The whole
administration of govt India was negligent and in-efficient and had bowed
before Rajiv Gandhi and other Congress leaders, the administration waste
the precious time deliberately and allowed the situation to get worst. No
efforts were made to control the situation. Sikhs were handed over to killing
squads. They were hunting the Sikhs in every street and killed them. The
officers of Indian administration had gone to a sound sleep. Neero was
blowing his flute while Rome was on fire but here in Delhi was not only on
fire but was compelled to roll down its tears after the centuries passed since

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the massacre by invader Taimur lang. It could not differentiate in between
Taimur lang and Rajiv Gandhi. The blood was all around, innocent were
being killed and Rajiv was thus mourning assassination of his mother. He
had no concern with agony of others. What was being faced by other
citizens, was not his concern. Which family was on mourn of its member's
lost, he had nothing to do. He was busy in his own world —-his mother had
gone but as a heir he got the kingdom, the mourning was just to show others
and to allow crocodile tears to be flown.
Army was not called by Narsimha Rao but to pacify the critics,
some troops were called from nearby Meerut which is at a distance of 65
kms from Delhi, as there was no army in Delhi? It takes just one hour to
cover this distance. These army troops were stopped before Ghaziabad
because it was found that some Sikh soldiers were also among these
soldiers. There were no guidelines given to army even after curfew was
imposed or the news of deployment of army and shoot at sight orders were
aired. Police had not given any co-operation to army. No joint committee of
Police and army was set up to co-ordinate.
Our enquires made at various quarters ranging from the affected
localities to army sources led us to two questions. First, why was there a
delay in calling out the troops ? Second, even when the army was called in,
why were they not effective in imposing a curfew and curbing the violence ?
The authorities at the top, including the four Ministers and senior
officials of the Delhi Administration were repeatedly informed about the
exact situation in the city and its outskirts from the evening of October 31st.
prominent citizens, VIP's and members of the Opposition parties and
people from affected localities both phoned and personally went and
informed these authorities. Yet during seven valuable hours, between the
time of the assassination and the time of the news of the death was made
public, no security measures were taken.
As a senior government servant put it there are standing
instructions on dealing with such situations. The SP and DC's have powers
under the Criminal Procedure Code (Section 130-131) to call in the armed
forced in aid to civil power. Further, the para-military troops, including the
Delhi Armed Force CRPF are always available for such a situation.
According to our information one brigade was available at Delhi which
could have been requisitioned immediately.
Curfew was declared but it was not imposed by any officer. The
Police commissioner of Delhi was in his office (Police HQ), the army area
commander of Delhi was in Delhi Cantt at Dhaula Kuan, and the Lt.

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Governor of Delhi was in his Raj Niwas. The Police was not co-ordinating
with army whereas the reports received informed of misguidance to army
by police. The army was supplied the old maps of 1974 of different areas of
Delhi. There was no sign of those JJ (Jhuggi Jhopri) colonies were
developed afterwards and suffered the heavy loss of life and property. The
army was not called to control the situation in Delhi but the 3000 soldiers
were deployed to safeguard the visiting distinguished guests from all over
the world to take part in cremation of Indira Gandhi. These troops were
deployed only after the cremation to control the situation whereas they
themselves were without any instructions and who had not been co-
ordinated by Police. These soldiers were taken to those places which had
witnessed the violence so that they could not control the situation. Thus the
army was deliberately made helpless and of no use.
Hence the administration was paralyzed, innocent Sikhs were
being killed, the power to call army was with Suprintendent of Police and
district commissioner but both didn't carry their duties to save the lives of
innocent Sikhs in Delhi. The result was—the toll of dead crossed more then
10000. The govt. records show only 2733 deaths but the reports which were
not registered, or where the whole family was killed or if any member
survived who might have gone elsewhere from Delhi, there is not any
record of those. During the rule of Bhartiya Janta Party in Delhi, the chief
minister Madan Lal Khurana played a key role to re-opening of cases and
when the victims submitted the affidavits, the number of these affidavits
had crossed more than 6000 but these included names of BJP leaders and
activists also which were removed. Therefore the BJP and other Hindu
organizations also carry the blackspot on their forehead of killing the
innocent.
The army was not called till late in the night of 1st Nov. whereas
some distinguished citizens and govt. officers of Delhi visited Rashtrapati
Niwas (President's house) to approach the President Giani Zail Singh and
requested to call army and make efforts for peace and harmony. They were
assured to consider the request to call the army but the shops and other
business establishments of Sikhs in Connaught place area of Delhi were set
on fire till late in the night. The police and other para-military forces were
just watching as mute spectators and did nothing to curb the violence as
these troops had been paralyzed. It was only the DC of Faridabad who had
sent a request to deploy army on 1st Nov. but the troops arrived only on 3rd
Nov. Whether it takes three days to cover the distance from Meerut or Agra
or whether the administration delayed to send the troops deliberately? It
seems the result of a pre-planned conspiracy. The number of hoodlums was

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on increase as there was no one to stop them. They had been double in
number from 1st Nov. to 2nd Nov. The army was sent to Trilokpuri in
outskirts of Delhi on 3rd Nov. but for patrolling only not to control the
miscreants or to take any action against them.
In this holocaust of Delhi, the congress leaders are alleged to incite
and guide the miscreant mob. The victims and other well known Hindus
have criticized the role of these congress leaders and have considered them
as main accused. Among them Hari Kishan Lal Bhagat, Sajjan Kumar,
Jagdish Tytler, Kamal Nath, Dharm Das Sahstri, Lalit Makan, Arjun Das etc
are main accused but there is a long list of some leaders of lower cadre and
activists which is published by a non-govt organization PUCL and PUDF.
They had sent their team to every corner of Delhi to find facts and then
produced the eye-witness account. The book 'DOSHI KAUN' in Hindi and
'WHO ARE THE GUILTY' published by these organizations were
confiscated immediately by a govt. order but by then it had been sold in
thousands. You can view it's English version at this website
http://guiltyof1984.blogspot.in/
Ved Marwah—the then Additional Commissioner of Police Delhi
was tasked with investigating police inaction in the anti –Sikh riots, days
before his report was due, he was told to wind up the inquiry.
Soon after the 1984 anti-Sikh riots, I was brought back to Delhi
police,
asked to inquire into the role of police officers and submit my report
in three months. I worked day and right to complete the inquiry and
examined a number of persons, both in the police as well as outside. I also
seized all records of the police stations in whose jurisdiction the killings had
taken place. That alarmed people because they realized the scope of the
inquiry.
The records could not have been challenged. it was obvious that the
men in uniform had vanished from their police stations when Delhi was
burning and Sikhs were being killed. According to police rules, all
movements of police officers are recorded by the minute in the thana (Police
Station) daily diary but I found that the diaries were totally blank. I also
looked at the call recordings and realized that the police had not responded
to calls for help.
The other disturbing fact that came to light was that the so-called
mob comprised a small number of people groups of 20 to 3. the police could
have intervened and stopped them from setting Sikhs ablaze. This is some
thing that bothered them.

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 Then some Delhi police officers, whose names figured
prominently, filed a writ against the inquiry in the high court. The court
refused to stall the inquiry. Then they used political clout. I had completed
my inquiry and only had to write the report when I received and order to stop
my inquiry. The then commissioner of police sent me a written order asking
me to stop my probe. When I asked him why, he just smiled. but others told
me that the ostensible reason was that the government had decided to
appoint another commission, headed by Ranganath Mishra.
I should have been allowed to complete my inquiry but te police
officers did not want it to go any further. It was extraordinary that close to
3,000 Sikhs were massacred in the capital and the police did not respond to
their desperate pleas for help.
Ironically while little or no action has been taken against the police
for dereliction of duty, I have been hounded for the last 29 years. A number
of cases have been filed against me on flimsy grounds. Summons came to
me even when I was the governor of Manipur, in fact, the summons was
pasted in front of my flat. This is how a former commissioner of police and
governor is treated. So much litigation requires money. The police officers
are obviously funded.
Powerful people were obviously against the inquiry. I can't talk
about any other riot, but in 1984, it would have been easy to get additional
manpower. From the complete police control room records I seized, I
remember clearly that odd cases had begun taking place on the night of
October 31, soon after Indira Gandhi's assassination. There were plenty of
warnings that an attempt will be made to settle scores with the Sikhs. Even
then nothing was done. The army should have been called in but wasn't. I
can't say why but what I can say is that the scope to the inquiry alarmed not
only Delhi police officers, but also some other people.
Some police officers were promoted. If this sort of thing happens in
the capital, it sends a very wrong signal. That is why I have been strongly
pressing for police reforms, particularly with regard to recruitment,
promotions and transfers.A sting operation by Cobrapost on several police
officers serving in Delhi during the anti-Sikh pogrom of 1984 allegedly
exposes how the police refused to act against the rioters, partly because they
wanted to be on the right side of the Congress government of the day, and
partly because the police force itself had got communalized.
Based on a series of interviews by an undercover reporter with six
station house officers (SHOs) of the time, from areas where the riots took
place, the sting apparently brings to light 'confessions' by many of them.

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The interviews of two senior officers, ACP Gautam Kaul and then police
commissioner S C Tandon, however, yielded no such confessions.
While Tandon parried all the questions, Kaul claimed that on one
occasion when he went to check out reports of rioting near Gurdwara Rakab
Ganj, he had to flee since he was alone in front of a hostile mob.
While TOI cannot vouch for the authenticity of the interviews, if
they are true they reveal how an entire police force not only failed to act, but
colluded with the government of the day to teach Sikhs "a lesson" in one of
the worst examples of state-sponsored violence against a religious minority.
The SHOs interviewed were Shoorveer Singh Tyagi of Kalyanpuri,
Rohtas Singh of Delhi Cantonment, SN Bhaskar of Krishna Nagar, OP
Yadav of Srinivaspuri and Jaipal Singh of Mehrauli. Amreek Singh Bhullar,
who was SHO of Patel Nagar at the time, was also interviewed. He had
submitted an affidavit to an inquiry commission accusing some local
leaders of not just participating in the riots but whipping up mobs into a
frenzy.
Among the more shocking revelations is that messages were
broadcast directing the police not to take action against rioters shouting
slogans of "Indira Gandhi zindabad" and that bodies of victims were in
some cases dumped far away from the scene of the rioting to reduce the
official toll of the riots.
According to some, while news of arson and rioting poured into the
police control rooms, only 2 per cent of the messages were recorded. Later,
entries in police logbooks were changed to get rid of evidence of inaction on
the part of senior officers.
Senior officers did not allow subordinates to open fire on rioters.
Even the fire brigade refused to move to areas where cases of arson had been
reported. The police also did not allow the victims of rioting to file FIRs or
when they did file FIRs, clubbed many cases of murder and arson from
disparate places in a single FIR.
At least three of the SHOs castigated Tandon for mismanagement.
Tyagi, for instance, insisted that, "knowingly or unknowingly, he (Tandon)
was under the influence of the government. He mismanaged in the
beginning and in the first two days the situation went out of control."
Yadav too accused Tandon of not providing leadership to the force,
while Bhaskar said that instead of singling out some SHOs, the police
chief's head should have rolled.
The Ranganath Mishra Commission and the Kapur-Kusum Mittal
Committee, both set up to inquire into the riots, held Tandon responsible for
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breakdown of law and order. When the Cobrapost reporter met Tandon, he
refused to comment, saying anything said by him could create a controversy
in poll season.
Bhaskar maintained that messages for reinforcement sent by him
were ignored by senior officials. Bhullar accused additional CP Hukam
Chand Jatav of refusing to act even when the press informed him about
murders and arson taking place. According to Bhullar, Jatav was in the
control room in Karol Bagh when a reporter passed on the information to
him, but he responded by saying he was in the control room and no such
thing had happened. "He knew everything lekin wahan se move hi nahi
kiya," claimed Bhullar.
Rohtas Singh, one of the officers indicted by the inquiry
commissions, maintained that DCP Chandra Prakash did not allow him to
open fire on the rampaging mobs. According to Singh, "he told me, and gave
me in writing, that Indira Gandhi's murder is big enough an event. Now
should you make an even bigger event by opening fire?"
Singh insisted that he could have substantiated his charges if only
wireless messages had been faithfully recorded. "If those messages had
been recorded, I could have proved many things, but not even two 2% were
recorded in the log book of the control room," he said in Hindi, alleging also
that Chandra Prakash had changed messages that would indict him.
Singh also admits to the force having got communal. "I have no
hesitation saying that our policemen who were drawn from the local men
too had become communal-minded," he candidly observed.
The interviews also reveal how the police tried to put a spoke in the
wheels of justice once the rioting abated following the intervention of the
Army after three days. First, they did not register cases and when they did,
they clubbed disparate cases in one FIR.
According to Bhullar, "The police did not register cases, instead
they tried to suppress cases. They knew there were huge riots in their areas,
so they tried to minimize, even picked up corpses and dumped them in
Sultanpuri, to save their jobs."
4 commissions, 9 committees & 2 SITs – the long road to justice
for 1984 Sikh killings
Here's a look back at the long and winding roads the victims of the
riots have had to travel for justice:
Marwah Commission, 1984
Set up in November 1984 under then-additional commissioner of

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police Ved Marwah, the commission was directed to investigate the role of
the police in the riots.
Towards mid-1985, as the commission was about to wrap up its
investigation, it was directed by the central government (led by Rajiv
Gandhi) to stop the inquiry. Instead, the Misra Commission was asked to
take over.
Misra Commission, 1985
Under the stewardship of Justice Ranganath Misra, a sitting judge
of the Supreme Court who later went on to be Chief Justice of India, a new
commission was formed May 1985. The complete records of the Marwah
Commission were transferred, but not Marwah's handwritten notes.
The new commission submitted its report the next year, and this
was eventually made public in February 1987. The Misra Commission
recommended that three more committees be set up — to look into the role
of the police, registration of cases, and to determine the total number of
killings.
The commission stated that its only term of reference was to
determine “whether the violence had happened”, and not “identify any
person” or their role.
However, it also noted in its report that a large number of cases,
especially against politicians or police officers, had not been registered. The
report even highlighted the fact that there had been a delay in the response
by the army when it came to stopping the riots.
At the same time, the report gave a clean chit to Rajiv Gandhi and
senior Congress leader H.K.L. Bhagat, and did not find any particular
reason for police inaction.
Dhillon Committee, 1985
Under the leadership of veteran Congress leader Gurdial Singh
Dhillon, the committee was instituted to look into the rehabilitation of the
victims and their families in the aftermath of 1984. A compensation of
barely Rs 10,000 was mandated for the families of those who had lost their
lives in the riots.
A critical recommendation this committee made was that insurance
money be paid to those whose property had been damaged. Companies had
denied the claim on the technical grounds that “riots” were not covered by
the scheme.
However, the government rejected the recommendation, and no
insurance company compensated the victims.

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Kapur-Mittal Committee, 1987
As recommended by the Misra Commission, a committee
comprising Justice Dalip Kapur and retired bureaucrat Kusum Lata Mittal
began their investigation into the role of the police. They finally submitted
different reports in 1990 due to a difference of opinion. Mittal was of the
opinion that only available records should be examined, while Kapur
wanted to factor in oral testimonies and off-the-record accounts as well.
Justice Kapur identified 72 police officers for gross negligence and
connivance, recommending the dismissal of 30.
However, the home ministry accepted Mittal's report, and not one
officer was dismissed.
Jain-Banerjee Committee, 1987
Consisting of Justice M.L. Jain, former judge of the Delhi High
Court, and retired inspector-general of police A.K. Banerjee, this
committee was set up in 1987 to look into the registration of cases.
The committee recommended registration of cases against
Congress leaders Sajjan Kumar and Brahmanand Gupta in August 1987. No
case was registered; instead, Gupta filed a writ petition in the Delhi HC and
obtained a stay on the committee's report.
The Citizens' Justice Committee, an organisation working for the
victims of the 1984 riots, filed an application to vacate the stay.
In August 1989, the Delhi High Court quashing the very
appointment of the committee, on the grounds of a conflict between the
Delhi Police Act and the Code of Criminal Procedure.
Ahuja Committee, 1987
The third committee recommended by the Misra Commission, it
was mandated to assess how many people had been killed in Delhi. It
submitted its report August 1987, pegging the number at 2,733 in Delhi
alone, and 3,325 across the country.
Poti-Rosha Committee, 1990
On the lines of the Jain-Banerjee Committee, this committee was
formed with the same mandate in March 1990, consisting of retired Gujarat
High Court chief justice P. Subramanian Poti, and retired IPS officer P.A.
Rosha.
The committee functioned for a short period before its term expired
in September 1990.
Jain-Aggarwal Committee, 1990
Retired Delhi High Court Justice J.D. Jain and retired UP DGP
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D.K. Aggarwal took over the mantle from the Poti-Rosha committee in
December 1990.
The committee re-examined the 669 affidavits filed during Justice
Misra's time, added 415 new affidavits, and reviewed 403 FIRs recorded by
the Delhi Police.
In its 1993 report, the committee recommended the registration of
cases against Congress leaders Bhagat, Dharamdas Shastri, Jagdish Tytler
and Sajjan Kumar. It also concluded that police investigations had been
“cursory”. But no cases were filed, despite the fact that the committee even
considered appointing special prosecutors to examine the cases.
Narula Committee, 1993
The Delhi government, led by BJP chief minister Madan Lal
Khurana, set up a committee under R.S. Narula, retired chief justice of the
Punjab and Haryana High Court in December 1993.
In its January 1994 report, the committee recommended
registration of cases against Bhagat, Kumar and Tytler.
Nanavati Commission, 2000
After things had remained at a standstill for over 15 years, a
unanimous resolution was passed in the Rajya Sabha, resulting in the
formation of a new commission under retired Supreme Court judge G.T.
Nanavati.
The commission issued notices to Bhagat, Kumar, Shastri and
Tytler, and also added a new name to the list, former union minister and
Congress leader Kamal Nath. It submitted its report in May 2005.
“The systematic manner in which the Sikhs were thus killed
indicate(s) that the attacks on them were organised,” read the report.
“Large number of affidavits indicate that local Congress(I) leaders
and workers had either incited or helped the mobs in attacking the Sikhs…
There is enough material on record to show that at many places the police
had taken away their arms or other articles with which they could have
defended themselves against the attacks by mobs.”
The commission dismissed allegations of complicity against Rajiv
Gandhi, stating the allegations could never be confirmed. It recommended
the establishment of an anti-riot police force, free from political influence,
to ensure that such an event does not recur.
It recommended the reopening of only four cases closed by the
police.

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Mathur Committee
The Mathur Committee was set up in December 2014, spearheaded
by retired Supreme Court judge G.P. Mathur, after home minister Rajnath
Singh announced Rs 5 lakh compensation for the victims of the massacre.
The committee noted that “a proper investigation of the offences
committed was not conducted”, and that “some kind of sham effort had
been made to give it the shape of investigations”.
The committee recommended the setting up of an SIT to examine
whether other cases that had been closed by the police needed to be
reopened. The team comprised of senior IPS officer Pramod Asthana,
retired district and sessions court judge Rakesh Kapoor, and then-additional
deputy commissioner of the Delhi Police, Kumar Gyanesh.
Central government SIT, 2015
The central government in February 2015 implemented the
recommendation of the Mathur Committee and reopened a number of
cases.
This is the team that led to the conviction of Naresh Sherawat and
Yashpal Singh Wednesday. It was alleged that the two had acted in collusion
with then-councilor Jaipal Singh, but since the latter had been let off earlier,
he wasn't examined again.
On 6 December 2017, the SIT closed 186 cases without an
investigation. The apex court then decided to set up its own SIT in a hearing
on 10 January 2018.
Indira Gandhi had her Gangu-Brahmin ancestry confirmed by
reference to family records maintained by Pandits at the Mattan Shrine in
the Kashmir Valley and the confirmation firmed her resolve to carry on her
war against the Sikhs. Not satisfied with the result of Operation Blue Star,
she planned another nefarious operation, on a much larger scale,
codenamed Operation Shanti. According to Dr. Sangat Singh, the
assassination of Indira Gandhi on 31st October 1984 pre-empted Indira's
Operation Shanti all over India by a week
By implementation this plan Indira could keep herself safe from
Sikhs and defame them as anti national and clean her image in majority
Hindus. Thus she could assure whole India that only she is a patriot and
think of prosperity of nation but the Sikhs are traitors and then a large scale
holocaust of Sikhs could be organized or the Sikhs would have been
cornered by a social boycott appeal. So this Operation Shanti was prepared
which included a war against Pakistan. This plan was to be organized on
birth day of founder of Sikh religion Guru Nanak Dev ji which was falling
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on 8th Nov. in 1984. This plan was a top secret and had been shared with
Chief of Army staff General AS Vaidya and some loyal administrative
officers other than her loyal cabinet ministers. Though a high level secrecy
was maintained to keep it top secret but it was leaked to some high ups in
administration and they informed to their close friends to save their
families.
Indira drew a diabolical plan, named 'Operation Shanti', to
carry out a general massacre of the Sikhs, of genocidal proportions, around
November 8, when the Sikhs would assemble in various Gurdwaras for
Guru Nanak's birthday celebrations.

Cynthia Keppley Mahmood, an Associate Professor at Maine, U,S,

was told by a Sikh woman, who had three close family members in
high positions in the Government, she was told to take her children
out of school and get them to a safer place well before the killing
began. She suspected that a plan to create communal violence had
already been planned to to coincide with the birthday of Guru Nanak
in the second week of Novenmber, but had been pushed forward to
take advantage of the conditions created by Mrs. Gandhi’s
assassination.
Please read it at related link (Para-5 at bottom of right column in
picture), to genocide of Sikhs in 1984 at this website…
http://www.docstoc.com/docs/7558768/1984--Sikhs%E2%80%99-
Kristallnacht
In October 1984, there was a massive deployment of army at the
border and war with Pakistan looked imminent. There was a rumor that the
Center had conceived a genocidal intention towards the Sikhs ----- the plan
was like this: large scale clashes would be raised all along the Punjab border
with Pakistan; it would be publicized that the Sikhs had revolted and joined
hands with the Pak forces, and then they would be slaughtered and bombed
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by the Indian army and subjected to loot and massacre all over India.
The Sikhs all over Punjab, especially in Gurdaspur, Amritsar,
Ferozepur, Kapurthala and Jalandhar districts were to be subjected to
massive aerial bombardment, apart from being slaughtered by army and
para military forces. The Sikhs all over India were to be subjected to mass
scale massacre, loot, arson and incendiarism by lumpen elements organized
by Youth Congress(I) activists. Elaborate preparations were made by Youth
Congress (I) network all over India; they were to await a coded signal to
start mayhem.
The plan was discussed with certain army generals who advised
Indira against it. They pointed out that Nazis had used gas chambers to
finish off the Jews, but had not been able to do so. And, her plan to finish off
the Sikhs in one go would only club her name with that of Hitler. But she
was unrelenting.

According to historian Rajni Kotharing’ Evidence from various sources is

mounting that soon after Operation Bluestar and the extremist response
thereto in parts of Punjab, a plan of retaliation by identifying Sikh targets
ranging from households to commercial establishments to Gurudwaras had
been undertaken including the planning of logistics and the techniques to be
employed,”

With kind courtesy from;

h t t p : / / w w w. d o c s t o c . c o m / d o c s / 7 5 5 8 7 6 8 / 1 9 8 4 - -
Sikhs%E2%80%99-Kristallnacht
Historian Rajni kothari also revealed about this proposed massacre
of Sikhs all over India.
Indira was not receptive. In view of her nefarious Sikh genocidal
plan, she paid a sudden visit to Kashmir on October 27, when, however, she
got the omen of her imminent death. Back in New Delhi, the following day,
Nevertheless, one cannot lightly dismiss what P.C. Alexander, the principal
secretary of Indira Gandhi, has written in 'My Years with Indira Gandhi'.

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According to him,"she sent for Gen. Vaidya and asked him in my presence
about the preparedness of the Indian army in J & K to meet any unexpected
outbreak of trouble. General Vaidya assured her that the army was very well
prepared for any eventuality and there was no danger of it being taken
unaware by the Pakistanis.
After General Vaidya left, she asked me to remain in close contact
with Vice-President Venktaraman and apprise him of her concern at the
recent developments in Punjab and Kashmir. (Significantly the Sikh
President was to be kept out). She said that it would be helpful to keep him
fully informed of all the developments and get his views on them. I do not
know what prompted her to give me these instructions at that time………”
Indira wanted to involve Vice President from that very stage, as he
was to be the acting President once Operation Shanti was operative, and the
inconvenient Zail Singh was bumped off.
How much substance was there in this rumor cannot be stated for
sure, but as subsequent events have shown, there was certainly more to it
than meets the eye. It is a pointed to the genocidal intention of a despot in a
hurry
Significantly, Zia ul Haq stated at Indira's funeral that it was with
great difficulty that he had been able to avert a war with India. His then No.
2, Ghulam Ishaq Khan, after demitting the office of President of Pakistan in
July 1993, stated that Indira had planned to attack Pakistan but was shot
dead some ten days before the D-Day.

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 Chapter-9

Before the Nanavati Commission, the BJP Government which was

in power in Delhi at that time withdrew quite a good number of affidavits
filed against a number of their activists.
The CM Madan Lal Khorana demanded affidavits from victims of
Sikh genocide 1984. It is said more than six thousand affidavits were filed
by affected families. Out of these more than 3000 were removed as the
activiststs belonged to BJP/RSS. The Delhi govt officially accepted 2733
deaths in Delhi whereas unofficial death toll is claimed to go more than
10000 as many families were eliminated and no sign of their property or
member of family remained alive to claim.
The Congress organized this pogrom but its activists were all
Hindus by religion. Hardly any Muslim is seen or reported for their
participation. So the participation of involvement of these activists of
BJP/RSS can not be ignored.

`There is a report in the Hindustan Times of 3rd February, 2002

where it is written that “the Delhi Police has registered criminal cases
against BJP and RSS members in connection with the 1984 Riots.” I give
below the relevant extracts from the news item:

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 “The cases ranging from arson, rioting, attempt to murder and
dacoity, are now in various stages of trial in the capital's lower courts. As
many as 14 FIRS were lodged by the City Police naming 49 BJP and RSS
workers during 1992-94. These cases, sources said, were registered
following the recommendations of the Jain-Aggarwal Committee which
examined affidavits filed by riot victims before various Commissions.”
“Some of the prominent Delhi BJP and RSS workers against whom
cases have been registered are: Pritam Singh, Ram Kumar Jain. Ram
Chander Gupta, Babu Lal, Ved Mahipal Sharma, Padam Kumar Jain and
Suresh Chand Jain. Most of these people were arrested and later
chargesheeted by the police.”
“In fact, one of the accused Ram Kumar Jain, named in FIR No.
315/92 dt. June 18, 1992, was the Election Agent of Prime Minister Atal
Bihari Vajpayee when he contested the Lok Sabha polls in 1980. A
prominent BJP and RSS worker, Jain's residence No.8, Hari Nagar Ashram
also doubled up as an election office for the Vajpayee camp.”
“A former President of the Jain Mahasabha, Ashram, Jain has been
charged with heinous cases like rioting, dacoity and attempt to murder. Jain,
sources added, has been named atleast in four different FIRs.”
“Most of the FIRs`lodged against the BJP and RSS workers have
been registered at the Srinivaspuri police station in South Delhi. The cases are
from areas like Hari Nagar, Ashram, Sunlight Colony and Bhagwan Nagar.”
“All the cases against these political workers are pending trial in
court and are being closely monitored,” a senior police official said.”
“The largest FIR, 446/93 dated August 1993, registered in
connection with the 1984 Riots, in which 17 persons have been named
includes names of BJP workers like Ram Kumar Jain, Late Sarni Lal Gupta
and VedMahipal Sharma.”
This complaint was lodged by Hardayal Singh Sahni, resident of
120 Hari Nagar, Ashram, Sahni lost his entire property including a cloth
house on November 1, 1984.
”The above is a press item published in the Hindustan times of the
3rd February, 2002, which shows you the extent of the powers that the
opposition political parties have, and their capacity to harm innocent people.
The Pioneer on 11 april 1994 also reported news on removal of
affidavits; it also exposes that BJP/RSS activists were also actively
involved in Sikh genocide of 1984.
See the copy of the news paper cutting as follows:

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 The Sikhs were continuously killed on roads uptill 3rd Nov but a
veteran of RSS distributed a document in high ups within just one week
where the need was to heal the wounds but it sprayed salt by this document.
The writer of this document was unknown of 'Operation Shanti' so he just
praised indira Gandhi and suggested Sikhs to come back in Hindu main
stream. This documents exposes the views of RSS top brass.
Recently, a crucial document has surfaced which may throw
some light on the unhidden aspects of the genocide. It was authored and
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circulated by a luminary and veteran of the RSS, Nana Deshmukh on
November 8, 1984. Interestingly, this document was published in the
Hindi Weekly 'Pratipaksh' edited by George Fernandes (Defence
Minister of India 1999-2004, and presently a great pal of the RSS) in its
edition of November 25, 1984 titled 'Indira Congress-RSS collusion'
with the following editorial comment:
“The author of the following document is known as an ideologue
and policy formulator of the RSS. After the killing of Prime Minister (Indira
Gandhi) he distributed this document among prominent politicians. It has a
historical significance that is why we have decided to publish it, violating
policy of our Weekly. This document highlights the new affinities
developing between the Indira Congress and the RSS.

MOMENTS OF SOUL SEARCHING;

Indira Gandhi ultimately did secure a permanent place at the
doorstep of history as a great martyr. With her dynamism borne out of her
fearlessness and dexterity, she was able to take the country forward like a
colossus for over a decade and was able to build an opinion that she alone
understood the realities of the country, that she alone had the ability to run
the decadent political system of our corrupt and divided society, and
probably that she alone could keep the country united. She was a great lady
and her death as a brave leader had added to her greatness. She was killed by
a person in whom she kept faith despite several complaints. Such an
influential and busy personality was killed by a person who had the duty to
protect her person. This act came as a blow not only to her admirers in the
country and the world but also her critics. This cowardly and treacherous act
of killing not only ended the life of a great leader but also killed, in the name
of the Panth, the mutual faith of humanity. Explosion of sudden arson and
violent hysteria throughout the country was probably a direction-less and
improper expression of the hurt, anger and feeling of loss of her followers.
Lakhs of her followers used to see her as the only defender, powerful
protector, and a symbol of united India. It is a different matter whether this is
right or wrong.
For these innocent and uninformed followers, the treacherous
murder of Indira Gandhi was the tragic culmination of the poisonous
campaign of separatism, antagonism and violence conducted over the
previous three years in which hundreds of innocents had to lose their
invaluable lives and the sanctity of religious places was destroyed. This
campaign assumed an ominous pace after the painful army action in June

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which, in the eyes of most of the people of the country, had become
necessary to protect the sanctity of the religious places. Barring a few
exceptions, the Sikh community observed silence for a long time on the
barbaric massacres and heinous killings of innocent people, but they
condemned the long-pending army action with anger and dangerous
explosiveness. The country was stunned at their attitude. The army action
was compared to the “gallu ghara” action of Ahmed Shah Abdali in 1762 to
desecrate the Harmandir Sahib. Without going into the objectives of the two
incidents, Mrs. Gandhi was pushed into the category of Ahmed Shah
Abdali. She was termed the enemy of the Sikh panth and big prizes were
announced on her head. On the other hand Bhindrawale who was guilty of
heinous crimes against humanity in the name of religion was hailed as a
martyr. Open display of such feelings in different parts of the country and
abroad played a special role in increasing the distrust and alienation
between the Sikhs and the rest of Indians. In the background of this distrust
and alienation, stunned and bewildered people accepted the validity of the
rumors of celebrations by the Sikhs at the heinous murder of Indira Gandhi
by her Sikh bodyguards in retaliation of the army action. Of these the most
hurting explanation was that of Giani Kripal Singh who being the Head
Granthi considered himself to be the sole spokesman of the Sikh
community. He said that he expressed no sorrow at the death of Indira
Gandhi. This statement added fuel to the fire of boiling anger. No immediate
and natural condemnation of this despicable statement by an important
leader came from responsible Sikh leaders, intellectuals or organization.
Therefore the already angered common and unimaginative people took it as
correct that the Sikhs celebrated the death of Indira Gandhi. Because of this
belief, selfish elements could succeed in making the common people
become violent against the helpless Sikhs.
This was a most explosive situation which needed utmost patience
and skilful conduct on behalf of our Sikh brothers. I am saying this, being a
life member of the RSS, because on January 30, 1948 a Hindu fanatic, who
was a Marathi and had no relation with the RSS, rather was a bitter critic of
the Sangh, committed unfortunate killing of Mahatma Gandhi. On this
occasion we also suffered the sudden eruption of hysteria, loot and
atrocities of misdirected people. We ourselves saw how selfish elements
who were well acquainted with this incident, deliberately declared a
murderer to be a member of the RSS and also spread the rumor that the RSS
people were celebrating throughout the country death of Mahatma Gandhi,
and thus they succeeded in diverting the love and the feeling of loss and hurt
in the hearts of people for Gandhi. Such feelings were spread against

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Swayamsewaks (Volunteers) and their families, particularly in Mahrashtra.
Having gone through such experiences myself, I can understand
the strong reaction and feeling of innocent Sikh brothers who became of
victims of sudden eruption of people's violent hysteria. In fact, I would like
to condemn in strongest words the inhuman barbarity and cruelty on Sikh
brothers in Delhi and elsewhere. I feel proud of all those Hindu neighbors
who protected lives and property of troubled Sikh brothers without caring
for their lives. Such things one being heard from all over Delhi. These things
have practically increased the faith in natural goodness of human behavior
and particularly faith in Hindu nature.
I am also worried at the Sikh reaction in such delicate and explosive
situation. As an activist engaged in national reconstruction and unity for
half a century and being a well wisher of Sikh community I am hesitating in
saying that if reactive armed action by Sikhs is even partly true then they
have not been able to evaluate the situation correctly and comprehensively
and as a result could not respond according to the situation. Here I wish to
draw the attention of all my countrymen including Sikhs that in a similar
difficult situation arising out of murder of Mahatma Gandhi when in the
hysteria against the RSS crimes of destruction of property, heinous burning
alive of children, inhuman cruelty etc. were being committed and the news
was reaching Nagpur from all over India, then the 'dictator' of the RSS
known as the so-called big private army, the then head of the Sangh late
M.S. Golwalkar issued an appeal in Nagpur on February 1, 1948 to the lakhs
of armed young followers throughout the country in the following
unforgettable words:
'I direct all my Swayamsewak brothers that despite spread of
provocation due to lack of understanding, they should adopt cordial attitude
towards all and remember that this mutual distrust and improper hysteria is
the result of the love and respect that the whole country has for Mahatma
who made the country great in the eyes of the world. We salute such great
respected departed soul'.
[Note: What a silly suggestion to a brave community? He
forgets the valor of khalsa as only two examples are given in the
beginning of the book. Khalsa prefers to get martyrdom then to
surrender and beg for his life. The history of Sikh is full of such
examples. He suggests that Sikhs should have requested to spare their
lives but not to retaliate or taken the arms in hands to resist and defend
themselves. He wants to make us cowardice like they themselves are?
Sikh religion clearly demand heads from its followers as; JE TAO

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PREM KHELAN KA CHAO SIR DHAR TALI GALI MORI AAO!!
Means if you love me, than keep your head on your palm to offer me
before you embrace into a khalsa.
Not only this but see the next line: ITT MAARAG PAIR
DHARIJE SIR DEEJE KAAN NAA KEEJE !! Means when you take
such steps, don't retreat but never hesitate to sacrifice yourself.
Sikh religion gives birth to warriors not to cowards, they
should know it before they give a foolish suggestion].
These were not empty words to hide cowardice and helplessness in
the hopeless situation. In those life threatening serious moments he proved
that every word of his appeal had a meaning. On the evening of February 1,
hundreds of Swayamsewaks in Nagpur urged for armed resistance and
resisting till the last drop of their blood to stop the probable attack on their
leader the same night. And some associates of Guruji told him of a
conspiracy against his life and requested to shift his residence to a safe place
before the attack, Guruji told them in such a black moment also that if the
same people whom he had truly and with full ability, served throughout his
life wanted to take his life, then why and for whom he should save his life.
Thereafter he cautioned them in stern voice that even if a drop of blood of
his countrymen was shed in saving him, then such a life would be useless for
him. History is a witness that lakhs of Swayamsewaks (hundreds of
thousands volunteers) spread throughout the country followed this
directive word by word. Though they had to digest vulgarities in exchange
of their patience and tolerance but there was a faith to give them patience
that whatever may happen to them in present condition, history will
definitely prove them innocent
I hope that in present difficult situation my Sikh brothers will also
show the above-referred patience and tolerance. But I am deeply pained to
know that rather than displaying such tolerance and patience at some places
they have retaliated against the crowd with arms and played into the hands
of such selfish elements who were eager to spread the trouble. I am
surprised how a section of our society considered to be most disciplined,
organized and religious, adopted such a negative and self-defeating
attitude. May be they could not get proper leadership at the moments of such
a crisis. Through my scanty study and understanding of Sikh history I
consider that such a nonpolitical reaction of Sikhs in moments of such a
crisis came from their complete involvement with teachings of love,
tolerance and sacrifice of Sikh nature. Warrior nature of Sikh religion was a
short time provision against barbarity of foreign Mughals which was taught

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by tenth Guru. For him Khalsa was a relatively small part of a broad Hindu-
Sikh brotherhood and was designed as an armed hand to defend Hindu
community and its traditions. Guru Govind Singh laid down for Khalsa
followers five KS (Kesh, Kripan, Kangha, Kara and Kachha) and 'Singh' in
the name of Khalsas. This was a symbol of their being soldiers. But
unfortunately today these only are being projected as basic and necessary
forms of Sikh religion.
[Note: here Nana Desmukh attacks on Sikh religion by trying to
merge them into mainstream of Hinduism as he misguides them to give up
their distinct & sovereign identity with their mandatory five symbols of
faith given to them at the time of creation of Khalsa. He has not gne
through the commands of 10th master to his followers who initiated into
khalsa as.…...
JAB LAG KHALSA RAHE NIARAR !!
TAB LAG TEJ DIO MAIN SAARA !!
means that ….as long as Khalsa lives with it's distinct identity, he
will always enlighten the panth and always take care. But Guru ji also
warns his khalsa as …...whenever it turns its back from commands and
follows the Brahminic rituals, I shall not take care of them.
JAB EH GAHEB BIPRAN KI REET !!
MAIN NAA KARON INKI PARTEET !!
The Hindus should know that Guru Gobind Singh condemned the
classification of society and rejected the supremacy of Brahminis. Equality
in every mankind is the motto of Sikh religion].
I am sorry to say that Sikh intellectuals too have failed to
understand that conversion of Sikh religion into Khalsaism is a much later
event and this was due to deliberate plan of British imperialists to divide and
rule in Punjab. Its aim was to cut the Sikhs off from their Hindu environ.
Unfortunately, after independence power hungry politicians kept alive for
their own interest the unnaturally born problems of separation and equal
existence, and carried forward the game of imperialists to divide and rule by
their vote bank politics. This improper equating of Sikhs with militant
Khalsaism is not only the basic root of separatist tendencies in some parts of
Sikh community, but it also raised militancy and faith in the power of
weapons to the level of religious worship.
[Note: (here Nana Desmukh seems ignorant of creation of
Khalsa by 10th master of Sikh religion Guru Gobind Singh ji on 31st
March 1699 at Kesgarh - Anandpur sahib, which falls on now 14th April

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every year due to change of Gregory calendar in 1752)].
This religious worship gave rise to terrorist movement like Babbar
Khalsa in the second decade and recently Indira Gandhi was killed as a
result of terrorist wave under the leadership of Bhindrawale and a long 'hit
list' is yet to be executed.
I used to imagine that Sikh community has freed itself totally from
illiteracy, ignorance, frustration and defeatism in which it was in the fifth
decade of 19th century after losing its freedom and which was exploited by
cunning British imperialists and selfish Sikh elites for their selfish interests.
It is clear that in eighth decade Sikhs adorning the places of high
responsibility represent highly educated, laborious, vigilant, relatively rich,
enlightened and active section of Indian society in every walk of life. In
nineteenth century their experiences and vision was limited to the
boundaries of the then Punjab but today they are spread not only throughout
India but throughout the world, and they are in a situation to directly know
the conspiracies of big powers which are being hatched against independent
and united India rising strongly in the world. In such an advantageous
situation they should know their historical development as an integral part
of India.
[Note: Why does he not reminds the Indian govt. and RSS to
follow the commitments of Congress party and Mahatma Gandhi which
he made before Sikh nation.
During the 1929 Congree session at the bank of the river Raavi at
Lahore, a resolution was passed which carried these words," The
Congree party confirms to the Sikh nation that in the free India there
won't be any constitution that would not be acceptable to the Sikh nation.
Before the freedom of India, and to win the confidence of Sikhs,
Mahatma Gandhi talked about fulfilling the promises made to Sikhs in
full congregation at Sisganj gGurudwara in Delhi and said, "My Sikh
brothers ! I request you to please believe me and the resolutions passed by
the Congress party. What to think of deceiving your entire nation, we
cannot even think to deceive any single one of you. If ever the Congress
party tries to do that, believe me it will call its own destruction. It is my
earnest request to you taht please take these doubts and suspicions out of
your mind. I say this in the presence of God that all the promises which i
and the Congress party have made will be fulfilled at any cost. I believe
that Congress's belief in the non-voilence is the firm guarntee of its
promises. Apart from this, the Sikhs are a brave nation and they know
how to defend their own rights by using the Kirpan (Sword) which is the
part of their code of conduct and dress.
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 It was a call to woo the Sikh community with false assurances so
that they may not shake hand with Muslim League in making Pakistan or
to share power in Pakistan].
Such a revaluation of history will give them the opportunity to see
many wrong formulations of their own religion and past which has been
systematically drilled into their brains by wrong and distorted historical
writings by British administrators and intellectuals about nature and
development of their religion. Such an attempt will take them to their real
roots.
[Please see this note also; Later on after independence when Sikh
leaders approached Nehru to get the favor. Nehru just betrayed and
replied that the circumstances have been changed and he can't fulfill the
commitment. This was the commitment of leaders and betrayal of
congress with Sikhs. Now our destiny is with India. No doubt we love it.
We have given more sacrifices than the rular Hindu community. They will
always be the rulers because of their strength of population (majority)
and in democracy they share the maximum strength, more than any other
community. Even Muslim have reached to there desired strength in voting
power by their increasing population but Sikhs are still outnumbered].
This is the time that our Sikh brothers should search their hearts so
that they can get rid of the false description inserted by British imperialists
and power greedy opportunist people into their basic religious nature.
Removal of such false descriptions is necessary to bridge the gulf of distrust
and alienation between two communities of similar destiny, nature and
similar traditions. I am afraid that without such a self-introspection and
revaluation of history they would not be able to live with peace among
themselves and with other countrymen. A disinterested analysis of their
own enlightened interests will be enough to make them understand that
their fate is indivisibly linked with the destiny of India. Such an
understanding will save them from falling prey to the disruptive and
destructive interests of foreign powers.
I disbelieve (sic) that my Sikh brothers will accept the cautious
words of spiritual expression of a well-wisher.
Lastly, it is not to deny the truth that sudden removal of Indira
Gandhi from Indian political scene has created a dangerous void in the
Indian common life. But India has always displayed a characteristic inner
strength in the moments of such crisis and uncertainty. According to our
traditions, responsibility of power has been placed on the inexperienced
shoulders of relatively young person in a lively and peaceful manner. It will

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be hasty to judge the potentialities of his leadership at this time. We should
give him some time to show his ability.
On such challenging juncture of the country, in the meanwhile he is
entitled to get full cooperation and sympathy from the countrymen, though
they may belong to any language, religion, caste or political belief.
In the capacity of a nonpolitical constructive worker I only hope
and pray that God bless him with more mature, balanced, inner strength and
ability to give an impartial Govt. to the people so that he can take the country
to real prosperous unity and glory.
Guru Nanak Divas
November 8, 1984
Nana Deshmukh.
[Note; I would like to remind Nana Desmukh that it was
the majority Hindu community which betrayed Sikhs and jeopardized the
mutual faith of centuries. It was the congress which betrayed with the
saviors of Hindu community and attacked the Harmandar Sahib
(GOLDEN TEMPLE) in 1984. before this was last attacked by Abdali in
1761 to revenge the Sikhs who got liberated the 22,000 Hindu girls and
boys of Maratha's (Which were captured from Panipat) from the forces of
Abdali which were being taken as slaves to sell in the markets of Kandhar,
Kabul and Gajni.In Punjab, Sikh girls were raped, imprisoned and killed
in fake encounters by Indian security forces and Punjab police. Now the
next generations of these so-called Hindu fanatics are ruling and
attacking Sikh culture and shrines.
Whereas Indira Gandhi had discussed a plan to air attack on
border districts of Punjab to kill Sikhs and than to attack on Pakistan.
(code name — Operation Shanti, which is already discussed in this book).
It was leaked to Beant Singh who with the help of Satwant Singh
assassinated Indira Gandhi to save his people from defamation and the
nation from another war with Pakistan. Thanks to both of them.

Please visit..... http://violatingfaith.blogspot.com/

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 Chapter-10

Martyrs Satwant Singh, Beant singh and Kihar Singh ji.

Sonia Gandhi—daughter in law of Indira Gandhi revealed before
Vir Sanghvi, editor Hindustan times in an interview that she (Indira) used to
give instruction to Rajiv (her son) to what to do and how to do after her
sudden death. It's not difficult to assume after the massacre of innocent
Sikhs in Delhi and other parts of India why she chose a specific day to plan
the killings of the innocent Sikhs both the times. Thanks to both the valiant
martyrs who saved whole Sikh community from defamation by sacrifice of
their own lives and saved thousands to be murdered brutally by Indira.
Though they had to assassinate a brutal Prime Minister but in the interest of
nation and the Sikh community from defamation—- the Sikh community
shall always be obliged to both the martyrs Beant Singh and Satwant Singh.
[Shaheed Satwant Singh belonged to not any specific
jathebandee (Organization). Here is his statement in the Supreme court
of India when he was awarded the death sentence. "Let any part of my
body, after my Shaheedi, be removed and used by anyone who may benefit
from it . However if you need my eyes, let the authorities tell my parents. I
have no hatred for any Hindu, Muslim, Christian, neither hatred for any
religion. After my Shaheedi, let no Sikh throw even any rock at any Hindu. I
am not in favour of any retaliation or bloodshed over my Shaheedi. If we do
create bloodshed, then there is no difference between us and Rajiv Gandhi. I
am Proud of the task that I did . I do ardas in front of Waheguru that If I am
blessed with a human life again , then give me a death of the Brave. Forget
one life, if I could I would give up a thousand lives to kill dushts like Indira
Gandhi, and laugh as I become Shaheed by hanging…." ]
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How Indira was killed, who was 3rd assassin and what were the last
words of Beant Singh;
Indira Gandhi was shot at 9.20 in the morning on 31st October
1984. Sub-inspector Beant Singh was standing at the gate when Indira
approached there. Looking at Beant Singh she passed a smile and asked for
his well being.
At this Beant Singh took out his service revolver and aimed at her.
He shouted angrily and said bitch, haramjadi (Bastard), whether your lust
not fulfilled by operation bluestar that you planned for Operation Shanti?
Take the shanti now forever and after saying these words, he opened fire
upon her. All the six bullets hit Indira, she fell down but not died.
His (Beant Singh's) words and action also proves that Sikhs were in
ager on her invading the holiest Sikh shrine Darbar Sahib at Amritsar in
June 84 but she wasn't killed for her action on Darbar Sahib but when she
planned to defame whole Sikh nation and then eliminate them all over India.
This plan was code named 'Operation Shanti.'Beant Singh had come to
know about this diabolical plan of Indira hence she took the extreme step to
silence her forever before she could execute it in her life.

Satwant Singh was not at the gate but he was coming behind Indira
and other walking beside her. He immediately aimed his carbine on lower
parts of Indira in full disgusting manner, angrily he emptied his service
weapon and pumped all the 28 bullets below the abdomen and blown off the
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lower portion of the abdomen completely.
It shows all the assassinators were full of hate against Indira in their
minds and by abusing Indira by Beant Singh and than pumping all the
bullets in lower abdomen and blew it off this portion completely proves it.
And his words with his advocate Bhupinder Singh Sodhi, he had said
in his last meeting on the previous day of his life on 5th January proves his hate
against those who ever think to destroy Sikh holiest shrines as…….Satwant
Singh replied, “Vakeel sahib, whenever Waheguru gives me a human life, I
will once again destroy the enemies of the Sikh Nation like Indira Gandhi. The
again you will come and fight my case. Those who believe in truth and human
rights, will always have to fight these brutal regimes. I will keep taking births!
I will keep killing dushts! You will keep meeting me!”
Dr. T D Dogra did the post mortem on body of Indira Gandhi,. What
he writes is as follows;
To avoid mutilation, as there were 30 entry wounds (firearm
injuries), I took care to follow the incisions made by the surgeons.
Remaining bullets which couldn't be found or not taken out of her
body in surgery or the post-mortem were collected from her ashes.
Third assassin was a clean shaved and his name was Jaswant. He
too got martyred as reported in Punjab Kesri dt. 1-11-84.
This report was flashed on wireless to Gurdaspur police in Punjab
within 15 minutes from Delhi. It was said in the message that the (Mootralaya
Bhawan) lower abdomin of Indira Gandhi was completely blown off. The
wireless operator Kulwant Singh was asked to wait for following message but
he was directed to convey the message to CRPF personal attached with police
station there so that they may not move anywhere but had to wait for following
message in which orders had to be given to search house of Satwant singh who
was a resident of village Agwan in distt. Gurdaspur.
The wireless operator kept on waiting but second message was not
received till 1.00 O'clock.
This is revealed to me after 32 years by an unknown source having
full faith in me who heard this message himself when by chance he was
present in wireless room on that day in police station Gurdaspur.
He chose me to disclose it in my book to pay his homage to all these
martyrs who laid down their lives to save Sikh nation from defamation and
to avenge the invasion on Darbar Sahib.
I accepted his condition and now the truth is here before you. Please
pay your tributes for all these 4 martyrs Beant Singh, Satwant Singh, Kihar
Singh and Jaswant.
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 THE LAST MEETING
His lawyer, Sardar Bhupinder Singh Sodhi was the last to meet
Satwant Singh in Tihar jail. Sodhi said, “Beloved Satwant, I am so sorry I
was unable to save you from the death sentence. Now this is the last time we
will ever meet.” The lawyer said as he became emotional.
Sardar Satwant Singh replied, “Vakeel Sahib, you should be
making me strong. We will meet again. Promise me you will fight my case
next time as well!”
Bhupinder Singh Sodhi replied, “Pyare Satwant, I do not
understand what you are saying? All your appeals have failed. Tomorrow
morning, 6th January, at 6 am, both you and Kehar Singh will be hanged.”
Satwant Singh replied, “Vakeel sahib, whenever Waheguru gives
me a human life, I will once again destroy the enemies of the Sikh Nation
like Indira Gandhi. The again you will come and fight my case. Those who
believe in truth and human rights, will always have to fight these brutal
regimes. I will keep taking births! I will keep killing dushts! You will keep
meeting me!”
Seeing Satwant Singh in such Chardi kala, lawyer Bhupinder Singh
Sodhi says, “Pyare Satwant, Great are you, Great is your Sikhi, so blessed
am I who was able to fight a case of a Lionheart, brave warrior such as you.
Waheguru ji has blessed me just to have the darshan of you. Any nation,
have warriors like you Satwant Singh, brave, mard, soormas. That Nation
can never be controlled, intimidated or suppressed.”
On 6th January 1989, it was raining. Nature was giving Bhai
Satwant Singh and Bhai Kehar Singh a blessing, like one gives a garland
around a neck. The thoughts of the whole Sikh Nation were with Bhai
Satwant Singh and Bhai Kehar Singh. They had taken this most important
task, and with it all this heartache had come on them and their families. Both
were in Chardi kala as they walked towards the noose. It was like the
blessings of the whole Sikh Nation were with them as they walked.
In the end, on 6th January 1989, early at 4am, and the authorities
walked them towards the noose, their voices could be heard from outside
the jail, shouting, “Bole So Nihal! Sat Siri Akaal!” Then a few moments
silence……………As both of them stepped forward and kissed the
hangmans noose, a very heavy rainfall started………
Just as the British had done with Bhagat Singh, Sukhdev and
Rajguru. Their bodies were taken to Ferozpur, and cremated on the banks of
the Sutluj river. Similarly, the Indian Government did not hand over the

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bodies of Shaheed Satwant Singh and Shaheed Kehar Singh to their next of
kin. Their bodies were cremated within Tihar jail. When the cruel
authorities started cremating the bodies, the rain suddenly stopped. Nature
was doing its bit to respect the Shaheeds. As the bodies burned, the
authorities did not have the heart to hand them back to the families. The
lawyer, Sardar Bhupinder Singh Sodhi said to the authorities, I can
understand you have hatred for those spirits who killed Indira Gandhi, but
how can you even have hatred for their corpses?
Then to further insult the Shaheeds, the authorities dreamed up
another stunt. The last wish of both Shaheed Satwant Singh and Shaheed
Kehar Singh was that their ashes be taken to Siri Kartarpur Sahib. However
the Police forced the families of these two Shaheeds into jeeps and vans and
drove them to Hardwar. Throughout the whole journey to Hardwar, it rained
heavily. Then at gunpoint giving the families no choice, the final ardas for
the Shaheeds was done. Just as the ardas began, the rain stopped. It was like
nature was also paying respect to the Shaheeds. Bhai Satwant Singh`s
father, Bapu Tarlok Singh, and the son of Bhai Kehar Singh, Sardar
Rajinder Singh, poured the ashes in to the river at Hardwar.
The thoughts of the whole Sikh Nation are with Bhai Satwant Singh and
Bhai Kehar Singh. The brutal Indian regime may have killed Bhai Satwant
Singh and Bhai Kehar Singh, but in the hearts of all Sikhs, they will forever
live. They are immortalised in paintings on the walls of Sikh Gurdwaras,
and they have recorded their names in the Volumes of Sikh History. They
were the modern day Bhai Sukha Singh and Bhai Mehtab Singh.
Bibi Bimal Kaur Khalsa w/o Beant Singh was
interviewed, some extracts of her interview as follows;
Did you know that Bhai Beant Singh was going to assassinate
Indira Gandhi?
No. He did not divulge this information with me. However looking
back in hindsight, all the pieces of the jigsaw fit together. After the attack in
June 84, as all Sikhs at that time, we were hurt, shocked and confused by the
actions of the government.
Sardar ji took leave from work and we visited Sri Darbar Sahib. The
extent of the devastation, the number of innocent Sikhs killed and atrocities
committed was incomprehensible; it shook Sardar ji (Bibi ji referred to Bhai
Beant Singh as Sardar ji throughout interview) to his core. He felt that it was
done to suppress the Sikhs. He spent hours walking the Parikarma, through
the blood soaked rubble, trying to absorb what happened that day.

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 He was inspired and in awe of the defence put up by the handful of
Sikh Freedom Fighters who fought to protect the sanctity of Sri Darbar
Sahib, and also evacuate as many pilgrims as possible. Inspired by how they
stood up against oppression, later on when he became more religious, I
would always note his voice tremble during his Ardaas, when he would
come to the reference to the Shaheeds “Jehna ne Sikhi layee kurbanitaan
dittiyaan” (blessed are those martyrs who sacrificed their lives for the
survival of Sikhi).
The earliest and most significant clue as to his later actions and
intentions was when at Sri Darbar Sahib, he randomly stated “I want to
become a Shaheed”. I asked him what would happen to our children, the
youngest of whom was two at the time. He responded “what about the
young children that were made Shaheed here, what about the children that
lost their parents here, they will have to manage, and so would our kids”. He
didn't say much else, and I didn't take it serious, for after all people say a lot
in grief.
Now we shed some light on those traitors who either orchestrated
this genocide or participated in it with their followers and govt. machinery
(administration and Police) to kill the innocent Sikhs. They provoked,
incited Hindu lumpens to kill Sikhs, distributed kerosene and other
inflammable substances and made all attempts to kill Sikhs in Delhi and
other parts of India. Though whole of the govt machinery, it's
administration, police, congress activists, it's leaders and political stalwarts
were all involved but a few names which have come in light, their names
and details of their crimes is given in next chapter.

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 Chapter-11

Rajiv Gandhi
First of all in this list of perpetrators and chief organizers we find
Rajiv Gandhi who was newly appointed as Prime Minister of India soon
after the death of his mother Indira Gandhi. He was a pilot by profession but
he was sworn in as PM just for promoting the descendency in ruling family
and in sympathy by some flatters in Congress party. The declaration of his
appointment was made on the same day on 31st October 1984 when her
mother was assassinated in Delhi.
He was the sixth Prime Minister of India. Soon after he was sworn
in as PM, he adviced to the President Giani Zail Singh to dissolve the
Parliament and to declare new elections in India. The Parliament had
already completed it's term. The elections were held in month of December
the same year in a hurry to get en-cashed sympathy of assassination of his
mother. The Indian public gave him full support and the Congress party
made the history by winning 411 seats out of total 543 seats. It was his
destiny that how grand success he got to enter in Parliament, he had to face
the same humiliation before end of the term of Parliament in 1989 in just
five years only. He was alleged of taking commission in Bofors gun deal by
a close associate of him, )his finance minister) VP Singh who later on sworn
in as next Prime minister.
Though he could not adorn the post of PM after 1989 but he
remained the General Secretary of Congress party in India until 1991. He
first opened doors for training to LTTE (Tamil Elum Tigers of Sri Lanka)
and then sent Indian army to Sri Lanka to curb these guirilla tigers and
maintain peace there in 1985. This was finished only in Perumbudur with
the end of life of Rajiv Gandhi. He had gone there to propagate in favor of
the congress candidate on 21st May 1991 where he was killed in a Bomb
blast. It's always to be remembered that on killing of innocent Sikhs in
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1984, he had said at boat club in Delhi as; when a big tree falls, the earth
shakes and insects die but it was strange to see on his death when neither the
earth shook nor any insect died. He was considered an enemy of Tamils and
they had sympathy to Tamil Tigers.
The innocent Sikhs were brutally killed with the consent of Rajiv
Gandhi and his cabinet ministers. The preparations for this massacre was
going on for a long time. A diabolical plan to kill the Sikhs was already
designed by Congress and the code name to this plan was given as
OPERATION SHANTI. We have already written in detail about it in our
previous pages. But we are compelled to write few lines while we discuss
about the role of Rajiv Gandhi in Sikh genocide. The wife of Rajiv Gandhi is
Sonia Gandhi who has her roots in Italy. The family friend of Gandhi family
—— Amitabh Bacchan gave his live appearance on Indian govt owned TV
Channel Door Darshan soon after the death of Indira Gandhi. In this LIVE
show, he shouted hatred slogans against Sikh community and incited the
majority Hindu community to spill blood of Sikhs. His slogans were heard
and he was seen raising these slogans as “KHOON KA BADLA KHOON”
MEANS blood for the blood” and “Indira ke khoon ke cheente unke gharon
tak bhi pahunchne chahiyen” means the stains of blood should be found in
their (Sikhs) homes also.
If we look upon pages of history of India, we will be proud of that
the enemy running from battle field was never chased or killed. For
evidence the exmple of brave Prithvi Raj Chauhan is there who defeated
Mohammad gauri 17 times but never chased him or tried to kill him but
when he was defeated by Gauri, he was arrested and blinded before he was
taken to Kandhar where he was killed. Such brutality is not found in India
but is visible on foreign soil only. Indians are generally passionate then how
this brutality was noticed all of sudden?
The wars in different local tribes is witnessed in Italy and they have
a custom to wash the stains of blood with blood only means the stain of
blood is not washed until a life of enemy is not taken. It's called as Lu sangu
lava lu sangu in Italy. There is nothing to be amazed if this was disclosed by
Sonia to Rajiv Gandhi who in turn ordered Door darshan to arrange a TV
crew to shoot at Teen Murti Bhawan where the dead body of his mother was
kept for last tributes to be paid by general public and distinguished visitors.
This TV crew was waiting for Amitabh Bacchan — the Indian cine star
famous for his angry image, he arrived and introduced the nation with this
new custom, a new trend to avenge from enemies by shouting the hatred
slogans stated in previous para. Thus Rajiv Gandhi en-cashed his angry

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image to avenge death of his mother from Sikh who was assassinated by
Sikhs. The wide scale violence was spread throughout India but all these
Sikhs killed were only the insects for Rajiv Gandhi.
A Sikh member of Parliament Sardar Trilochan Singh directly
accused Rajiv Gandhi for this massacre of Sikhs on 14th December 2009 in
his addressal to the speaker and the house. He accused both Rajiv Gandhi
and Amitabh Bacchan for this massacre. No one opposed it though the
congress members were also present there in the house. The opposition
welcomed it by tapping their tables. Sardar Trilochan Singh is a former
private secretary of late President Giani Zail Singh so he is aware of many
secrets.

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 With kind courtesy; http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/India/VS-
links-Rajiv-to-Sikh-riots-Anderson-escape/articleshow/6128474.cms
The Chief minister of Kerala Mr. V S Achutanandan alleged late
Prime Minister of India Mr. Rajiv Gandhi for orchestrating the genocide of
Sikhs in 1984. The confession by any Chief minister of Congress from any
state of India was made first time since the massacre of Sikhs in 1984. It
approves that the innocent Sikhs throughout India were killed on behest of
newly appointed PM Rajiv Gandhi who was also son of late Prime minister
Indira Gandhi. Nothing more to disclose about the massacre and it's
organizers remains to reveal. It's a great shame on a nation where an elected
Prime Minister himself is responsible for a large scale genocide of a
specific community, a murderer of his own citizens?
And while Delhi was burning in flames in the first week of
November 1984, Rajiv Gandhi and his ministers, sat on their bums
watching the whole show unfold. Senior leaders approached the
government to call out the army on the streets. But nothing happened. As
Singh writes, “But the new Prime Minister did nothing. Not even when
senior political leaders like Chandrashekar and Mahatma Gandhiji's
grandson, Rajmohan Gandhi, went to the home minister (P V Narsimha
Rao) personally to urge him to call out the army for help was anything done
in those first three days of November to stop the violence.”
This is something that Guha also writes in India after Gandhi.
“There is a large cantonment in Delhi itself, and several infantry divisions
within a radius of fifty miles of the capital. The army was put on standby,
despite repeated appeals to the prime minister and his home minster PV
Narsimha Rao, they were not asked to move into action. A show of military
strength in the city on the 1st and 2nd would have quelled the riots yet the
order never came.” Doordarshan, the only television channel in the country
at that time, added fuel in fire by constantly showing crowds baying for the
blood of the Sikhs.
A few week's later in a public speech Rajiv Gandhi justified the
pogrom (basically an organized massacre of a particular ethnic group)
against Sikhs when he said “When a big tree falls, the earth trembles!”.
Years later Sher Singh Sher, a “Kriya pratikriya ki chain chal rahi hai. Hum
chahte hain ki na kriya ho aur na pratikriya…Godhra main jo parson hua,
jahan par chalees mahilaon aur bacchon ko zinda jala diya, issey desh main
aur videsh main sadma pahunchna swabhavik tha. Godhra ke is ilake ke
logon ki criminal tendencies rahi hain. In logon ne pehle mahila teachers ka
khoon kiya. Aur ab yeh jaghanya apraadh kiya hai jiski pratikriya ho rahi
hai."
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 (A chain of action and reaction is being witnessed now. Day before
yesterday in Godhra, the incident in which forty women and children were
burnt alive had to naturally evoke a shocking response in the country and
abroad. The people in this locality of Godhra have had criminal tendencies.
They first killed the women teachers and now this horrifying crime the
reaction to which is being witnessed.)
Guha finds man similarities between the two pogroms, the one
against the Sikhs of Delhi in 1984, and the one against the Muslims of
Gujarat in 2002. Both the cases started with stray acts of violence for which
a generalised revenge was taken. “The Sikhs who were butchered were in
no way connected to the Sikhs who killed Mrs Gandhi. The Muslims who
were killed by the Hindu mobs were completely innocent of the Godhra
crime,” writes Guha.
In both the cases there was a clear breakdown of law and order.
More than that graceless statements justifying the riots, were made, one by a
serving Prime Minister and another by a serving Chief Minister. And in both
the cases, serving ministers, aided the rioters.
But it's the final similarity between the two different sets of events
that is the most telling, feels Guha. “Both parties, and leaders, reaped
electoral rewards from the violence that they had legitimised and overseen.
Rajiv Gandhi's party won the 1984 general election by a large margin, and in
December 2002, Narendra Modi was re-elected as the chief minister of
Gujarat after his party won a two-thirds majority in the assembly polls,”
Guha points out. Modi, the first RSS pracharak to become a chief minister,
has won two more polls since then.
To conclude, if justice had been quickly delivered in the 1984 anti-
Sikh riots and the Congress leaders who instigated the violence had been
jailed, chances are the 1993 Mumbai riots and 2002 Gujarat riots would
never have happened. And if they had, they would have happened on a much
smaller scale. The original maut ke saudagars of 1984 set the tone for much
of what followed.

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 Narsimha Rao—the then Home Minister of India
When we discuss about 1984 Sikh genocide, first of all the name
which flashes next to Rajiv Gandhi is Narsimha Rao. He was the home
minister of India in 1984 and he was responsible for the security of the
nation and its citizens but it will be more then enough to give his
introduction in these words that he was proved a snake in armpit. He
watched the massacre as a mute spectator of a specific community of this
nation and did nothing to stop it, the massacre was planned with his consent
and nod, and he played a key role in this holocaust by his indirect
participation in it. Neither he ordered the Delhi Police commissioner to stop
killings, nor he took any action on police failure. He didn't order
deployment of army for three days from 1st November to 3rd November
and when it was called, it was too late without any coordination by Police,
they were not deployed to stop killings of Sikhs but to provide security to
distinguished guests visited Delhi for cremation of Indira Gandhi. After that
they were deployed in various parts of Delhi for march past only. If army
troops reached the spot of killings or arson, they reached only after the
incident had happened and culprits fled away. When some eminent citizens
and members of opposition approached him and ten army was called under
pressure but when the information received that the army troops called from
Meerut was having Sikh soldiers, these troops were stopped at Ghaziabad–
35 kms away from Delhi so that they may not open fire to kill the Hindu
miscreants who were given assurances of their lives. All the sufferings
including arson, damage of property and killings of innocent Sikhs —- all
the credit goes to this one man only. There is already enough is written about
this person in this book. Congress obliged him by awarding him with the
post of Prime Minister in 1991.

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 IT MINISTER— HARI KISHAN LAL BHAGAT
Meet this personality—a name which glorify it's name as devotee
to Lord Krishna, but as the name is so impressive and appealing, he was
totally against this name. A sinner behind the curtain of a holy name . He is
no more now. I dare to say in an authentic manner that the doors of hell
would have not been opened for this sinner and if there is any place far more
beyond the hell, his soul must be rotting there. This man was one among the
masterminds who planned and executed genocide of Sikhs in 1984.
Shoorveer Singh Tyagi who was posted as Station House Officer
(SHO) of Kalyanpuri police Station who was arrested and then terminated
on allegations of negligence in his duty and for not saving the precious lives
of Sikhs, reveals that he was made a scapegoat . In his words the truth is that
a meeting was held at the residence of HKL Bhagat at his residence in
Shahdra, East Delhi on 31st October 1984 in which all the top ranking
police Officer (from bottom to Top) were present. According to that meeting
all the police officers of all ranks were directed if there are murders, let
them be, destroy the evidences. That's why the evidences from all police
station's areas were destroyed. But in Trilokpuri the number of casualties was
very high and the burnt bodies of Sikhs were scattered all around in every
street. It was not possible to remove all of them so quickly to be viewed from
journalists. Hence these murders became the headlines of newspapers.
An eye witness Ajay kaur had alleged in her testimony that she
heard Hari Kishan Lal Bhagat addressing a mob near her home that the
police was not to intervene for three days, therefore they have the liberty to
kill Sikhs. Go and serve the mother India.
At about the same time H.K.L. Bhagat, another Congress (I) MP
was reported to be trying to secure the release of several criminals who had
been arrested by the Gandhinagar police station. Describing the dilemma
before the police, a senior police official said to our team members: "Sher

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pinjre se nikal diya: phir kahte hain pakad ke le ao!" (First the tigers are let
loose from their cages and then we are ordered to round them up). When
asked who was releasing them, he gave a knowing smile.

The same official told us that when some Congress (I) leaders
came to a police station seeking, the release of their followers, they were
asked to accompany a police party in a raid on some houses for
recovery of looted property. But these leaders refused when they were
told that they would have to be witnesses.
Retd. Justice HS Narula had also asked the same questions
from justice Nanavati commission in his list of questionnaire at
question no. 6 & 7;
6. Some police officers – above DSP level were called by wireless
messages to attend a meeting at a Minister's (H.K.L. Bhagat's) house late on
Oct. 31. Who ordered the meeting, how much time was spent in the meeting,
who addressed the meeting, and for what purpose?
7. Who accompanied Rajiv Gandhi on the night between
31.10.1984 and 1.11.1984 when he – admittedly – went around East Delhi
with HKL Bhagat, and others, for a short time?
The information collected form the submitted affidavits, it's
revealed that Hari Kishan Lal Bhagat paid money to the leaders of local
units of Congress. In many instances, he he himself lead the mob and incited
the miscreants to kill the Sikhs and attack thier homes. He is also alleged of
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releasing the miscreants arrested on allegations of murders of Sikhs from
Shahdara jail by using his influence. This sinner was died in 2005.
During the anti-Sikh violence, the largest number of killings took
place in Bhagat's East Delhi constituency. One witness, Satnami Bai, said
Bhagat had led the rioters. Later on, she turned hostile and failed to identify
him. Another witness, Darshan Kaur, stuck to her deposition despite threats
to her life and identified Bhagat. But the case collapsed in 1995 and Bhagat
was acquitted on the ground that in a riot case, conviction cannot be based
on the word of just one witness. Enquiries revealed that local Sikh leader
and former DSGMC member Atma Singh Lubhana had struck a deal with
Satnami Bai to change her statement. According to confidential documents
of the Lubhana community, this deal was struck for Rs 12 lakh.
Darshan Kaur told Tehelka that Atma Singh Lubhana had offered
her Rs 25 lakh to turn hostile and on her refusal was thrashed by him. For
beating up Kaur, Lubhana was summoned by the Akal Takht on September
14, 1998. Takht Jathedar Ranjit Singh, after considering the apology
tendered by Lubhana, had pronounced religious punishment. Darshan Kaur
stated that he had threatened to burn her alive in Tilak Vihar. Earlier also,
she was waylaid by some unidentified people and threatened. She had
earlier told Tehelka that she was offered Rs 25 lakh in hard cash but she had
sought the payment by cheque so as to expose them.
The Middleman: Atma Singh Lubhana worked on behalf of politicians
rather than victim's spycam grab.
According to a letter dated December 4, 1996, by Mohan Singh,
president of the All-India Lubhana Sikh Sanstha to 'mukhias' of the
Lubhana panchayats, “on November 17, 1996 a panchayat was organized at
Gurdwara Shaheedganj, Tilak Vihar, wherein Satnami Bai was questioned
about changing her statement. In the presence of widows and riot victims,
Satnami Bai swore by Guru Granth Sahib that it was Atma Singh Lubhana
who was instrumental in her turning hostile. Satnami stated that a deal was
struck for Rs 12 lakh and the rest is known to Atma Singh.” After this Lubhana
was summoned by the panchayat but he failed to appear and was ostracized
from the Lubhana community (Nikaali- Roti Beti ka rishta Khatam).
On December 2, 1996, Lubhana appeared before the panchayat and
agreed to abide by its decision. The panchayat decided to continue with the
boycott of Lubhana and a five-member committee was formed to inquire
into this episode. The members included Inder Singh, Mohan Singh, Bhai
Mohan Singh, Hari Singh and Babu Singh Dukhia. Subsequently, it was
decided to summon a Sarva Panchayat to take a final decision on Lubhana.
This Sarva Panchayat or Chauraasi Maha Panchayat gathered at Gurdwara
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Shaheedgunj on April 25, 1999 and included mukhias and panches of 84
villages of north India of the Lubhana community.
According to Babu Singh Dukhia, now president of the
Shaheedgunj Gurdwara, Atma Singh Lubhana had confessed to his crime
before the maha panchayat and was asked to pay a fine of Rs 5.28 lakh. This
was recorded in the panchayat register and Lubhana had also signed it. A
written undertaking by Dukhia revealed that Satnami Bai had also
confessed before the panches that Atma Singh had deposited money in her
Tilak Nagar postal account. All panches agreed that due to his lust for
money, Lubhana had influenced Satnami to change her statement and had
turned a traitor. Babu Singh Dukhia had recorded his dissenting note about
pardoning after payment of Rs 5.28 lakh fine. Thereafter, this document was
sealed and it was decided that it would not be made public.
When confronted, Lubhana admitted to paying the fine. He stated
that the penalty was paid in instalments and spent on renovating various
gurdwaras. As desired by the panchayat, he had also agreed to follow their
directive. But he was evasive about the reasons behind his boycott and
denied being instrumental in Satnami Bai turning hostile. “I had not
committed any crime but had to put my signatures as everyone persuaded
me to settle the matter once and for all.” Caught out, Lubhana denied
threatening or offering any money to Darshan Kaur or Anwar Kaur but
admitted to being summoned by the Akal Takht.
Tehelka captured Satnami on spycam wherein she admitted to changing
her statement because of threats to her life but denied receiving money. She also
stated that Congress MP, HKL Bhagat led the mobs and his wife was also present.
The conversation has been edited and the operative part goes:
Tehelka: Where were you living during the riots?
Satnami Bai: Trilokpuri.
Tehelka: What all did you see?
Satnami: Yes, I saw all of it, small kids between10-11 years…
killed before me.

In TRILOKPURI
The happenings in Trilokpuri, a trans-Jamuna resettlement colony
in the east of Delhi, between October 31 and November 2 were a gruesome
picture of the intensity of the butchery. Within just 48 hours, at least 400
Sikhs, mainly young men were burnt alive, with the connivance of the local
police machinery and active participation of an organised group of
miscreants led by a Congress (I) Councillor.
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 As in other areas, here also the carnage was preceded by the usual
floating of the familiar rumour that Sikhs had distributed sweets to
'celebrate' Mrs. Gandhi's assassination on October 31. The other version
which we heard when we visited Trilokpuri three days later was that a Hindu
mob had come to attack the Gurudwara on October 31, and the Sikhs
resisted by waving their swords, when the mob attacked the 'Gurudwara'
stones were hurled from the top of the temple, and the rampage began. In the
course of our investigation however we could not find any single person
who could claim that he had personally seen the Sikhs distributing sweets.
Some people however corroborated the report about the Sikhs waving
swords from the Gurudwara when the Hindu mob came to attack it.
From accounts related to us by the survivors, by the Hindu
neighbors and by some reporters who visited the spot soon the incident on
November 2, we could reconstruct the grisly sequence of events.
The beginning of the tragedy could be traced to the night of October
31 when reportedly the Congress (I) Councillor Ashok Kumar, a doctor who
runs a clinic in Kalyanpuri, one kilometer from Trilokpuri, held a meeting at
the latter place. The violence that broke out immediately following the
meeting reached its climax the next morning, when Gujar farmers from the
neighboring village of Chilla landed at Trilokpuri, and accompanied by a
group of local inhabitants (described by the residents as scheduled Caste
people) raided Blocks 28, 32, 33 and 34 and systematically attacked the
Sikh houses, dragged out the young men, killed and burnt them and set the
houses on fire. In some cases, the assailants hit the victims with iron rods on
their heads before pouring kerosene on them.
Between Blocks 32 and 31 there are large open spaces where over
50 Sikh families were living in jhuggies and jhopries (Clusters). These
hutments were burnt down and the menfolk were killed.
A study of the list of those alleged to have taken part in the loot and
killings reveals that a large number of them were notorious anti-social
elements, well known in the area. One of them, Somnath of House 90, Block
32, was responsible for the murder of several Sikhs including Hoshiyar
Singh, son of Milap Singh and three other young men he locked up in a
house and later killed them with the help of others.
(A detailed list of the alleged criminals and the nature of their
crimes of Trilokpuri during the period under survey is given in Annexure 1).
Some of the participants were keepers who supplied kerosene to the
arsonists. Some other among the neighbors of the victims were petty traders
like milkmen, mechanics or dealers in cement. The majority of the victims

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were poor Sikhs-mechanics, artisans and daily wage laborers.
The role of the police was on the same lines as found elsewhere in
Delhi during the period. The sanctioned strength of the police in the
Kalyanpuri police station, under which Trilokpuri falls is 113, including
one inspector (who is the Station House Officer) and around 2.30 p. m. on
November 1 when the plunder and killings were taking place. The first the
spot, allowing the criminals to escape whatever little detection there was
possible. It was a continuous spree of arson, rape and murders after that,
Later enquiries conducted by a senior police official revealed that at least
four women, their ages ranging from 14 to 50 were gang raped. Later seven
cases of rape from Trilokpuri were officially reported by the J. P. Narayan
Hospital, Delhi.
During the height of the killings however, there was little effort on
the part of the police either to stop the orgy or to check the figures of
casualties. On November 2, at around 5.30 p. m. Nikhil Kumar, ACP of the
police received information that 'Block 32 mei mar kat ho rahi hai"
(Murders are taking place in Block 32). The police control room curiously
enough recorded that only three people entire rows of houses in several
blocks of Trilokpuri were burning and their inmates killed.
A reporter of a Delhi based newspaper who reached Trilokpuri at
about 2 p.m. on November 2 was greeted by a belligerent mob in Block 28
which threatened him and stoned his car. When he went back to the
Kalyanpuri police station ,the SHO Survir Singh told him that 'total peace'
was reigning in the area. He however spotted a truck outside the station with
four bodies inside, one of them still alive. When the reporter, out of despair,
turned back to contact the police headquarters, on his ways he came across
about 70 Sikh women and children walking along the told the road under
Nizamuddin bridge. They told him that all their menfolk had been killed in
Trilokpuri, and that they were fleeing for their lives. The reporters attempts
to seek help from several army personnel on the road elicited little response,
since most of the latter had been either lost touch with their respective
headquarters, or had no specific orders.
Finally, reaching the police headquarters at ITO, he met the ACP,
Nikhil Kumar, who told him that he could not do anything and could only
pass his message to the control room. He described his rule as that of a 'guest
artist'.
The reporter revisited Trilokpuri in the evening of the same day and
found the remains of the carnage-burnt house, dead bodies and the SHO
with two constables walking around. The SHO told him that he did not have

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any knowledge of what had happened. When later in the evening the
reporter visited the police headquarters, he was told by another ACP that
according to the latter's information there was 'peace' in Trilokpuri. The
reporter pointed out that at least 300 people had been burnt and that the
police were only counting dead bodies that were still recognizable ignoring
those which had been reduced to cinders.
It was only around 7 p.m. on November 2 that senior police officials
reached Trilokpuri. Personnel of the Central Reserve police force were
deployed them, and the survivors were rescued from the affected blocks.
When members of our team reached Trilokpuri at about 7 a.m. on
November 3 we found the survivors-old men, women and children, some of
them with severe burns, huddling together in the open in the main road.
Weeping women narrated to the how their menfolk were slaughtered and
alleged that in some cases the police directed the attacks. Many among the
survivors told us that Dr. Ashok Kumar the local Congress (I) Councillor
had instigated the mob. The entire Sikh community in the area, they said,
was left at the mercy of the mob for two full days till arrival of the CRP.
As soon as we entered Block 32, we were greeted by a strong stench
of burnt bodies which were still rotting inside some of the houses. The entire
lane was littered with burnt pieces of furniture, papers, scooters and piles if
ash in the shape of human bodies the unmistakable signs of burnt human
beings. Dogs were on the prowl. Rats were nibbling at the still recognizable
remains of a few bodies.
As we watched the scene, we remembered what we had just read in
the morning newspapers that day. Describing the situation in Delhi on the
previous day-November 2, when the carnage was continuing at Trilokpuri
the Lt. Governor Mr. Gavai had said that the situation in the capital was
'under control' . From what we witnessed at Trilokpuri, it was evident that
the situation there on November 2 was indeed 'under control', but the
'control' was wielded by a powerful group on influential persons who could
mobilise the local police to help them in the may-hem and immobilise the
entire administration for more than 48 hours to enable them to carry out
meticulously their plans of murder and destruction.

Eyewitness Testimonies:
“On the morning of 1 November, when Indira Mata's body was
brought to Teen Murti, everyone was watching television. Since 8 a.m. they
had been showing the homage being paid to her dead body. At about noon,

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my children said: 'Mother, please make some food. We are hungry.' I had not
cooked that day and I told them: 'Son, everyone is mourning. She was our
mother, too. She helped us to settle here. So I don't feel like lighting the fire
today.' Soon after this the attack started. Three of the men ran out and were
set on fire. My youngest son stayed in the house with me. He shaved off his
beard and cut his hair. But they came into the house. Those young boys, 14
and 16 years old, began to drag my son out even though he was hiding
behind me. They tore my clothes and stripped me naked in front of my son.
When these young boys began to rape me, my son began to cry and said:
'Elder brothers, don't do this. She is like your mother just as she is my
mother.' But they raped me right there, in front of my son, in my house. They
were young boys, maybe eight of them. When one of them raped me, I
said: 'My child, never mind. Do what you like. But remember, I have
given birth to children. This child came into the world by this same
path.'
After they had taken my honor, they left. I took my son out with me
and made him sit among the women but they came and dragged him away.
They took him to the street corner, hit him with lathis, sprinkled kerosene
over him, and burnt him alive. I tried to save him but they struck me with
knives and broke my arm. At that time, I was completely naked. I somehow
managed to get hold of an old sheet which I had wrapped around myself. But
that could easily be pulled away unless I held on tight to it with my arms. It
inhibited my physical movements. If I had had even one piece of clothing on
my body, I would have gone and thrown myself over my son and tried to
save him. I would have done anything to save at least one young man of my
family. Not one of the four is left. " - Gurdip Kaur, block 32 Trilokpuri.
"There were six members in our family. The three men, my
husband and my two brothers-in-law, were murdered. Now only three
women are left. My husband was first beaten and then burnt to death. I was
sitting and crying when a big group of men came and dragged me away.
They took me to the nearby huts in front of block 32, and raped me. They
tore off all my clothes. They bit and scratched me. They took me at 10 p.m.
and released me at about 3 a.m. When I came back, I was absolutely naked,
just as one is when one comes out of the mother's womb." - Baby Bai,
Trilokpuri.
"All night, the attacks continued. My husband was hiding in a
trunk. They dragged him out and cut him to pieces. Another 16-year-old boy
was killed in front of my eyes. He was carrying a small child in his arms.
They killed the child, too.

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 We women were forced to come out of our houses and sit in a group
outside. I was trying to hide my daughter. I put a child in her lap and
dishevelled her hair so that she would look older. But finally one of our own
neighbours pointed her out to these men. They began to drag her away. We
tried to save her. I pleaded with them.

They took Koshala to the old Masjid. I don't know what happened
to her. At about 4 a.m., when we were driven out of the colony, she called out
to me from the roof of the masjid. She was screaming to me: 'Mummy,
mujhe lechal, mujhe lechal, Mummy'[take me with you]. But how could
Mummy take her? They beat her because she called to me. I don't know
where she is now." - Rajjo Bai, Trilokpuri
The first relief to be given to the Trilokpuri victims was not by the
authorities but by a voluntary group of over two dozen who brought them
food, medical care and concern. Even though a women had given birth to a
child among the victims, the authorities had not even arranged for medical
care for her or the other persons seriously injured more than a day earlier.
Members of this voluntary team rescued Sikh families who were hiding in
Hindu homes as late as 7.30 in the evening. These rescues were made in the
presence of the District Commissioner who had to be cajoled into helping.
The authorities assured the victims that they will be given all help and things
like blankets though they had none on hand. In fact the authorities have been
using the Farash Bazaar Camp (where Trilokpuri victims were sent) to show
their efficiency whereas a great deal of the work there has been done by
voluntary agencies.

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 Sheela Barske
Fifteen years old. Round chubby face. Aching black eyes. She
stumbled out of the first rescue bus. Torment she had endured for 36 hours
surged out when she saw us. ''Meri izzat loot li (they raped me),'' she cried
out. She pulled away the loose, crumpled kurta from her shoulders to reveal
a gash from her left collar bone to right breast, covered with dried blood,
''Dekho, dekho, unhone kya kiya mere saath (see, see what they did to me)."
In barrack rooms, a team of interns arranged first-aid medicines,
gauzes, on the dirty floor. It was noon. November 2, 1984. Two days after
Indira Gandhi's assassination.
Thirty-six hours after more than 300 Sikhs in that basti had been
lynched, burnt and flung down from upper floors in the presence of their
families, pushing back the women and children who rushed to embrace the
targeted men, Delhi police had found one bus to bring out the terrorized
survivors from their looted homes with just their clothes on, to the police
grounds.
A 12-year-old boy sat alone apart from his kin, on a large stone,
brooding, head held firm on a straight spine. The knot of his kesh had been
lopped off but the remaining hair, glued spiny stiff and erect in a bunch,
proclaimed his continuing identity. ''He has not spoken a word since he saw
his father and uncle being burnt to death and flung down from first floor,'' a
relative informs.
A desultory conversation begins. A middle-aged sardarni, still
dreaming of the gory killing of her husband, softly asks, ''Is it possible to
rescue my brother-in-law? He is all burnt but there is still some breath in
him. He is sitting in a chair for the last 40 hours.'' The woman withdraws into
herself.
I ask for a guide to locate the house. A polio-affected youth moves
closer. ''I will. The police left behind my wife. Her thigh and shoulder were
scorched as she threw herself on my eldest brother when they set him on fire
live. She is mute and young, childlike really...''
An athletic sardar, kesh cut, clean-shaven, accompanies me. Few
hours ago, like many Sikhs in that colony, he had paid several hundred
rupees to a barber to raze an integral part of his being. Since October 31,
'kesh' marked not a glorious inheritance but a victim to be torched alive.
With the doctor's team and first-aid, we enter the colony and pause
by a wounded elderly man lying on a cot. He would need an ambulance. We
do not have one. ''Now you come,'' screams a woman. ''After bodies have

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been thrown in the nullahs.'' A Sikh grabs my arm, ''Curfew laga dijiye." Our
guide sprints into a lane. Mounds of junk placed across the road every few
yards, the lynchers' barricades to prevent victims escaping in their taxis.
The young doctors trail. The guide breaks into a run and leaps over front
steps of a house. ''Anyone there?'' I call out a few times, then step in.
The house had been looted clean, no furniture, no utensils, no
clothes. ''There is no one inside, I checked thoroughly,'' he says. Depressed,
we stand still in the stark living room. A mob of 200 men and women has
arched around the house while we are inside. They watch us silently. ''What
have you done with him?'' I yell. ''Didn't burning him satisfy you? His
bhabhi told me that Dilbara Singh is sitting in a chair. Where have you
hidden him?''
''Oh Dilbara Singh!'' a man steps up saucily. ''Come here. This pile
of ashes, that's him. His wife broke up the chair and gave him a live funeral,
with flowers and everything.'' he grins wickedly.
The chowk is now blocked by a mob of 150. The news of a rescue
team has traveled. I notice brass knuckles on a fist and cycle chain in a hand
and discover that our guide is missing. ''Where is the man who came with
us?,'' I yell.''He was with us 2 minutes ago. What have you done with him?''
An armed sub-inspector comes running. ''He is safe. He was
recognised. He ran for his life. He asked me to inform you.'' The officer was
the sole policeman on duty for 48 hours.
The sun begins to set. Someone hails us. An elderly thick-set sardar
in a wheelchair pushed by two youngsters, ''Take me out please,'' the Sardar
pleads. We walk away but a few steps later, I abruptly halt. The disabled
Sikh is not safe, he's in danger. We turn and stride to the disabled man.
''Come,'' we say. But the three young men have their hands firm on his
wheelchair. ''We'll take him. We are with Nandita Haksar.'' I believe them
only after sighting Nandita 300 meters away.
That evening I hitch a ride in a press car. ''Fifty-nine Hindus killed,
some pulled in gurdwaras.'' they tell me. ''But we are not printing that.''
Police Commissioner Tandon refuses to see the press. PRO Panwar
sniggers, ''Hundreds killed in one basti? How is it possible to burn people
alive? We have not received any complaints.''
Reporters decide to gatecrash Tandon's office. ''Please order shoot
at sight." He steps back into the unlit shield of his chamber. His subordinates
and guards block the door.
Next day, I visit the morgue. A corpse wrapped in a bloodstained

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brilliant white sheet is laid outside the walled compound, in front of the
gate. Not a soul around. I ask a policeman if I could pay for a few decent
funerals.
In the compound, to my left, is an open shed with hundreds of
bloated corpses stacked 6-7 deep like logs. In front of me, scores of rotting
bodies heaped in a truck. Nearby a dump of swollen, decaying remains of
men. Disconnected tufts of hair strewn around. The policeman returns, ask
me to come over. I took a few steps over the bunches of keshas littering the
compound and blown around my feet. Outside, I stand for a while with an
anonymous, unaccompanied body.
But the scars run deep and sharp in the minds of Sikhs like Avtar
Singh Bedi who had lived there in 1984 and still remember the brutalities.
Recalling Oct 31, 1984, Bedi, 45, who has shifted to Tilak Vihar,
said: "The news of Indira Gandhi's assassination shocked me. Equally
shocking was the way people looked at me and my brother when we were
returning to our homes."
Suddenly, out of the blue, a terrible fury broke out all over Delhi -
for the first time after the 1947 partition of the sub-continent. And
Trilokpuri bore the brunt of it.
After his house and his shop dealing in electrical appliances were
looted and set afire, Bedi and his family fled to a smaller dwelling in west
Delhi. Tension flickered across Bedi's wrinkled face as he recalled images
of unruly mobs pouncing on him and his teenaged brother, who was a
mechanic at a roadside scooter garage.
"I escaped but the mob killed my brother and ransacked all the
houses at Block 30 in Trilokpuri," Bedi said. Trilokpuri turned into a killing
field. The police refused to intervene. Bedi ran with his elderly and ailing
mother. "A cousin who was visiting us also ran with us," Bedi said.
“Gurdip Kaur, a 45 year old woman from Block 32, Trilokpuri, told
a typical story. Her husband and three sons were brutally murdered in front
of her. Her husband used to run a small shop in the locality. Her eldest son,
Bhajan Singh, worked at the railway station; the second, in a radio repair
shop; and the third as a scooter driver.
She says, 'On the morning of 1 November, when Indira Mata's body
was brought to Teen Murti, everyone was watching television. Since 8.00
am, they were showing homage being paid to her dead body. At about noon,
my children said, “Mother, please make some food. We are hungry.” I had
not cooked that day, and I said, “Son, everyone is mourning. She was our

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mother too. She helped us to settle here. So I don't feel like lighting the fire
today.”
'Soon after this, the attack started. Three of the men ran out, and
were set on fire. My youngest son stayed in the house with me. He shaved
off his beard and cut his hair. But they came into the house. Those young
boys, 14 and 16 years old, began to drag my son out even though he was
hiding behind me.
'They tore my clothes and stripped me naked in front of my son. My
son cried, “Elder brothers, don't do this. She is your mother just as she is my
mother.” But they raped me right there, in front of my son, in my own house.
They were young boys, maybe eight of them. When one of them raped me, I
said, “My child, never mind. Do what you like. But remember, I have given
birth to children. This child came into the world by this same path.”
'After they had taken my honour, they left. I took my son out with
me, and made him sit among the women, but they came and dragged him
away. They took him to the street corner, hit him with lathis, sprinkled
kerosene over him, and burnt him alive.
'I tried to save him but they struck me with knives and broke my
arm. At that time, I was completely naked. If I had even one piece of
clothing on my body, I would have gone and thrown myself over my son and
tried to save him. I would have done anything to save at least one young man
of my family. Not one of the four is left.”(When a Tree Shook Delhi, page
70)
The anti-Sikh violence erupted on the evening of Oct 31 in south
Delhi, close to the hospital where Indira Gandhi was declared dead, and
quickly spread to almost every part of Delhi.
With the authorities looking the other way, mobs took charge of the
streets, burning and looking Sikh shops and homes and mercilessly killing
men, women and even children. Many women were raped.
Memories of the murderous frenzy are still fresh in the minds of
Sikhs - as well as others who saw the violence from close quarters. Many
non-Sikhs came to the rescue of the besieged community.
Even 20 years later, hundreds of displaced families are fighting
legal battles and running from pillar to post to avail themselves of
rehabilitation facilities promised by successive governments.
Another riot victim Balvinder Singh, who too lived in Trilokpuri,
said: "I lost my father and mother in the violence. It is painful that the
perpetrators of the violence are still roaming free."

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 Some of those - mainly Congress politicians - who perpetrated the
atrocities remain entrenched in the party. A few went into oblivion. Sikh
militants killed a handful of others.
For the victims, the riots have left a scar that has not healed. But
most Sikhs say they harbour no grudges against any community.
G.S. Arora, a former professor with the Pusa Institute of
Technology, said: "I have no ill-will against anyone. Some of the people
who masterminded the violence were part of the government.
"But they must certainly be booked under the law. Unfortunately
this has not happened."
Over the years, Sikhs who lost their near and dear ones have learnt
to live with the trauma - but with a feeling of being betrayed by the judicial
system. Commissions set up by the government to probe the violence have
not been of much help.
Summarizing what the community thought of 1984, Sikh preacher
Ranbir Singh Lubhwana, now in his late 40s, noted that the rioters had razed
his gurdwara in Trilokpuri.
"But we have rebuilt it. Things are normal and there is no malice for
anyone among the Sikhs. Even Hindus come and pray here."

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 KAMAL NATH
Kamal Nath is a union cabinet minister in govt of India. He holds
charge of road and surface ministry. Kamal Nath was indicted by the
Nanavati Commission on allegations that he was involved in the 1984 anti
Sikh riots. Only one witness, Mukhtiar Singh, testified to seeing Nath lead
an armed mob that attacked and demolished a Gurudwara in Rakab Ganj.
Two Sikhs were allegedly burnt by the mob which was lead by Kamal Nath,
saying that he visited the Gurudwara later in the day to investigate the
agitation and urge peace.
The Commission Report observed that Nath's testimony was
"vague" and "not consistent with the evidence" and that his version of
events was "A little of strange." However it disregarded the contradictions
in his testimony, saying "It is also required to be considered that he was
called upon to give an explanation after about 20 years and probably for that
reason he was not able to give more details." In conclusion the Commission
said, "In absence of better evidence it is not possible for the Commission to
say that he had in any manner instigated the mob or that he was involved in
the attack on the Gurudwara". Justice Nanavati further stated that "it would
not be proper to come to the conclusion that Kamal Nath had in any manner
instigated the mob.
Harvinder Singh Phoolka: Evidence Against Nath Well Documented:
By Avneet Kaur, Special to Sikh News Network
Posted: Wednesday, November 02, 2011 | 09:11 pm "Kamal Nath's
role is well documented, even in records," Harvinder Singh said during an
online seminar sponsored by the Sikh Research Institute in Texas. "He was
present at Gurdwara Rakab Ganj when the attack was going on Nov. 1,
1984. On Nov.2, 1984, the Indian Express (newspaper) reported that Kamal
Nath was present and leading the mob.“Despite witnesses, including Sanjay
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Suri, the then reporter of Indian Express, now based in England,
unfortunately, no action has been taken against Kamal Nath."
While Nath has not been charged in India in connection with the
1984 pogroms, an American human rights group, Sikhs for Justice, filed a
case against him on April 6, 2010, under the Alien Tort Claims Act.
The act allows U.S. courts to hear human rights cases brought by
foreign citizens for violations committed abroad. The plaintiffs include
seven pogrom survivors living in the United States and Canada.
In his June 20 affidavit to the United States District Court for the
Southern District of New York, Nath denied coordinating the mob.
"I attempted to bring the violence under control until additional
police forces arrived, "he said.
"At the time, me and my wife were both evacuated by the (army)
truck when our house was under attack," Harvinder Singh remembered.
Widowed women and orphaned children were left without a stable
source of income. And the perpetrators walked away with impunity, he said.
The press photographer of Indian express Monish Sanjay
witnessed him inciting mob outside Gurudwara Rakabganj but later on in
his testimony before Nanavati commission, he became hostile and said that he
heard Kamal Nath ordering the mob to disperse from there. Why did he
changed from his earlier statement and became hostile, he might better know.
It's very sad such the mass murderers gets acquitted in lack of
concrete evidence as only Hindus were in mob which attacked gurudwara
and burnt alive Sikhs, the eye witness was Sikhs too who watched from
inside Gurudwara but their testimony was refused and found not
trustworthy. No Hindu has ever come forward to give his witness against
any perpetrator of Sikh genocide.
Thus instead of taking any action against this mass murderer ,e was
promoted to union cabinet minister by ruling Congress which was itself the
chief organizer of Sikh genocide and all these culprits were
members/activists of this political party.
One obvious place to check for trouble was the Gurdwaras. I made
my way to Rakab Ganj gurdwara, where I saw the still smouldering bodies
of two Sikhs who had been burnt alive by a mob outside. And this was while
a very large police contingent stood by, all wearing riot gear - to protect
themselves. And still I had no idea what scale of killing was being prepared
for that night, or even taken place the past night. It was only after the next
day after seeing how much killing had taken place, and at how many places,

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that I reported that these were not murders, these were massacre.
Because no action is ever taken against these perpetrators of Sikh
genocide in India, no legal action is ever taken. The judiciary function as a
paralyzed system hence we the Sikhs have no hope of justice in India. Now a
NGO of USA, Sikhs for justice filed a lawsuit against Kamal Nath in New
York, US Court by producing two eye witnesses Jasbir Singh and Mohinder
Singh. The Court summoned Kamal Nath to appear in Court, it's photocopy
is pasted to be viewed. (see above). US District Court issued summons to
Kamal Nath asking him to respond to the complaint. Kamal Nath received
summons and complaint the same day in the evening while he was in
Manhattan, New York.
The court complaint was dismissed in March 2012 by Judge Robert
Sweet of the US District Court Southern District of New York, against Nath,
who stated that the court lacked jurisdiction in the case. The 22-page order
granted Nath's motion to dismiss the claim, and the judge also noted that
'Sikhs for Justice' failed to “serve the summons and its complaints to Nath in
an appropriate and desired manner.”
"As far as this issue is concerned, the kind of effort that has been
made in America to prosecute Kamal Nath, (a) similar kind of effort should
be made in other countries to prosecute these people,"

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 Hundreds of Sikhs protested against Kamal Nath in Luben—a city
of Belgium on 31st October 2011where one of the chief organizer of Sikh
genocide had arrived to participate in 5th Euro India Summit on Thursday .
The protesters wanted Kamal Nath to be booked under law of Belgium and
to prosecute him there on allegations of human rights violation act on
allegations of two Sikhs burnt alive by mob and on attack on a Sikh temple
in Delhi lead by him.

He had also face the protesting Sikhs at Crown Plaza (Buckingham

gate) in London on 28th September 2010 where he was going to participate
in a Golmez conference (Round table conference) on Highway
infrastructure. These Sikhs shouted the slogans—BOLE SO NIHAAL,
SAT SRI AKAL and NEVER FORGET 1984, and RAPIST in his
presence.
The Indian govt which only falsely propagate of doing justice with
Sikhs could not do justice with Sikhs for the last 30 years; it seems it will
never do justice with victims of 1984. It could never hear the cries of
widows but a Court in Us heard their plea and has ordered to proceed against
Kamal Nath.
Canadian Sikhs protested his visit to Toronto 23 March 2010.

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 Jasbir Sandhu Surrey North BC
Mr. Speaker, it is with great sorrow that I extend my sympathies on the
27th anniversary of the tragic events of 1984 that targeted Sikh men,
women and children.
The New Democratic Party of Canada stands in solidarity with the Sikh
community, demands of justice for the survivors and an explanation for
why and how this community was targeted by organized mobs.
The victims and survivors of 1984 can not sit idly by waiting for the
government to recognize their plight and frustration.
Rehabilitation support for the broken families, especially the trauma,
the widows, and children experienced must be prioritized. The
negligence of the police must be examined. The truth and those guilty
must be brought to justice. These are demands. These are the obligations
of a democratic government t o its citizens.
Remembrance is the tie that binds us to our pastas it guides us for the
challenges of the future.
Lest we forget.
On 23rd March, a dinner was hosted in honor on the visit of Union
minister of Road and Surface transport, Kamal Nath at hotel Lee-Meridian
King Edward Hotel in Toronto Canada by it's govt. Its pre-information had
been already given to press and media. When Sikh organizations came to
know about this honor, they protested against this honor to an accused of
burning alive two Sikhs and the attack on their place of worship in Delhi by
this perpetrator and condemned the govt. of Canada. These protesters had
also been supported by many members of Parliament of Canada and
boycotted the state visit of Kamal Nath to Canada. He came back after
facing a great humiliation.

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 After this when he paid a visit to US, there too he had to face protest
by Sikhs and then a case was filed in US Court by Sikhs for Justice which
was under jurisdiction by writing this book. (This case was dismissed in
lack of concrete evidence)
I sent an email to Jack Layton in Canada and had requested him to
boycott the dinner hosted in honor to Kamal Nath. In response he sent me
this letter, the copy of which is pasted here as below;

Jack Layton was the main leader of opposition party NEW

DEMOCRATIC PARTY. Later on his party (NDP) was declared the main
opposition party after he made a historic win in elections held there on 2nd
May 2011.
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 In a strongly worded statement, the New Democratic Party leader
Jack Layton has declared that he and his party “stands in solidarity” with
those seeking justice for when the Sikh community was “targeted by
organized mobs and government officials”. Stating that India, a self
proclaimed democracy, has an obligation to provide answers.
Further, the NDP Leader has gone on to declare it a Pogrom, which
is defined as:
“a mob attack, either approved or condoned by government or
military authorities, directed against a particular group, whether
ethnic, religious, or other, and characterized by killings and
destruction of their homes, businesses, and religious centres, property”
*Read the full statement below and remember it is absolutely
important for the community to call, encourage and thank Mr. Layton for
taking these steps in support of the Sikh community. It is important that Jack
Layton and the NDP realize that despite other external pressures, the Sikh
community stands behind this statement. His number is 416-405-8914.*
November 3, 2010
Statement by New Democratic Party Leader Jack Layton on the
tragedy on November 1984
It is with great sorrow that I extend my sympathies on the 26th
anniversary of the tragic pogroms of 1984 that targeted Sikh men, women
and children.
The New Democratic Party of Canada stands in solidarity with the
Sikh community, demands justice for the survivors and an explanation for
why and how this community was targeted by organized mobs and
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government officials.
The victims and survivors of 1984 cannot sit idly by, waiting for the
Indian government to recognize their plight and frustration. Rehabilitation
and support for the broken families, especially the widows, must be
prioritized. The negligence of the police must be examined. The truth and
those guilty must be brought to justice.
These are not demands - these are obligations of a democratic
government to its citizens. Remembrance is the tie that binds us to our past
as it guides us for the challenges of the future.
Kamal nath visited Switzerland in January 2013 but before that a
NGO of New York Sikhs For Justice” (SFJ) and Swiss NGO “Movement
Against Atrocities & Repression” (MAR) had filed a complaint with
Attorney General alleging Kamal Nath to incite the mob, to lead the mob, to
burn alive Sikhs in front of Gurudwara Rakabganj at Delhi and to torch the
Gurudwara itself in flames during Sikh genocide of 1984, he was also
accused of violations of human rights and a demand to arrest him and Court
proceedings in above charges were made. These human rights
organizations filed a 11 pages affidavit to the Swiss govt.

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 MURDERER AMITABH BACCHAN
Amitabh Bacchan— a celebrity star of Bollywood (Indian cinema)
but a murderer? Yes, but a murderer is called who might have killed one, two
three or few more murders but this man is a witch —- he incited killings of
innocent Sikhs in 1984 Sikh genocide through Indian government owned
TV Channel—the Door Darshan. In his direct LIVE telecast he incited the
majority Hindus of this nation to spill blood of Sikhs. This is not only a
r3gtumor ——- but a bitter truth. The state media show looped video clips
of Amitabh Bachchan raising slogans like "Khoon ka badla khoon" (blood
for blood) and "Khoon ke chintey sikhon ke ghar tak pahunchni chahiye"
(Splashes of blood should reach the doorsteps of Sikhs). and the slogan was
telecast intermittently for three days from Door Darshan until the pyre of
Indira Gandhi was not set in flames.
The government. of Delhi state has. By a nomination dated May
2000, assigned to Justice Nanavati all matters relating to the 1984 massacre
of Sikhs. Here are some key questions for the commission.
Once I thought to write an article on the 1984 genocide of Sikhs but
I have time and again restrained myself, as the article would forewarn the
culprits because my reference to various aspects of the case may lead to
destruction of even the remaining relevant records.
Here are two out of 36 of the questions given to the Nanavati
Commission—indeed the Government – must answer.
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 Eminent jurist and retd justice of Punjab & Haryana High Court, he
raised some questions which were never answered. In his questionnaire
3. Who was the clearly visible and identifiable man who continued to
be shown on the Doordarshan television throughout the first part of October
31-Nov. 1 night (standing at the threshold of the room where lay the dead body
of Indira Gandhi for public view) shouting: “Sardar Qaum ke ghaddar” and
“Khoon ka Badla Khoon” – openly inciting spilling of Sikh blood.
(Ans. It was Amitabh Bacchan)
4. Why no action has been taken against that man, till date, for
openly spreading disaffection between communities and provoking
bloodshed of identifiable persons?
Amitabh was famous as an angry man in Indian cinema. He was
liked by viewers of all religions and castes. He had his good and close
relations with the ruling family of India and Indira Gandhi herself. That
was the reason that his films could easily get the No Objection Certificate
from Censor Board. This was the only reason that very soon he was seen as
a successful cine star of Indian Cinema. His name had been known as
guarantee of success of film.
After assassination of Indira Gandhi her son Rajiv Gandhi was
made the Prime Minister (by going out of constitution and leaving aside the
elected parliament members) by Congress Party, to avenge the killing of his
mother from Sikhs, he organized the Sikh genocide in India with the misuse
of Police and other para-military forces of India including Army

Dozens of Hindus kill a Sikh youth on provocation of Amitabh Bacchan's appeal

on Door Dashan to Spill blood of Sikhs in 1984
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 Many of Congress leaders played a key role in this genocide, few
names of these perpetrators are as; Hari Kishan Lal Bhagat, Jagdish
Tytler, Sajjan Kumar, Kamal Nath, Dharm Das Shastri, Lalit Makan
and Amitabh Bacchan. They behaved like a Dog in their areas; similarly
these politicians orchestrated the massacre in their constituencies only. But
Amitabh Bacchan —- which was a celebrity of Indian cinema, he appeared
LIVE on Door Darshan and appealed the majority Hindus to spill blood of
Sikhs through his hatred slogans. Due to his hatred call, the violence against
Sikhs was spread all over India and Sikh were killed in trains, at Railway
Platforms, in buses, on roads mean to say everywhere Sikhs were targeted.
More then 20,000 innocent Sikhs were brutally killed in India. Now only
god knows if the thirst of blood of this witch is quenched or he wanted more
and whether really quenched—only he might be aware). The Sikh women
were molested and raped too at many places. Their children were also not
spared. They were also burnt alive, (you can see the evidences in these
following pictures). Their movable and non-movable property was looted,
destroyed or set on fire.
Amitabh Bcchan—-the famous Indian cine star, — who arrived
Delhi in the evening on 31st October the same day when Indira Gandhi was
killed in Delhi. Though our unconfirmed reports( as given to us by our one
friend on facebook—a social site) that as soon he landed at Palam Airport, a
Sikh security person on duty saluted him but he slapped on his face and said
that ‘you Sikhs have killed our mother so you too have no right to live” We
do not confirm this information but share the information as received by us.

A Sikh girl was tried to be burnt alive by Hindus.

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 An infant Sikh baby girl set ablaze alive by Hindus, saved by Sikhs
themselves.
The grand children of Indira Gandhi were given in the custody of
Mrs. Teji Bacchan who was mother of Amitabh Bacchan. She too belonged
to a reputed Sikh Bedi family but had given up her parental religion —-Sikh
by marrying outside of religion with a Kaystha Brahmin Harivansh Rai
Bacchan. The credit to join Amitabh in film line also goes to Indira Gandhi
only because she used her influence and sent an approach letter to Khwaza
Ahmad Abbas, in which she had requested to give a role to Amitabh
Bacchan. He gave a side role to Amitabh in his Hindi movie “SAAT
HINDUSTANI” And when a movie on violence was released (Zanzeer), it
was cleared by Censor Board under influence of Indira Gandhi.
The only but govt. owned TV Channel of India was covering the
visiting crowd and distinguished people arriving to pay their tributes to late
Prime minister Mrs. Indira Gandhi at Teen Moorti Bhawan which was
earlier the official residence of India's first Prime Minister Jawaharlal
Nehru who was also father of Indira Gandhi. We saw Rajv Gandhi and
Amitabh Bacchan discussing in a corridor. We saw Rajiv Gandhi turned
towards Amitabh Bacchan and whispered something in his ears and than
Amitabh turned towards camera crew which was already waiting there.
And then I witnessed which I had never dreamt of. I was just
stunned when I watched Amitabh inciting Hindus to spill blood of Sikhs?

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 The state media show looped video clips of Amitabh Bachchan
raising slogans like "Khoon ka badla khoon" (blood for blood) and
"Khoon ke chintey sikhon ke ghar tak pahunchni chahiye" (Splashes of
blood should reach the doorsteps of Sikhs).
Amitabh was seen walking 10 to 15 steps with his fists closed in
anger and waiving in air, shouting hatred slogans ….KHOON KA BADLA
KHOON means BLOOD FOR BLOOD. This video clip was telecast
intermittently to provoke majority Hindus to spread violence against Sikhs
and to kill them. This video was proved like fuel in fire. Due to this hatred
video, Sikhs were attacked all over India. More than 20,000 innocent Sikhs
were killed, their women molested and raped too, their moveable and
immoveable properties were either looted, destroyed or set on fire. The
meanness of Hindus was noticed when they raped Sikh women on dead
bodies of their husbands, brothers, children and relatives.
I was stunned as I had no blood in my veins. I was in dilemma if he
(Amitabh) was liked by only majority Hindus, the same Amitabh, a failure
on box office? His maximum movies were rejected by audiences. Even then
I was his fan and a regular viewer of his films as he did some good
performance in few films like ANAND. So we were not in his fan list and
only Hindus were given credit? Since then a feeling of hate for this man is
placed in my mind.
Now it had been clear that he (Amitabh) was a fanatic Hindu and
targeted Sikhs with his biased hateful thoughts. He was inciting majority
Hindus to kill Sikhs all over India by inciting them through his hatred LIVE
telecast on TV channel and we were helplessly watching him and killing of
innocent Sikhs. We were crying on our failure as we could not save our
brothers from these butchers. I was also feeling ashamed of calling myself
an Indian. INDIA which was liberated by us and we Sikhs sacrificed 93%
for its liberation from British Colony. These were only Sikhs who sacrificed
their blood to help India get free and today we were backstabbed by our own
govt and the people? These Hindus are thankless nation as earlier during
Mogul empire, they were saved by Sikh gurus otherwise would have been
known as largest Muslim country with all its citizens as Muslims. Sikhs
saved them from forced conversion by fighting with Muslims to save them
but to-day they back stabbed us? Had the Muslims not defeated by Sikhs,
Hindus could not be seen in this Indian sub-continent. It was not possible to
believe on own eyes but the betrayal was there in front of my eyes?
Due to hatred call of Amitabh, more than 20,000 innocent Sikhs
were killed in whole India. Their moveable and immoveable properties
were looted or set on fire, their homes and business establishments were
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also looted and destroyed. Thus they were made homeless and penniless
second time in India after 1947. The massacre was continued in Delhi for
three days continuously from 1st November to 3rd November. As per
official reports (through govt records 2733 Sikhs were killed but unofficial
records reveal it more than 10,000 in Delhi only. No legal action is ever
taken against this celebrity Amitabh bacchan for creating animosity in two
brotherly communities, to destroy public property by incitation and
provocation, and to make way for another division of India on religious
basis like 1947 when Muslims opted for their own nation and they got as
Pakistan. There are many reasons of legal failure. He moves scot-free under
security of National Security Guards. It's almost impossible to take a legal
action against him on his involvement in Sikh genocide in India as he is
protected by Indian govt.

The thankless Hindus tried to burn this sacred place Gurudwara

Sisganj Sahib, Chandni Chowk, Delhi, where the ninth Sikh Guru—Guru
Teg Bahadur sacrificed his own life with his disciples to save Hindu
religion.
Alas! if we too had our own nation which could help us in this
critical time and had raised it’s voice against injustice, discrimination and
attempts to eliminate us than govt. of India could have never dared to
orchestrate a well planned massacre of Sikhs. Since then we do not consider
this nation as ours, never.

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 When people ask me to show an evidence of his involvement, I just
look at their faces in amusement only. Either they are fools or over smart?
During that Genocide, our own govt. was enemy of our lives; there was no
one outsider to eliminate us but our own brothers who shared a mutual trust
for centuries. Just due to misguidance and provocation, these our own
brothers of Hindu community became our worst enemy and back stabbed
us? The fire brigade was given orders to not receive any call f arson but if
they are compelled and have to go to douse the flame, than they should spray
water on adjoining houses of Hindu families but not spray water on Sikh
homes. We were not sure if we will be alive and see the next moment, so we
were busy to make all efforts to save ourselves and our families from our
own. Who had the time to record his hatred slogans, and forget recording of
video as the video camera were not available in every home. Some families
had the Video caste player but that too rarely. Even the TV sets were not in
every home. People had to watch at their neighbor’s homes. Mobiles were
not invented than how could it be recorded? It was not possible for Sikhs as
they were facing death squads in every street but if someone else from
Hindu or Muslim or Chrishtian community recorded it, I am not aware. This
video clip is available with Door Darshan but that can be viewed only by
order of a sitting judge only.
What a young army officer saw in '84 riots (Colonel (retd.)
Bhupinder Malhi joined the army in 1983. He retired in 2009. He now runs a
security agency in Delhi)
We, a group of young Army Officers of Armoured Corps, were on
board the Jhelum Express to attend the Young Officers Course at Armoured
Corps Centre and School (ACCS) at Ahmednagar and happened to witness
the anti-Sikh riots at very close quarters.
I boarded the Jhelum Express at Ambala Cantt early morning on 01
Nov 1984 along with few other course-mates. By the time our train reached
outer Delhi near the Sabji Mandi area, we could see that Delhi was burning.
Lots of trucks were on fire and smoke could be seen rising from buildings.
When the train reached the New Delhi Railway Station, we got
down to enquire about the situation. We spotted many Sikhs lying injured on
the platform and no one was willing to provide any first aid or help. We tried
to help a few of the injured but our train was immediately moved out of the
station.
The train was forcibly stopped near the Nizammudin Railway
Station by an unruly mob. They started pulling out Sikhs from the train and
there was chaos all around. We all quickly put on our uniforms and got down

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to help the Sikhs. We could not help most, though we managed to save a few.
Some Sikhs had been set on fire; cycle rubber Tyres were placed around
them.
Some of us tried calling the police using the railways phone but
there was no response. We also tried calling the Army headquarters' Duty
Officer but could not reach them. We spotted an injured Sikh who was
thrown on the railway track; two of us rushed to help him, but by the time we
reached him, an approaching train over-ran him and we saw his body cut
into pieces. We collected his body parts in a bed sheet and brought it to the
railway platform to be handed over to police.
The train moved a bit and was again stopped near the Okhla slums.
Another group of mob entered our AC 2 tier compartment by breaking the
window glass as there are no iron grills in AC compartment. The mob
systematically started searching the compartment and pulling Sikhs out of
the train. We tried to reason with rioters and managed to save few fellow
Sikhs. Unfortunately we could not save all. Capt Gill of 89 Armoured
Regiment was stabbed at a distance of 1 ft from me. We requested rioters to
spare his life as he was a soldier but the rioters argued that the person who
killed Mrs Indira Gandhi was also a soldier.
We handed over Captain Gill's body to Army authorities at the
Mathura railway station at night. Another Sikh officer named Sahota from
GREF (General Reserve Engineer Force) was made to hide under the berth
in our compartment. He was spotted by the mob and was killed there itself
after he was hit by iron rods.
We were lucky to save my course mate Harinder (86 Armored
Regiment) who was being pulled out of the train but some of us held on to
him and managed to free him from the clutches of death.
Another newly-wedded young officer from Artillery who was
traveling with his wife was saved by shaving his beard and cutting his hair.
We repeatedly requested railways authorities for help but no one
was willing to oblige. On the contrary, one TTE was seen indicating to the
mob about the location of Sikhs hiding in the compartments.
Two officers Yadav (75 Armoured Regiment) and AP Singh (9
Horse) managed to get hold of a 12 bore rifle which was being carried by a
soldier proceeding on leave. They fired a few rounds at the mob and the mob
retreated. They were awarded subsequently for this bravery.
It’s not like that Amitabh shouting hatred slogans is not watched by
others? Hundreds of thousands would have watched him mostly who were
residing outside Delhi.
But to whom could they reveal?
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 The Hindus are seeing killing the innocent Sikhs in trains.
Any legal action against him is not possible in India. It took me 25
years to spread my voice. The credit of revolution in Indian struggle of
freedom of 1957 goes to Mangal Pande … as he was the first person who
dared to give a befitted reply to British —— it needs to ignite a single spark
to revolt and when I myself has watched Amitabh LIVE on Door Darshan
inciting Hindus to spill blood of Sikhs than I decided to knock the Court. I
was hesitating to pay Court fee and litigation expenses. Therefore I filed a
Public interest Litigation (PIL) in Delhi High Court on 19-09-2009.
On 24-10-2009, it was refused to be heard by honorable judge Man
Mohan Kumar with a remark as the case is filed after 25 years. Now I was
again in need of money to file revision, no advocate came forward to fight
this case without money; possibly they were frightened to appeal against a
highly influential celebrity.
I demanded a copy of video clip from Door Darshan aftermath
assassination of Indira Gandhi in 1984 from 1st November to 3rd
November but I was refused to provide the same and called vague. And
when I became sure that I can’t get justice and can’t appeal in Court, I better
decided to write on net and expose him. I learnt Internet and than all the
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material in relevance to this PIL and involvement of Amitabh in
provocation and inciting Hindus to spill blood of Sikhs pasted on net.
People were amazed, they had no such information. Though the Karnail
Singh Peer Mohammad had revealed it on net before me but he was not
having any witness. After my statement on net, this was proved a big
support to their voice. Within last four years only, whole world is now aware
of his involvement, his role in Sikh genocide is well informed. We have
shown the real black face of him within this short period. Now wherever he
goes in any part of world, Sikh youths protest against him and he is called
MURDERER, MURDERER.

The success which I would have not got by filing a legal case
against him, I have got more than that on net. He didn’t pay a visit to Canada
in fear of protest but resigned from Chairman post of AAIF. Kindly view
this following picture, a photocopy of that memorandum.

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 Than he went to Oxford University, England and his interview was
aired by BBC, TV ONE to promote his film ‘PAA’. There he had to face
protest of Sikhs. After that he went to Queensland University, Australia
where a law suit was filed against him on his involvement in 1984 Sikh
genocide. He again visited London in 2012 to run with OLYMPIC TORCH,
here again he faced Sikhs protesting against him and who shouted as
MURDERER, MURDERER. Than he was so frustrated that he sent an
application at Sri Akal Takhat (the Supreme and temporal seat of Sikh faith)
about his innocence, he tried to misguide the clergy whereas we are the eye
witness and know the truth. Truth always prevail, one may try to cover it by
his falsehood.
Sikhs for justice, an NGO gave a memorandum to President Barak
Obama which includes his name as perpetrator.
If there were Hindus killing the innocent Sikhs in Delhi and other
parts of India under influence of Congress party, and were thankless to Sikh

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nation, thankless to Sikh gurus who sacrificed their lives to save Hindu
religion and were marking a black spot to their religion, there were many
savior Hindus too who risked their lives to save innocent Sikhs, gave them
shelter, food and water despite opposed by Congress goons and the
government which was keen to eliminate Sikhs. We are thankful to all those
known and unknown Hindu brothers and bow our heads in due respect
before them. The brotherhood, harmony and love if still persists among
these two communities is due to their selfless service. We the Sikhs shall
always be grateful to them.
One thing we could never be able to understand is ….. the exact
motivation of the rioters? Was it communal? Maybe for some, but so many
religious symbols were not seen on the attackers, no Hindu slogans and,
most significantly, nobody reported a case of neighbors attacking
neighbors. Delhi, in fact, had more stories then of Hindu neighbors
protecting the odd Sikh in their locality, even at risk to their own lives.
Now I would like to mention two Hindu families (whose
references I got from newspapers and on net). One was Shri Bajrang
Singh from central Delhi and the other is Mr. Ved Prakash Jayaswal
who belongs to Shahdra, east Delhi).

Bajrang Singh ji
Mr. Bajrang Singh was a rich person and was a transporter by
profession. At that time he owned 19 buses. When he saw killing of innocent
Sikhs on streets, and women crying with orphans on roads, his heart cried
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and this god fearing person immediately gave shelter to all Sikh women,
children and youths who could be seen on road, provided them food and
shelter to live in his own house. His wife and son in law, his daughters, and
every member of the family came forward to save the Sikhs from death
squads of Congress. He dressed their wounds, provided available medicines
means to say he and his family served the Sikhs by all means. How could the
Congress top brass bear it when it had orchestrated the genocide itself? So it
started harassing the honest and god fearing person by framing him in
fabricated charges and harming him financially.
First his Jat drivers left their jobs, his son in laws came forward and
drove the buses to search the Sikh families on roads to save their lives and
bring them home. His buses were hypothecated from banks and thus
government gave him only one month’s time to pay back the loans. How
could he pay back loans of his so many buses in just one month? Then his
buses were confiscated by Banks and he was left alone to die with hunger
but this angel didn’t lose his mission of service. Despite all odds, he
continued. His wife sold her ornaments to feed the starving Sikh families.
Great is the mother who gave birth to such a deity person.
To-day he is not in this materialistic world but his family feels
proud of him, they do not regret though they were made penniless by
congress govt. but none of his family member ever regrets. We should all
learn a lesson from the life of honorable Sh. Bajrang Singh ji. We should
always remember preaching of Sikh gurus who gave us the message,
“MAANAS KEE JAAT SABHAI EK-E PAHICHANBO !!” MEANS
ALL THE MANKIND SHOULD BE ACCEPTED AS ONE. We pray
the almighty Waheguru to rest his soul in peace and give strength and
prosperity to his family so that they may always live with pride and honor. We
also pray the Lord to be kind upon us so that we may also be able to serve the
mankind without any discrimination of religion, race, caste, color or creed.
The untold story of Sh. Ved Prakash Jaiswal of Shahdra is almost all
the same. He too brought many Sikh families at his home and served them in
need of hour at their critical time. His son Rajiv Jaiswal is a practicing
Chartered Accountant and has good relations with Sikh families. We the
whole Sikh community is grateful to Jaiswal family.

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 The writer with Sh. Ved Kumar Jayaswal
It had been a long time known to me about the great humanitarian
work done by Sh. Ved Kumar ji Jayaswal, at the risk of his life during Sikh
genocide 1984 but I could never visit him due to my own engagements. I
decided to meet him before my book goes to press so that I may hear the
truth from him, record it and write his memoirs in this book. Therefore in
Sep. 2019, I went to see him at his residence in Ramnagar, Shahdara.
I called his son Sh. Rajiv Jayaswal and requested him to take me to
his father. When I reached in his locality, I noticed Jayaswal Marg (Lane).
Rajiv said that this lane belongs to his family, Once upon a time, this entire
locality belonged to them but his father had sold the land in his youth as
grand father had died but still they have enough land. Soon we reached their
home. I wanted to record testimony of his father on saving the lives of Sikhs
residing in this locality in 1984 Sikh genocide. It was great moment when I
personally met this old young man in his 87th years of his life. Young
because his voice is still much influenced, a command is still there in his
voice. I requested him to narrate what he saw and how he saved the innocent
precious lives? What he revealed is written as follows;
Indira Gandhi was killed on 31st October. Next day there was a
paper of his son Rajiv in his CA Exams. When he was returning from
college as the paper had been cancelled, on the way back to home he saw
few people beating a Sikh truck driver with sticks. He intervened and asked
the reason. He was replied that the Sikhs have killed the mother Indira
Gandhi so they are taking revenge. Rajiv Jayaswal asked them if this man
killed Indira. They replied, 'no'. At this his son told the mob that when he is
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not guilty, how could you punish him? The attackers got angry with his son
but few present there recognized his son and verified by saying that he is the
son of Ved Kumar Jayaswal, let him go. The mob spared the life of truck
driver and moved on in search of other Sikhs.
Rajiv Jayaswal reached home safely and narrated the whole
incident to his father. By that time his locality was also disturbed, People
running towards his home said to his father that a mob has attacked and
torched the Gurudwara. He immediately rushed to reach there.
When he reached at Gurudwara, he saw the Gurdwara was torched
but he indulged with the arsenic mob on attacking the nearby houses.
Meanwhile the Granthi (head priest) of the Gurudwara and his wife got the
time to jump on the roof of the mill next to Gurudwara and then to get cover
in someone's house and their lives were saved. Those people in mob were
not local; they didn't know about him so someone among the mob ordered to
throw him also in fire. At this Ved Kumar ji challenged and said, 'come
forward, if you dare!' Someone in the crowed shouted and gave his
introduction, at this the mob dispersed and houses of the Sikhs in the area
saved from attack.
Ved Kumar ji immediately called the nearest police station whose
in-charge was a Sikh police officer but he showed his incapability to send
the police force to save the Sikh families as he had little force with him but
he called him to police station. Ved Kumar ji reached the Police station.
There he was told that he should request the army officer present there. He
saw a Brigadier there, He approached him and requested. At this Ved Kumar
ji was told by Brigadier that few Sikh women had gathered there and wanted
the army to go to Nand Nagri where their houses were torched and male
members killed, and that they were going to march in that area. At this Ved
Kumar ji requested the Brigadier that whatever had to be happened is happened
at Nand Nagri but if he goes with him he could save the lives of stranded Sikh
families from killer squads. The Brigadier immediately ordered the force to
move, a tank was moved with them taking Ved Kumar ji also and they reached
Gurudwara Ramnagar. Seeing movement of army, the mob dispersed from area
and the houses of Sikhs could be saved from arson and loot.
On some distance away, a Major warned the mob on attacking a
house but they ignored, soon, the major fired and killed two men, the mob
dispersed in and the message spread that army having the orders to shoot at
sight. So no one dared to attack again.
Sardar Matharu ji was the President of the Gurudwara Ramnagar at
that time. His house was not far. He called Ved Kumar ji on phone and
requested to save his family. He immediately sent his sons to escort the
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whole family and bring them safely to their home. The whole family was
brought to his home where they stayed till army arrived after 2-3 days. The
relatives of Matharu were given shelter by army in Shyam Lal College.
They called him and requested them to stay in camp. The daughter-in-law of
Matharu, whose family was there, decided to go there. At this, the wife of
Ved Kumar ji dressed his son who was 14 years old and grown no beard, as a
girl by covering him in the suit of her daughter. Than carried both the mother
and son on his scooter to drop them at the camp. After reaching their safely,
the other women of the Matharu's family stayed behind at his home but next
morning, they also wished to join their relatives as they were receiving
many phone calls by their relatives to join them.
Next morning at 4 am, Ved Kumar ji took the Sikh ladies one by one
on his scooter and rode them to rehabilitation camp settled at Shyam Lal
College and dropped them safely. In the end, he dropped Matharu ji also
there. The relation in between these two families is bonded more firmly than
earlier till date. The Brigadier and other army officers were honored in the
Gurudwara as per Sikh traditions. Ved Kumar ji was also invited to be
honored but he refused. He said that he didn't oblige anyone but did his
moral duty to save innocent lives. He is glad that all Sikh families residing
in his locality are safe. We pay our gratitude to such a great soul on behalf of
whole Sikh community as at that time, there was no one to show solidarity
and stand with us but this man stood beside us and helped from all his might.
We pray almighty Waheguru to bless him good health and for his long life to
have him among us.
His son Rajiv Jayaswal was poetic mind, he used to write diary, two
pages of his diary gives us a glimpse of those horrible days and what the Sikh
community faced in the country, their leaders joined in 1947 without imposing
any conditions for themselves but with having a mutual trust of centuries in
two brotherly communities. The pages from his diary can be seen in pictures.
The only signs of courage and initiative in an otherwise ominous
landscape were demonstrated by those Hindu and Muslim neighbors who
helped Sikh families in the affected areas. We came across a large number of
Sikh inmates in the relief Camps who told us repeatedly that but for these
neighbors they would have been butchered.
In a makeshift camp opposite the Kalyanpuri police station on
November 3, we met a Hindu family, whose house was burnt down by the
miscreants because he had given shelter to his Sikh neighbors.
A postal employee living in Bhopal told us how his house was
damaged and partly burnt because he helped two Sikhs. With army
assistance he moved the Sikhs to his village in Faridabad.
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 Members of a voluntary organization traced two Sikh families who
were given shelter by Hindus in Khichripur on November 3. Defying a
belligerent mob that stood at the entrance of the lanes, a local Hindu youth
led the members to the house and rescued the families who were being
sheltered by a poor Hindu family. The next day, the volunteers following a
request by a mother in a relief camp went to trace her daughter in Trilokpuri
who was being looked after by a Hindu family. The latter restored the
daughter to the volunteers, kept with them two other Sikh children whose
parents were still traced.
“It is our responsibility to look after them", they said.
Near Azadpur, a Hindu factory owner hid a Sikh inside the factory
premises. When the Hindus surrounded the factory demanding that the Sikh
be handed over to them, the factory owner persuaded the Sikh to shave his
hair and beard have him a cycle which helped him to pass through the crowd
and escape.
On the GT-Karnal Road, Hindus saved a Gurudwara and a Sikh
doctor's clinic from being burnt down. In the same area, from November 1
to 5, Delhi University teachers and students kept vigil around the entry point
to lances where Sikhs lived.
Hindus from Munirka village and residing in Munirka colony
provided protection in their own homes to ten Sikh families.
Thirty Sikh families residing in Mayur Vihar were guarded all
through the period by young Hindi neighbors who resisted attempts by
outsiders to raid the compound.
According to a rough estimate based on information gathered from
different sources, at least 600 Sikhs were saved by Hindus of Trilokpuri.
According to an army officer posted in Shahadara, of the Sikh families he
rescued from different parts of the area, at least 70% were sheltered by Hindus.
It is these acts of courage, however, few they may be, which
reassure us that sanity still prevails in our country.

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 Sajjan Kumar alias Durjan chamaar
(Note : It is to inform our readers that Sajjan Kumar is imprisoned
by the time this book is published)
Sajjan Kumar is convicted for life sentence by Delhi high Court for
killing five Sikhs in Rajnagar in Delhi Cantt. on 17/12/2018, it turned the
judgement of the lower court and ordered him to surrender before 31st Dec.
2018. Court also punished him with 5 Lacs rupees. His other companions also
got punished in which are also punished. Three got life sentence others got are
Capt. Bhagmal, Girdhari lal and Balwan Khokhar. Other two Kishan Khokhar
and ex-adv. Mahinder Yadav's jail term increased from 3 years to 10 years.
The Indian media and journalists are well aware of his deeds, he
paid one bottle of liquor and Rs. 100/- in lieu of one murder of a Sikh in
1984. (For reference, kindly see; http://whoisguilty.blogspot.in/ and in
English "Who is guilty" [http://guiltyof1984.blogspot.com/]). There were
awards on heads of Sikhs during Mogul era also and to-day the same
tradition to reward against killing of a Sikh is being followed in free India,
the descendent of Moguls– the family of Indira Gandhi rules over India in
the false name of Gandhi. If the readers have forgot, I remind them that …
Former Foreign Minister K Natwar Singh made an interesting
revelation about Indira Gandhi's affinity to the Mughals in his book “Profile
and Letters”. It states that- In 1968 Indira Gandhi as the Prime Minister of
India went on an official visit to Afghanistan. Natwar Sing accompanied her
as an IFS officer in duty. After having completed the day's long
engagements, Indira Gandhi wanted to go out for a ride in the evening. After
going a long distance in the car, Indira Gandhi wanted to visit Babur's burial
place, though this was not included in the itinerary. The Afghan security
officials tried to dissuade her, but she was adamant. In the end she went to
that burial place. It was a deserted place. She went before Babur's grave,
stood there for a few minutes with head bent down in reverence. Natwar

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Singh stood behind her. When Indira had finished her prayers, she turned
back and told Singh “Today we have had our brush with history.” Worth to
mention that Babur was the founder of Mughal rule in India, from which the
Nehru-Gandhi dynasty have descended.
He was acquitted recently from a Court in Delhi because of his
acquaintance and approach in high ups of power, the Courts do mockery with
justice, it called the witnesses as untrustworthy and ignored the evidences.

Former governor and defense secretary, Govind Narain states

‘definitely there was a lot of evidence before us in trans Yamuna area
where people had told us that Shri HKL Bhagat, a Congress(I)leader,
had planned an organized massacre there, There was evidence
before us that in other areas the people who were instigating and
organizing with Petrol tins/ kerosene tins to set houses on fire and
here the names of Shri Sajjan kumarand Shri Jagdish Tytler were
mentioned. Some of these names also figure in the various affidavits
that were filed before us”
According to Jagjit Singh’s affidavit ‘Congress (I) leader, Sajjan
Kumar ordered distribution of Iron rods, from the truck parked
nearby there. After this distribution of Iron rods Sajjan Kumar told
the mob to attack Sikhs to kill them, loot their properties and then
burn their houses and shops.
Raj Kumar of Palam Colony witnessed a huge meeting in
Mangolpuri addressed by Sajjan Kumar Tisedhe mob raised slogans
such as ‘Kill the Sardars (Sikhs). “Moti singh of Sultanpuri

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 witnessed another meeting, this time in Sultanpuri, where Sajjan
Kumar extolled people to kill the Sikhs and collect Rs. 1000 for each
Sikh killed. The police were also in attendance.”
Congress (I) party leaders who owned oil depots provided the crucial
access to abundant amounts of kerosene, a resource too expensive
for most of the assassilants to afford.

The former police chief of Punjab Juliius Riberio has written in

his diary that he tried to convince Rajiv Gandhi during his meetings
with him to take action against Sajjan Kumar if he really wants to curb
militancy in state. This way he could win hearts of Sikhs but he replied
that this man (Sajjan Kumar) was seen sobbing beside his mother till
her last breath, hence he doesn't want any harm to him.
In Mangolpuri, Sultanpuri localities of outer Delhi, he is alleged to
lead the death squads and to provoke the mob to attack on Sikh homes, their
business establishment, to kill Sikhs, rape their woman and to carry out all
kind of atrocities to burn them alive. In Delhi Cantt area which is considered
to be most safest place, he lead the mob there also which is revealed by a
Sikh woman Jagdish Kaur whose husband and other male members of
family were killed on his provocation. She gave her testimony in Court also
but the court with its biased stand refused to give her justice and acquitted
this demon. The Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) also held him guilty
but being a known flatter of Congress, it's very difficult to punish him in
India other than if someone kills him to avenge.
Mr. Charanjit Singh, a Sikh Congress (I) MP from Delhi suffered a
loss of Rs. 10 crores when his Pure Drinks factories were burnt down.
Narrating his experience Mr. Singh said: "I telephoned the Lt. Governor and
the Police several times, telling them that mobs were burning our factories. I
was told that the force would be arriving but that never happened". He
added that he had been a "failure" to his constituents, since all assistance
"was denied to him". (STATESMAN, 10 November 1984).
Justice Nanavati recommended that all the seven cases against
Sajjan Kumar, including FIR No 307/94, be reinvestigated. This particular
FIR had been lodged on the basis of an affidavit filed before the Ranganath
Mishra Commission of Inquiry by a widow, Anek Kaur, in 1985. In the
affidavit, she gave graphic details of how Sajjan Kumar, other Congress
leaders and the police had turned murderous that day. Her house, she said,
was surrounded by a mob led by Congress leader Jai Singh. The police were
inciting the mob to kill Sardars and burn their houses. She also stated that
Sajjan Kumar and another Congress leader Jai Kishan had come in a jeep
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and when she had run up to them for protection, Jai Kishan had said that
only six Sardars were left and that he would get them killed. Sajjan Kumar
had also stated that they should be beaten to death. Anek's husband Vakil
Singh was beaten and left for dead — he died three months later. Based on
this and other evidence, Nanavati recommended a reinvestigation but the
government in its Action Taken Report, denied the allegation and said that
Anek Kaur had subsequently (in 1994) withdrawn her statement against
Sajjan Kumar. Thus, the government felt that since there was no fresh
evidence, it would not be just to reopen the case.
While the government found no justification to reopen the case,
Tehelka investigations revealed that witness Anek Kaur was won over and
her statement changed.
Tehelka traced out her family as Anek Kaur died about four years
ago. Her mother-in-law Sahibzadi disclosed that one Rathi had obtained
Anek Kaur's thumb impression on a paper and used to buy rations for them
regularly. Vakil Singh's sister Mishri Kaur, who used to accompany Anek
Kaur, told Tehelka that Sajjan Kumar had offered them a flat to change
Anek's statement. Another offer was made by Sajjan Kumar that he would
sponsor their expenses for as long as they live in lieu of a changed statement.
The family was paid for about two years. This entire conversation was
captured on a spycam. The edited conversation goes:
Tehelka: What had Sajjan Kumar asked Anek Kaur, can you
share that with us?
Mishri: Gawahi badal do, poora kharcha milega, muawza milega
aur flat dilwa doonga (You will get a flat as well as compensation, just get
Anek Kaur's statement changed).
Tehelka: Did this happen before your eyes?
Mishri: Yes. This was in my presence, kehta tha, byan badal do, jab
tak zinda rahoge, poori zindagi ka kharcha doonga, ek do saal diya bhee bus
uske baad nahin (He said he'll take care of all expenses as long as we lived,
he gave money for about one or two years then stopped)
Tehelka: What happened after that?
Mishri: Then Rathi came in the picture, Rathi, Inspector Rathi,
would accompany Anek to the court, would also bring his vehicle. He used
to give Rs 200 every month and in addition also hand over Rs 50 to Rs 100.
Jai Kishan, the local mla, had also given Rs 1,200.
Tehelka: And then?
Mishri: Paisa Rathi kha gaya (Rathi took away all the money),
usne Anek se angootha lagwa liya (Rathi had taken Anek's thumb
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impression on a paper). I had complained against Rathi to the court and
headquarter.
Tehelka: Did you not approach Sajjan Kumar for the promised
flat and the money?
Mishri: Yes, twice I had gone to him but he refused to speak to me,
baad mein aana (come later), I was thrown out of his place. This was some
time around the last elections.
Tehelka: What happened to Anek Kaur?
Mishri: She was sick and died about four years ago. Before her
death she told me and her daughter as well that take money from Sajjan or
else depose against him, take it that he is the murderer of your parents.
Tehelka: So she changed her statement?
Mishri: She did not change her statement but Rathi took her thumb
impression and gave her only Rs 200.
That the government was on the side of the guilty is also clear from
another case. According to the Nanavati report, one Kher Singh had filed an
affidavit before Jain-Banerjee Committee and stated, “that on that day in the
morning, he had seen local mp Sajjan Kumar addressing a crowd of persons
and telling them that Sikhs had killed their mata and that no Sikh in the area
should be spared. At that time Ishwar Singh, Hardwari Lal and other local
persons had raised slogans against Sikhs”. The report further states, “This
witness therefore rushed back to his house. Dr Iqbal Singh Chadha, Resham
Singh and Ajit Singh were burnt alive. When the mob came near his house,
the neighbours told the mob that nobody was present in the house and so he
was saved. He was rescued by the military on November 3, 1984. Kher
Singh had later on approached the police and told them that he was a witness
to the murder of those three persons but the police told him that as no case
was registered with respect to their murder, her (sic) could not be recorded.”
Regarding this incident FIR no 178 was recorded only on
November 15, 1984. No one was arrested in this case and the case was filed
as untraced. Justice Nanavati observed in his report, “it appears that in
respect of death of Iqbal Singh Chadha FIR No 178/84 and the case was then
filed as untraced.
Kher Singh had specifically stated that he was the eyewitness to the
murder of Dr Iqbal Singh Chadha yet his statement was not recorded with
the result that he was not even cited as a witness. Thus even though
eyewitness was available, the police did not investigate the case properly
and closed it as untraced.”

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 While Justice Nanavati states an eyewitness was available, the
Action Taken Report says the contrary. It states, “no eyewitness came
forward to give give any specific evidence or clue about the incident.
Therefore the case was sent as untraced which was accepted by the
competent court.” Interestingly, the police refused to record the statement
of eyewitness Kher Singh but lodged an FIR based on the complaint of
Harvinder Kaur, wife of Dr Chadha, who had not named any person as she
had not seen the incident.
SULTANPURI
The resettlement colony of Sultanpuri has a mixed population of
Hindus and Sikhs employed in various occupations. Many of the Hindus
belong to the lower castes and are employed in various bodies as safai
karamcharis. Among the Sikhs are Sikligars (who specialise in preparing
metal gratings for building con struction), charpoy weavers from Alwar,
scooter rickshaw owners, TV mechanics, electricians, and shop keepers.
Some also work as scooter rickshaw drivers, rickshaw pullers, vendors and
labourers.
It is significant that the members of the two communities lived in
perfect harmony prior to the riots. This was testified to by the Sikhs in the
various relief camps. On no occasion in the past there had been any
evidence of tensions between them.
The Sikh residents of the colony were taken by surprise when in the
late hours of Thursday (November 1) they were suddenly attacked by
violent mobs. According to eye witnesses the mob consisted of local people
and of outsiders believed to be Jats of neighbouring villages (Mundka is one
such village). The attacks were directed at the men folk and a large number
of Sikh males were killed. Some of the survivors were able to identify these
who played a leading role in the attack. The leaders include local politicians,
the police and some local people.
In trying to identify and understand the assailants and arsonists it
seems indubitable that sweeper urchins, beggars, mechanics, drivers,
vegetable sellers, etc. from the local areas were involved. But it was not
entirely on their own initiative. Most of the killers in Sultanpuri were led by
Pradhans, who were at the base of the political hierarchy. It was they who
incited the mobs against the Sikhs and helped to identify Sikh houses and
establishments. The Pradhans were in turn linked to the local Congress M.
P. Some of the Pradhans who were repeatedly held responsible by the
survivors for acts of incitement and for aiding and abetting the rioters were
Mr. Chauhan, Mr. Bagri and Mr. Gupta, The M. P. who was most common

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held responsible for the attacks was Mr. Sajjan Kumar of the Congress (I).
Police connivance with the rioters in Sultanpuri is indicated by the
fact that the SHO by the name of Mr. Bhatti reportedly not only killed a
couple of Sikhs, but also helped the mob to disarm the Sikhs. The police
involvement may be summed up in words of one survivor "Khud Mara
Hai, Miley Huey the", (they themselves killed: they were in complicity).
Almost every refugee we spoke to gave an identical version. Also
involved in the Carnage in Sultanpuri were kerosene suppliers Brahmanand
Gupta, Verenand, Master and Ved Prakash who provided the fuel for the
Sikh funeral as also a Jat doctor Changa.
Others actively participants, were the owner of the Hanuman ration
shop, Gajanand, godown owner, Gulab Singh and an auto rickshaw driver
Omi. All these criminals supervised the Carnage.
The attacks which began on the Sikh residents on Thursday night
went on relentlessly till Friday afternoon (November 1-2). Among the
directions heard being shouted to the mob were "kill men, rape women".
The mobs were equipped with lathis, iron rods and other weapons and
carried kerosene with them.
Many Hindu neighbors had sheltered Sikh families and locked
them up in different houses. Unfortunately this did not save them from the
looting, arson, lynching, and killing that followed. Houses were being
identified, set on fire, and Sikh males killed, women were seen carrying
away loot from the houses of better off Sikhs: gold jewellery, TV sets and
other things were carried off. A lot of property including means of livelihood
such has handcarts and rickshaws were systematically destroyed.
The killings were brutal, One Sikh was pushed into a car, which
was then set a blaze. Others were hit, thrown on the ground, doused with
kerosene and set on fire.
A pregnant women was stabbed by the rioters and some women are
reported to have been raped. A graphic account is available with certain
members of our team who visited the relief camp at Shakurpur (Pant Bagh).
In a large hail of Shakurpur Camp housing the Sultanpuri victims of
the carriage sit a row of women and children huddled together with shock
and grief inscribed on every part of their beings. There is not a single boy of
over ten years in the group and boys are rare. Each group consists of a
woman of the older generation, three or four young widows, a few
adolescent girls and the rest are children, ranging from ten years to nursing
infants. One such household consists of 18 people rendered absolutely
destitute with not a single earning member left; all four adult males have

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been murdered. Two of the younger women have new born babies, one six
day old (it was born day before the killings) and another 10 days old. They
stared blankly into space holding the babies in their arms too dazed to speak
or even mourn. But the older women who had lost her husband and three
sons gave vent to her grief bitterly "ab to sabse accha yeh hoga ki aap
ham sab ko jahar dila dain; ab ham ji nahin sakte ; kaise jiyenge, kis ke
liye jiyenge ?" (It would be best to give us all poison, how will we live
and for whom?).
She was voicing the sentiment of many of the women present, all of
whom had watched their men folk being attacked and cut down, then
doused with kerosene and set ablaze. Not one of these were willing to
consider returning to their original homes after the brutal massacre they had
lived through. How can they even think of it unless the guilty are identified
and punished ?.
The blocks most badly affected wereA4 (65 killed, 15 missing), P1,
2 and 3 (31 killed and 5 missing) and C3 and C4. From an enumeration done
in Camp II (housing about 2000-survivors mainly from Sultanpuri) the
figures are 157 dead, 25 injured and 52 missing from this group alone. This
means that on an average every second family suffered at least at least one
family member dead. According to an expert it is curious that the number of
injured is so few compared to the number of dead. In cases of looting and
killing due to mob frenzy, the number injured is usually much higher. This
implies that the attackers were not disorderly.
Matters did not end with the events of November 1 and 2. During
the next two days, Saturday and Sunday (November 3 and 4) the SHO is
reported to have got a barber brought to a hall where the Sikhs were herded
together (prior to evacuation) and made to pay Rs. 21 each to get themselves
shaved. They were threatened that they would get shot if they did not
comply. It was reported that the barber made Rs. 500.
Around 5000 Sikhs were herded together till the army evacuated
them three days later. Some 800 are still in Sultanpuri under Army
protection. Attempts at adequate arrangements for their food were still
being made by the army on Thursday, November 8, a whole week after the
terror started.
The survivors at Camp II with a few exceptions do not want to go
back. Reportedly only 100 from the 2000 in this camp went back. But 20 had
returned by November 9th. Even within the camp they are feeling insecure.
The same sweepers who only a few days ago looted their houses
and killed their husbands and sons have managed to sneak into the camps

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for the ostensible purpose of doing the sanitation work. These people are
regularly keeping watch on them and spying on their movements.

MANGOLPURI
The centre of the holocaust was the jhuggi and jhopri colony (JJ
cluster and re-settlement colony) at Mangolpuri in West Delhi where a large
number of Sikhs are concentrated in certain blocks.
The disturbances started on November 1 evening after a police van
had come to the G Block and announced that water had been poisoned. The
other two rumours- that Sikhs were celebrating Mrs. Gandhi's death by
distributing sweets and that Hindu corpses had arrived in trains from Punjab
were also soon making the rounds.
Apprehending trouble, several Sikhs from different blocks
approached the police for help. One woman survivor whom we met later at
the Shakurpur relief camp on November 5 told us that when she want to the
police station for protection, the police said "We cannot do anything- you
are now on your own". Later, during the riots, the miscreants were seen
using diesel from police vans to set fire to the houses of the Sikhs. One
group of survivors from Block X told us that the police took them out from
their houses on the plea of rescuing them and then turned them over to the
mob waiting outside. According to information gathered from the
survivors, the assailants were from the nearby Jat villages and were
accompanied by local Schedule Caste people- the same composition of the
mob which we found in Trilokpuri. Hovering around the arsonists were
local Congress (I) leaders and followers in jeeps and other vehicles. The
survivors identified Mala Ram, a local Congress (I) leader, who came with
about 300 people and personally supervised the arson, looting and murders.
Ishwar Singh, Salim Querishi and Shaukeen, (Congress (I) workers
belonging to the Waqf Club). Rajinder Singh all well known Congress (I)
activists were found going around instructing the mob, providing kerosene
and providing out Sikh homes.
One single name which cropped up wherever we went interviewing
the residents of Mangolpuri was that of Sajjan Kumar, the Congress (I) MP
of the area. Almost in one voice, they alleged that Sajjan Kumar had
masterminded the violence. Some people accused him of having paid Rs.
100 and a bottle of liquor to each person taking part in the may-hem. The
extent of hatred towards him among the Sikh survivors of Mangolpuri was
evident when Sajjan Kumar visited the Mangolpuri police station on

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November 4 where the survivors were waiting to be transported to a refugee
camp. Members of our team were witness to a scene where the Sikhs abused
him openly and held him responsible for the carnage. The Congress (I) MP
tried to pacify them by pleading his innocence. "Why should my party kill
you who are Congress (I) supporters?" he said, and laid the blame on the Lt.
Governor who had been replaced the previous day by a new successor. A
little later when the team visited the Punjabi Bagh camp where some among
the Mangolpuri refugees had arrived, the team was told that the hungry
refugees had refused to touch the foodstuff brought earlier by Sajjan Kumar.
The violence indulged in by the mob was marked by the most brutal
atrocities. Women survivors told us how their children were ripped apart,
their husbands and sons made to cut off their hair, beaten up with iron rods
and then burnt alive. Almost all the Sikh houses in the 26 blocks of
Mangolpuri were attacked and destroyed and the main targets of murderous
assault were the young male members of the households. Official attempts
to underestimate the extent of killings by giving out the Delhi State
Committee of the CPI (M) which from a house-to-house survey in a few
blocks alone found at least 51 killed.
When we visited Mangolpuri on November 5 we were shown spots
were the bodies were burnt and we were taken to a 'nallah' (Drain) between
Mangolpuri and Sultanpuri where we were told several hundred bodies
were dumped.
It was only on the evening of November 3 that the army arrived at
Mangolpuri. Narrating the event, one Sikh whom we met at the Shakurpur
relief camp where he was staying with other refugees, told us that they were
taken out by the mob, made to stand in a park and when they were about to
be set on fire, the troops arrived and saved them.
Before the arrival of troops, the few sources of protection available
to the sufferers of Mongolpuri were the Hindu and Muslim neighbors who
at tremendous risk to their lives gave shelter to the Sikhs. They hid them in
their homes and shops and resisted attempts by the mob to trace them out. A
Muslim young man in Nangloi told us how his family saved a number of
Sikh men, women and children and secretly transported them to the relief
The experience of a Hindu, C. Lal of Mangolpuri is revealing. He passed
through the days of the 1947 partition, when he crossed over from Sialkot to
India. He relived the same days during the first week of November when his
brother's shop was looted and burnt, because he gave shelter to several Sikh
families and formed a peace committee in his locality to protect the Sikhs.
Courtesy: PUCL and PUDF ( Who is guilty)

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 1984 riots: The original 'maut ke saudagars' set the
tone for future.
Complete Story of Sajjan Kumar: 1984 to 2013

Sequence of events
By Harjinder Basiala and by Gagandeep Sohale
How Sajjan Kumar was protected from 6th November 1984:- Read
the other details also ...........
A large number of victims named Sajjan Kumar in 1984 itself for
his involvement in the killings of Sikhs. Many of these witnesses informed
volunteers working in the Relief Camps of his involvement as the Police
was not registering their complaints.
Based upon these allegations of the victims a delegation of
Opposition Leaders met the Prime Minister on 6thNovember 1984 and
mentioned about the involvement of Sajjan Kumar. This fact appeared in
many newspapers on 7th November 1984. As the Police was not registering
complaints a number of Human Rights Groups started their enquiry. Later
on the Misra Commission had also agreed with the allegations of the
victims that the Police did not register cases where the victims named
political leaders.
Sajjan Kumar's role prominently figured in the report 'Who are the
Guilty' published by PUCL and PUDR in the last week of November 1984.
Sajjan Kumar's role also figured prominently in other reports
published by Human Rights Groups in December 1984 and January 1985.
Ambassador Gurbachan Singh (Retd.) and Gobind Narain (Former
Governor), informed Nanavati Commission that while they were holding
enquiries as part of Justice Sikri's Citizens Commission in December 1984,
a number of victims named Sajjan Kumar for his involvement into the
killings in 1984.
12 Affidavits were filed against Sajjan Kumar in July to
September 1985 before Misra Commission of Inquiry. Misra
Commission in its report in February 1987 gave the finding that the Police
did not register cases wherever political leaders were named. However,
Misra said that it is not a part of his terms of reference to recommend
registration of criminal cases. Misra Commission recommended formation
of another Committee for that purpose. In August 1987, the Jain-Banerjee
Committee consisting of Justice M.L. Jain and A.K. Banerjee-IG (Retd.)
recommended registration of cases against Sajjan Kumar but no case was
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registered by Police.
In 1990, during the tenure of V.P. Singh government, CBI
registered the case against Sajjan Kumar. When the team of CBI arrested
Sajjan Kumar at his house, a huge mob gathered and burnt the Jeeps of CBI.
In 1991, Delhi Police sends a report to the Prosecution Branch to
close the case against Sajjan Kumar in FIR No. 67/87 of P.S. Nangloi, but
the Prosecution Branch rejects that recommendation and holds that
sufficient evidence against Sajjan Kumar has come on record to file the
charge sheet.
Faced with this on 8th April 1992, Delhi Police prepared charge
sheet against Sajjan Kumar for the Murder of 4 Sikhs and the same was
signed by the Inspector and ACP. It is recorded in the charge sheet that
sufficient evidence has come against Sajjan Kumar and hence charge sheet
was presented in the Court. It is also recorded that Sajjan Kumar is not
arrested due to law and order problem and the court may summon him.
http://babushahi.com/printnews.php?id=12125&type=news

In Sagarpur area of west Delhi,

Sardar Budh singh had purchased 200 yards plots for each of his
son, (number of plots are disfigured in my mind but he purchased many
plots for his own family and for family of his younger brother who also
settled with him there in Sagarpur). He was a rich farmer of Bikaner who
sold his agriculture lands in Bikaner and settled in Delhi.
On the eve of 1st November 1984, some activities of strangers were
noticed in the area, they were searching for Sikhs.
There were totally 24 male members in this family. They were
united and could face the mob and retaliate with their full might and valor.
They were all strong built villagers. But all of them were brutally murdered
How?
Chaudhary Partap Singh, Village Pradhan came to Budh singh and
requested him to hide his sons and other male members of the family at
tubewell and in the adjoining houses of Hindu neighbors so that the crowd
of these strangers may pass from the village without any harm to its
residents or bloodshed.
Budh singh ji agreed to this suggestion. The male members were
divided in groups of 2 to 4 and were hidden accordingly but Partap Singh
betrayed with Budh Singh. He himself informed and guided the death
squads to those houses where these youths were safely hidden. Now these

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Sikh youths were helpless and without any weapons, they were caught,
brought at a central place near their houses, then garlanded with tyre in their
necks, kerosene was sprayed on their bodies and burnt alive.
This is not any hearsay but the truthful story of the death of 24 male
members of the family whose pyres (where they were burnt) were seen by
these writer also. I (writer Ajmer Singh Randhawa) went their within a
week's time as I was at Dehra Dun where I got the news of these brutal
killings by my cousin who had relations with this family. His son was
married with daughter of Budh Singh ji. So they were my distant relatives.
I came to Delhi by car, went to my cousin's house in Hari Nagar. I
saw a relief camp there in which the widows of this family were provided a
shelter along with others from other parts of west Delhi. I saw new utensils
and items of daily usage were provided by DSGMC. The local politicians of
Delhi Mrs. Tajdar Babar and Lalit Makan arrived and regretted for the riots
and showed their condolence with bereaved families. When they were
going back, I was just present near the gate where I passed a remark as…It's
all done by you people, first you do it than visit to mourn to win the hearts?
They didn't reply, just looked upon me and went away.`
In the evening I got a message that a boy of this family is alive. I
took my car and moved towards Sagarpur, my nephew was scared but I
wasn't. I assured him that it was not possible to stop my Ambassador car for
anyone, just get in. We searched, met many villagers, saw the ashes of burnt
people then somebody told us that the boy is in Sonipat so we went to
Sonipat but it was proved a wrong information.
So all these 24 well built, strong Sikh youths were killed by betrayal
of village head who showed his loyalty to Sajjan kumar and Congress and
passed the information of their places of hide. Was not it backstabbing, a
jeopardize in faith? The people who were hidden by you, you get them
killed by death squads by leaking information of their hide? Whether this
highlights any good quality of Hindu religion or a blackspot forever on their
forehead? This is unforgettable, saddest incident which was witnessed in
this Sikh genocide.

Trial of four cops sought in 1984 Genocide case.

In a development that can mean more trouble for Delhi Police in the
1984 anti-Sikh Genocide cases, the prosecution has moved a sessions court
seeking trial of four police officers, including the then ACP, for destroying
in 1992 records and files of a Nangloi case.
The application was moved recently by special public prosecutor B
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S Joon before additional sessions judge Kamini Lau, who is hearing the case
registered in 1991 with regard to the killing of four persons.
The allegation will also impact the fate of another FIR (no.67/87) in
a genocide case related to the killing of five persons and allegedly involving
senior Congress leader Sajjan Kumar. The present case was registered in
1991 and was clubbed with another FIR registered in 1987, which had
named Kumar as an accused. However, the charge sheet in the 1987 FIR had
gone "missing" for 18 years after it was clubbed with the 1991 FIR (in
which Kumar didn't figure as an accused). It was only in 2010 that a court
separated the two, clearing the way for filing of a fresh document. Sources
claimed the record of the 1987 FIR naming Kumar could also have been
destroyed.
The plea for framing of charges against the cops will be decided
on Saturday. In an application on 21 January-2014, Joon said the
"evidence on record is sufficient to frame charges against the accused,
namely then SHO of Nangloi police station, inspector Ram Pal Singh
Rana, then SI Dalel Singh, then ACP Amarender Kumar Singh and
then SHO R S Dahiya for destroying records relating to the 1984
Genocide in PS Nangloi, deliberately to save the accused in this case
despite registration of the present FIR on 28 August, 1991".
The prosecution has relied on the statement of a prosecution
witness, who has claimed "the record of the riots was destroyed on 5
February, 1992 by the then SHO and ACP". "That the letter dated 26 August,
1991, is specific to the effect that DCP (West) had sought intimation, within
15 days, as to whether the record was required for any purpose, but the
accused and aforesaid persons without giving any intimation to DCP
(West), destroyed the record on 5 February, 1992 ..." the plea stated. The
prosecution wants charges of hatching a criminal conspiracy to destroy
proof (Section 201 read with Section 120B IPC).
But in a recent judgement, judge Kamini Lau aquitted all these
Police Officers from charges of destroying evidences which was already
expected as the govt, itself protects this mass murderer Sajjan Kumar. I am
sure the day is not far when he wi; also be acquitted from all charges by
Indian Courts.
No magisterial order has been issued for clubbing of the files.
District Judge S.K. Sarvaria, while rejecting the plea of the Delhi police to
club the case involving Kumar with the ongoing trial in another case
relating to the 1984 carnage, said, “There is no order on judicial records
with regard to clubbing to FIR no 67/87 (allegedly involving Kumar) with
FIR no 418/1991.”
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 The CBI had already filed two charge sheets this year against the
leader in Sultanpuri and Delhi Cantonment riots cases. Now, the probe
agency will have to file a third charge sheet in court against Kumar, the
former outer Delhi MP, in the Nangloi riots case.
There are more cases which are not recorded and not followed up:-
Observation of the Jain Aggarwal Committee with regard to
Registration/ non-registration of cases of cognizable offences relating to
October - November 1984 riots and their comments as regards improper,
faulty and perfunctory investigation with reasons noticed therefore.

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 JAGDISH TYTLER
Having grown up on a staple of bad Hindi cinema of the seventies
and the eighties, I have always associated people with 'French' beards as
being villanious. Indeed, this is a stereotype of the worst kind, which I have
been unable to get rid off.
But now the news as received, that a Delhi court has set aside the
closure report of the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) on Jagdish
Tytler, on his connection with the anti-Sikh riots of 1984 and ordered that
the case against him be reopened. For those who don't know, Tytler has had a
rather impressive French beard, over the years.
Tytler along with many fellow Congressmen took an active part in
inciting the anti-Sikh riots that happened in the aftermath of Indira Gandhi,
the then Prime Minister of the country, being assassinated by her Sikh
bodyguards on the morning of 31 October, 1984.
If accused Kamal Nath can not go to US in fear of his arrest, the
Jagdish tytler didn't dare to visit UK though he was head of Common wealth
games held in Delhi as he could be arrested there, kindly see this evidence;
The Nanawati commission held him guilty in his report and
suggested to frame charges against him. He remarked in his report that there
are evidences of his involvement in killing of Sikhs but due to unknown
reasons the govt. of India refused to arrest him or take a legal action against
him in lack of any concrete evidence.
CBI is still trying to shield Tytler and ignoring the pleas of
California-based witnesses Resham Singh and Jasbir Singh who are
available and ready to testify about the Congress leader's role in leading
death squads after the assassination of Indira Gandhi.
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 Tytler is being investigated by CBI for his role in leading squads
that attacked gurdwara Pulbangash on November 1, 1984, in which three
Sikhs were burned alive.
CBI has proved itself to be partisan and has acted like Tytler's
defence team because since the Nanavati Commission's report in 2005
finding credible evidence of his involvement in the November 1984
killings, the agency has twice attempted to give clean chit to Tytler despite
the fact that multiple witnesses are available
"In September 2007, CBI had claimed that Jasbir Singh was not
traceable and submitted this claim even to the court after which we brought
him out in public within a day and his address was also provided to court
which then ordered the CBI to record his statement in US,"
Two other witnesses, now living in US, have already expressed
their willingness to testify against him.
CBI, in an email to US based rights group Sikhs for Justice (SFJ) on
March 3 reads, "We are in the process of tracing the remaining 3 persons
namely Chanchal Singh, Alam Singh and Santokh Singh, who are
reportedly residing in US. As soon as we get their present whereabouts, the
examination of all the including Resham Singh and Jasbir Singh would be
undertaken on priority."

MP Rob Marris had done his homework well. Not

only did he tell the British government that Jagdish
Tytler's Presence was "unacceptable" but even
pressed that should this man set foot on British soil,
Scotland Yard must not lose a minute in arresting him
and sending him up for trial for murder of hundreds
of people in India
In Rob Marris own words: "(Jagdish Tytler is) a controversial former
politician from India, who is alleged to have been deeply involve in the
November 1984 anti Sikh pogroms in india....Many survivors of those
harrowing events are now living in the UK; as are the relatives of many
victims. It would be unacceptable for someone who had committed such
acts to be admitted to the UK, even to visit."
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 The report submitted its final report consisting 185 pages to govt of
India in 2004. The charges were fixed against many senior Congress leaders
of Delhi like Jagdish Tytler who was later on sworn in as Union Cabinet
Minister, MP Sajjan Kumar and Hari Kishan Lal Bhagat (Who is already
passed away to hell). These charges were fixed after finding evidences
against them.
The report was 185 pages long. The commission submitted its final
report in February 2005 detailing accusations and evidence against senior
members of the Delhi wing of the then ruling Congress Party, including
Jagdish Tytler, later a Cabinet Minister, MP Sajjan Kumar and late minister
HKL Bhagat. They were accused of instigating mobs to avenge the
assassination of Indira Gandhi by killing Sikhs in their constituencies.
Jagidish Tytler represented Parliament from Sadar area of Delhi.
The police Commissioner, S.C. Tandon was briefing the press (about 10
Indian reporters and five foreign journalists) in his office on November 6, 5
p.m. A reporter asked him to comment on the large number of complaints
about local Congress MPs and light weights trying to pressure the police to
get their men released. The police commissioner totally denied the
allegation and when questioned further the categorically started that he has
never received any calls or visits by any Congress for that matter, any
political leader trying to influence him or his force. Just as he finished
uttering these words, Jagdish Tytler, Congress MP from Sadar
Constituency, barged of into the PC's office along with three other followers
and on the top of his voice demanded from the PC "What is this Mr. Tandon?
You still have not done what I asked you to do? "
The reporters were amused, the Police Commissioner embarassed.
Tytler kept on shouting and a reporter asked the PC to ask that 'shouting
man' to wait outside since a press conference was on. Tytler shouted at the
reporter :'this is more important'. However the reporter told the PC that if
Tytler wanted to sit in the office he would be welcome, but a lot of questions
regarding his involvement would also be asked and he was welcome to hear
them. Tytler was fuming. Perhaps realizing the faux pas he sat down and
said: 'By holding my men you are hampering relief work'. Then he boasted
to some foreign reporters that 'There is not a single refugee in any camp in
my constituency. I have made sure that they are given protection and sent
back home'. However the incident left the PC speechless and the reporters
convinced about the Congress (I) interference in police work.
But we were amazed to see that this mass murderer was given a
clean chit by India's top detective agency—the Central bureau of
Intelligence. Whereas an eye witness Giani Surinder Singh had given his
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statement in USA against him. He was afraid of his life in India and the
same happened, he died in a Delhi hospital during his treatment. Now a
Court case is again pending against Jagdish Tytler in Indian Court but even
then he is given charge of Congress Party in Odissa state of India.
Tytler is accused of instigating a mob that led to the murder of three
men who had taken shelter at a Gurdwara on 1 November 1984. The mob
attack was part of violence against Sikhs after the assassination of the then
Prime Minister Indira Gandhi on 31 October 1984. Three men Badal Singh,
Thakur Singh and Gurcharan Singh were killed near Gurdwara Pul
Bangash.
Jagdish Tytler was seen inciting one such mob around Gurdwara
Pul Bangash near the Azad market in Delhi. Surinder Singh, the Head
Granthi of the Gurdwara testified against Tytler on sworn affidavits.
“On 1st November 1984 in the morning at 9am a big mob which
was carrying sticks, iron rods and kerosene oil attacked the Gurdwara. The
crowd was being led by our area Member Parliament of Congress (I)
Jagdish Tytler. He incited the crowd to set the Gurdwara on fire and to kill
the Sikhs…Five to six policemen were also with the crowd. On incitement
by Jagdish Tytler, they attacked the gurdwara and set it on fire.”
The witness Giani Surinder Singh was a head priest in the same
Gurudwara which was attacked by mob lead by Jagdish Tytler in 1984. The
Nanavati commission report led to the resignation of Jagdish Tytler from
the Union Cabinet. Few days after the report was tabled in the Parliament,
The Indian Prime Minister Man Mohan Singh also apologized to the Sikh
community for Operation Bluestar and riots that followed. The report stated
that Jagdish Tytler "very probably" had a hand in the riots.
As per his statement (Giani Surinder singh) Jagdish Tytler incited
the mob to attack on Gurudwara and kill the Sikhs. The Gurudwara was
soon after torched to flames, many Sikhs were killed. A Sikh named Badal
Singh was burnt alive' He also stated that Jagdish tyrtler contacted him on
10-11-84 and asked him to sign on two blank papers (But in another
affidavit he denied to see Jagdish tytler on that spot).
In Tytler's case, a week after changing his statement the prime
witness went abroad for a year and the second witness is still in the US.
There were threats to their lives as well and a prominent Sikh leader was
involved in pressurizing the witness to say Tytler didn't lead the mob.
Shri DK Singh of Indian Express writes that the role of Jagdish
tytler raises several questions, whether the Congress gets paralyzed without
support of this man who himself has no glorious past? There is not much to

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write in his praise which could oblige Congress party to realign it's
organization or it's administration. He himself has not any public support.
If this is the loyalty to Nehru family, than the question again raises on which
grounds he earned this loyalty?
It was very unfortunate and discouraging that the CBI failed to find
any evidence against this chief organizer of Sikh genocide since 1984 and
than by taking the act of judiciary in it's hands, it gives a clean chit to him.
Now you may decide whether you call it inefficiency of this agency or you
just feel pity on its failure.

Despite expressing ‘regret’ over the events of 1984 and offering an

apology, Manmohan singh refused to accept responsibility on behalf
of his party or government. In fact, he went out of his way to
exonerate the Congress (I) Party: ‘They have finally nailed the lie
and they have shown that all these canards which have been spread
about the involvement of the top leadership of te Congress Party in
those dastardly acts totally untrue.”
Prime Minister Singh saluted Jagdish Tytler, who
was repeatedly cited by survivors as one of the main
organizers of the massacre, as ‘a valued colleague.
’Thus, as survivors and witnesses continued to
describe the role of Congress (I) leaders in
organizing and implementing the massacres, the
Prime minister called them liars and praised the
perpetrators, rendering meaningless his calls for

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 continuing the search for truth. The Prime Minister’s Rajya Sabha
(Lower house of Parliament) speech added a statement against
remembrance of the massacres, criticized an MP who had
highlighted how assassilants targeted all segments of Sikh society
during the 1984 massacres. In the 2009 Lok Sabha elections, both
Jagdish Tytler and Sajjan Kumar were initially nominated by the
party leaders to fight the elections, but were forced to with draw amid
protests.

Now just watch out the opinion of our Sikh Prime Minister of India
on one of the chief organizers of Sikh genocide Jagdish tytler who actively
orchestrated it:
The CBI closed its investigation against Jagdish tytler in 2007, the
reason was very simple that it couldn't find any evidence of his
involvement/ inciting to mob/ to lead the mob or to get the Sikhs killed by
mob lead by him. Therfore he was acquitted from all allegations whereas he
regretted on killing of less Sikhs in his constituency in comparison to other
Congress leaders of Delhi. He spoke to his followrs that this has damaged
his image in Congress high command. Means who killed or got the Sikhs
killed was a hero before Congress high command, even then he was
acquitted from all charges.
In a video sting, Jagdish tytler is caught confessing that he killed 100 Sikhs
but he can't be held guilty by any court or law agency as there is no evidence. This
video was released by DSGMC president Manjit Singh GK in 2018.

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 Bhajan Lal
Bhajan Lal was the Chief Minister of Haryana state of India, he was
sworn twice on this post, first from 28th June 1971 to 5th July 1985
and then again on 23rd July 1991 to 11th May 1996.
He was a opportunist politician of third grade in India. He was born
on October 6, 1930 in Koranwali village of Bahawalpur district, now in
Pakistan. A self-made man who once sold wares on his cycle, Bhajan Lal
had a chequered career in politics which began as a “village Sarpanch.”
His defection from the Janata Party in 1979, along with a handful of
MLAs, to the Congress with the blessings of the late Prime Minister, Indira
Gandhi, is believed to have led to the coining of the expression “Aaya Ram
and Gaya Ram.''
He also served as a Union Minister during Rajiv Gandhi's stint as
Prime Minister.
In 1991, he pipped the then Haryana Congress chief Birender Singh
to the post to become the Chief Minister, allegedly through
“manipulations.''
Political analysts say his proximity to the late Prime Minister, P.V.
Narasimha Rao, ultimately proved to be his undoing. The Congress headed
by Bhajan Lal suffered its worst-ever electoral debacle in Haryana in the
1996 polls. He was gradually sidelined in the Congress with the emergence
of Bhupinder Singh Hooda in the post-1986 scenario.
However, he was appointed president of the Haryana unit of the
Congress a few years later and the 2005 Assembly polls were fought under
his leadership. Though the Congress won a sizeable number of seats, his
hopes of becoming Chief Minister for a third term were dashed when the
powers that be anointed Mr. Hooda as the Chief Minister.
His son Chander Mohan, is the former Deputy Chief Minister of
Haryana state in India.
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 He was dismissed from the State Cabinet for his prolonged absence
from the office and resurfaced after marrying Anuradha Bali alias Fiza,
conversion was merely to facilitate a legal second marriage, as
Hindus/Sikhs are not allowed multiple marriages in India. Some Muslim
clerics protested the misuse of the tenets of Islam for "a marriage of
convenience".
On 29 January 2009, Mohan left Ms. Bali, claiming that he still
loved his first wife and his children and wanted to reunite with them. He is
believed to have moved to the Haryana city of Gurgaon at that time.
He converted back to Hinduism and was readmitted to the Bishnoi
community at a brief ceremony held at the Bishnoi Mandir in Hisar on 28
July 2009 in presence of religious leaders.
Ms. Bali is a former Assistant Advocate General of Haryana who
left her employment to marry Mohan in December 2008.She was found
dead, apparently having committed suicide, on 6 August 2012. She was
cremated on 7 August 2012 in Chandigarh according to Hindu rites by her
relatives.
His second son was not liked by his own party and than he was seen
only as a member of legislative assembly of Haryana. The Buta Singh, ex
cabinet minister had alleged him on orchestrating the killings of 32 innocent
Sikhs in Hondh-Chillad village near Riwari and then he used his influence
to wipe it out. The news of more killings in Pataudi were received and cases
of rapes with Sikh girls were also reported from Pataudi but he never took
any action against the guilty. Buta Singh ji also alleged that he (Bhajan Lal)
created enmity in Sikhs and the central govt. as it was noticed in Asiad
games in 1982 when some Sikh youths got killed on his behest in a fake
encounter by Haryana Police near Karnal who were on the way from
Punjab to Delhi for watching games.
During his rule in Haryana he carried atrocities on Sikhs and
violated human rites. The Asiad games which were being held in Delhi in
November 1982, Bhajan lal had announced that the Sikhs going to see these
games and passing via haryana be searched thoroughly to make sure if they
were terrorists or not? Sikhs were humiliated badly and they were harassed
at every checkpost to be humiliated. The former foreign minister Swaran
singh, Retired Chief Air Marshal Arjun Singh, Retired Lieutinent General
Jagjit Singh Arora also had to face this humility. Even then it was never
condemned by central govt or state govt or by journalists raised their voice
against such humility. No Sikh leader of Congress resigned in protest. If a
conclusion is made on this brutality and humility, it can be described in one
line that the Sikhs are slaves in this nation and their voice of justice shall
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never be heard but ignored.
His own hands were also stained by blood as he himself had
ordered to kill them in fake encounters. He had placed orders to his Police
officers in Haryana to trim the beards of Sikh youths from one side. He is
also alleged of attacking on several Gurudwaras by his men.
Bhajan Lal- he is the man who turned his loyalty to Indira with all
his assembly members. He is only responsible person for massacre of Sikhs
in running trains and buses in Haryana in 1984.
He sent the police recruits from Madhubani to kill Sikhs. These
recruits were supplied equal size of Iron rods and the creamy fuel which is
often used by the cooks to warm food dishes, it was to rub on bodies of Sikhs
and set on fire. Once it's ignited, it can't be fused.
These recruits were then taken to Sikh localities by Haryana
Roadways buses. In clashes with Sikhs some of these recruits too lost their
lives but their dead bodies were frisked away by their colleagues as the
instructions were their to not to leave any clue behind.
I was told by my Maasi ji (Aunty) who hide herself from these
gangsters at Kirti Nagar-West Delhi. She told me that if any Hindu was
killed or fell down, he was carried away in a hand pulled cart (Wheel
barrow) to unknown place by their colleagues.
If an independent inquiry is held and number of recruits before and
after the genocide is counted, many missing policemen can be traced. Those
could never be deployed on duty but number of dead can be checked from
records. Is there any such agency available...?
The valor of Sikhs when they were attacked at a Gurudwara in
Haryana;
(As told by a sevadar from Gurdwara Nanaksar)
It was during the anti-sikh riots. I was at that time living in
Gurdwara Nanaksar in Haryana. There were 7 other sewadars in the
Gurdwara. Trouble started brewing early in the morning. We noticed about
50 young men gathering outside a few hundred metres away from the
Gurdwara Sahib. We didn't really pay too much attention to them.
By noon, the group had turned into a rowdy crowd of about 300. We
became quite concerned at that point. Our telephone wires had been cut, so
there really was not much we could do. But we were still in chardi kala.
At about 3 pm, a truck driven by a Singh was driving by the crowd
when the crowd attacked it. The Singh gave up the truck and ran to the
Gurdwara. Some gundas overtook him and injured him but he, being a

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strong man, managed to escape. Still, he was quite bloody/injured when he
came in. That increased our number to 9. The number outside had increased
to about 500 by evening. They were very loud and obnoxious by now.
We tried to ignore them and began our evening diwan at 6 pm. But
as the darkness approached, the rabble became more and more bold. In fact,
soon they started stoning the Gurdwara. We stopped the evening
programme and placed all the Guru Granth Sahib jees in the safest place
possible.
At 7.30 pm it was very dark and the rabble became so bold that they
put fire to the Gurdwara's gate. It hit us then how serious the situation was.
We soon would be killed!
Our jathedar gathered us and said, "Khalsa jee, the Khalsa has faced
worse situations then this. The Khalsa has gone through two holocasts but
the Khalsa lives and will live in freedom forever! Khalsa jee, the Khalsa has
never given up and will never give up. The enemy stands outside. There are
500 hundred, we are 9 but remember Guru Gobind Singh jee has made each
of us equivalent to sava-lakh (125,000)! Khalsa jee, get prepared to fight!"
He said this with so much josh and bir ras that our body hair stood
on their ends. Even though I had been seriously ill for the past 3 months, I
too was ready to fight.The jathedar then told us that we must make two
groups. The first group of five will go out first and fight the enemy. The the
rest (4) can go later. Everybody agreed. Jathedar Sahib then chose 4 other
pyares. I was not chosen, most probably due to my illness.
The five put on the uniform of the Khalsa. Then the jathedar sahib
did ardas to Guru Gobind Singh jee saying, "Pita jee, dear father,, we are
coming to your land. Please prepare for us!"
Then five of them took out their kirpans and with BOLE SO
NEHAAL! SAT SRI AKAL! BOLE SO NEHAAL! SAT SRI AKAL!
filling the air, came out the face the enemy. You will not believe what
happened then. Seeing 5 Khalsa in the uniform of Guru Gobind Singh jee, the
rabble of 500 ran away It was as if 5 lions were chasing 500 hyenas away!
One of the Singhs managed to cut off a running man's ear. The
Khalsa's victory was sweet."
Waheguru Waheguru Waheguru Waheguru…
Just as an epilogue, some police officers had the gall to come a few days
later to investigate the ear injury!!!! But this was so ridiculous and the Singhs
were in such high spirits that the police had to leave without even a bribe.
http://www.sikhnet.com/news/1984-account-power-5-singhs

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 Lalit Makan
In the year of 1984, He was elected to the Lok Sabha, a directly
elected member of the Parliament of India from south Delhi of India. He
was a metropolitan councilor prior to his election to Parliament of India. He
was an extremely promising young politician and a popular trade union
leader.
Harjinder Singh "Jinda" and Sukhdev Singh Sukha along with
Ranjit Singh Gill gunned down Congress (I) Member of Parliament Lalit
Makan on 31 July 1985, when he was moving towards his car parked across
the road from his house in Kirti Nagar, New Delhi. The three assailants
continued firing even as Maken ran towards his house for cover. Maken's
wife Geetanjali (who was the daughter of late President of India Sh.
Shankar Dayal Sharma) and a visitor, Balkishan, were also caught in the
firing. The assailants escaped on their scooters. Lalit Maken was considered
to be involved in the killings of innocent Sikhs during 1984 Sikh genocide.
In a 31-page booklet titled '“Who are the guilty”, People's union for the
Liberties (PUCL) listed 227 people who led the mobs, which killed up to
3,000 Sikhs over three days. Lalit Maken's name was third on the list. A
press report has indicated that someone named Bakshish Singh was also
involved along with Jinda in this assassination. Ranjit Singh "Gill" was
arrested by Interpol in New Jersey, USA on 14 May 1987, a federal
magistrate approved his extradition on 6 February 1988 and he was
deported back to India in February 2000 after lengthy legal cases and was
sentenced to life imprisonment on 24 February 2003. Finally his life
sentence was commuted on 20 May 2009.
His wife was killed in attempts to save her husband. Her wife
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Geetanjali was the daughter of late President of India Sh. Shankar Dayal
Sharma.
He was seen in his Ambassador car at Azadpur where he was
leading a mob, he was inciting to mob to set on fire the shops of Sikhs.
(With kind courtesy from “Doshi Kaun” and in English “Who is guilty”
http://guiltyof1984.blogspot.com/]

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 Arjan Das
We do not have much information on his role in Sikh genocide but
he was certainly involved in it. He was shot dead to avenge killings of
innocent Sikhs in Delhi. Arjan das was a close friend of Rajiv Gandhi. Arjan
Dass's name appeared in various affidavits submitted by innocent Sikh
victims to Nanawati Commission which was headed by Justice
G.T.Nanawati, retired Judge of the Supreme Court of India.
As per a news published in Gazette-Post on 5th September 1985, he
was shot dead by three Sikh gumen in broad day light in Delhi. His
bodyguard was also killed and six other wounded in this indiscriminate
firing by Machine gun. Slain Arjan das was a prominent politician and a
good friend of Indian PM Rajiv Gandhi. His name had appeared in 16
tainted leaders of Congress who actively played a key role in Sikh genocide
in Delhi in 1984. This book was published by PUCL and PUDF soon after
the pogrom of Delhi in 1984. The book 'DOSHI KAUN' in Hindi and 'WHO
ARE THE GUILTY' published by these organizations were confiscated
immediately by a govt. order but by then it had been sold in thousands. You
can view it's English version at this website
http://guiltyof1984.blogspot.in/
The above picture is taken from a newspaper ^ "Montreal Gazette
Sept 5 1985". News.google.com.
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 Dharamdas Shastri
“….was a top politician of Indian National congress'. He was a
member of Parliament from Karol bagh area of Delhi. He was seen carrying
the list to identify homes of Sikhs in 1984 Skh genocide. He was seen along
with Mahendra Kumar, Metropolitan member and Mangat Ram, a member
of Municipal Council from ward no. 32. The Jain-Agrawal probe
committee in 1993, had approved action against him on leading mob and
incitation.
On November 5, Mr. Dharmadas Shastri went to the Karol Bagh
police station to protest against police "misbehavior" with those who were
found in possession of looted property as those were his people. (INDIAN
EXPRESS, 6 November , 1984). Mr. Shastri however dismissed the report
as false.
I witnessed a scene created by local Congress leader Dharam Dass
Shastri (In 1993, the Jain-Aggarwal committee recommended registering a
case against him, and in 2005, the Nanavati commission found “credible
evidence” against him, following which the Union home ministry ordered
the CBI to reopen the case. But nothing happened, and Shastri is now dead.)
at the Karol Bagh police station as he protested against the arrest of
Congressmen caught with property looted from Sikh homes. Recover the
property for sure, he said, but why arrest? They are “not criminals”.
Courtesy: Shekhar Gupta, https://theprint.in/opinion/congress-
was-involved-in-1984-anti-sikh-riots-i-saw-reported-it/105745/
But a journalist Sanjay Suri reported that he witnessed Dharmdas
Shastri in a scuffle with Police commissioner Amod Kanth, Hukam Chand
Jatav was accompanying him who was superior to Amod Kanth. He also
writes that SHO of the said police station had come out by saying whenever

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the Police try to do some good work, these leaders do not allow. It was his
compulsion.
At this Sanjay suri questioned Hukam Chand Jatav on this issue and
inquired him about this incident happened in Police station but Jatav denied
it whereas Sanjay suri himself witnessed it and heard their conversation.As
per the govt. records, the toll of dead had crossed 3000.
The copy of affidavit submitted by Sardar Surjit Singh s/o Sardar
Santokh Singh, age 46 years, r/o 16-B Desh Bandhu Gupta Road, Karol
Bagh, New Delhi-110005……..
“On 5th November 1984, he went to Police station Karol Bagh
along with his brothers Pritpal Singh and Jaswant Singh who are the
residents of 8, Bhamri Mention. There he saw the MP Dharmdas Sahstri
who was abusing the SHO and persuading him to release his party
activists who were detained by him in said Police station. He shouted
loudly and said that the Police officer should know that he was Dharam
das Shastri. When the SHO told him his compulsion in not release of
those detained activists, the Shastri caught hold him of his neck and
abused. He also saw several people who were detained in Police station”.
We have more faith on Sardar Surjit Singh because he is victim of
1984, and whatever he watched in the Karol bagh police station by his own
eyes is described in this affidavit, the same agony he said in his testimony
before Misra commission. Almost similar stories were published in the
news papers on same day. Sanjay Suri was a good friend of Rajiv Gandhi but
even then he reported truth.

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 Chapter-12
Genocide in BIDAR (Karnatka)
The Signal from Bidar

Through this booklet, the Punjab Human Rights Organisation

presents its first-hand account of the September 1988 incidents in Bidar,
Karnataka, India. The PHRO Chairman, Justice A. S. Bains, himself visited
the place, spent a week in the area to collect vital information soon after the
incidents. The booklet provides a new insight into the incidents
Despite several limited factors. There is no doubt that much more
about these shocking Through this booklet, the Punjab Human Rights
Organisation presents its first-hand account of the September 1988 incidents
in Bidar, Karnataka, India. The PHRO Chairman, Justice A. S. Bains, himself
visited the place, spent a week in the area to collect vital information soon after
the incidents. The booklet provides a new insight into the incidents despite
several limiting factors. There is no doubt that much more about these
shocking incidents would become known as time passes. The police and Shiv
Sena insiders have yet to come out with their parts of the Bidar story
Nevertheless, Bidar sends important new signals again. The
November 1984 incidents did convey a message but probably their
significance was not fully comprehended by the world at large. The Bidar
message is a little more mature and clear in its tone. India is not what many
would wishfully call it a nation. There are numerous nations within India
thinking and working at cross-purposes against each other. The country has
not moved an inch towards one-nation State. On the other hand,
contradictions between different nations in India are getting sharper and
sharper. If Hindu-Muslim contradiction has been a matter of fact in India for
centuries, the Hindu-Sikh cleavage is now a new reality.
With Sikhs and Punjab placed at a pivotal place in India and
Southeast Asia's geography, the cleavage has a unique potential for the good
as well as for the not so good for the region.
If the cleavage is allowed to grow, as a likely, it will have far
reaching consequences for India and for the Southeast Asian security. The
misdeeds of India's chauvinistic ultras are a Godsend opportunity to those
who would like the region to be balkanised.
That is how the PHRO intercepts and interprets the signal from Bidar. The
Bidar tragedy is certainly a nail in the coffin to Indian unity.
D S Gill, Advocate,
Chairman, IHRO
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 Introduction
A Historical Background of Bidar

Guru Nanak (1469-1539 AD), founder of the Sikh faith, visited

Bidar on his way to Ceylon around 1510. Ever since this ancient town
appears to have supported a small but conspicuous Sikh society. Guru
Gobind Singh (1666-1708 AD), the 10th guru, paid much attention to these
Sikhs. One of the "Five Beloved Ones," that is, the very first five initiates
into the order of Khalsa namely Bhai Sahib Singh hailed from this town.
During his last days he sent Mai Bhago, one of the spiritually elevated Sikhs
of her time, to settle at Janwada (about 10 kms from Bidar) to preach
Sikhism.
The sweet water spring (Jheera) around which the main Sikh shrine
(Gurdwara) is built became again effectively controlled by the Sikhs at late
as 1950. Development of the place began with renewed vigour. Sikh
attention was also focused on it since a similar place of worship (Panja
Sahib) became a part of the newborn Pakistan and access to which was
restricted. Most Sikhs came to regard the town as a substitute for Panja
Sahib making it a big centre of pilgrimage. The offerings of pilgrims at
Nanak Jheera steadily increased. The management was encouraged to
undertake certain social welfare measures for the betterment of the people
of Bidar. It built the following institutions:
Guru Nanak Hospital now with 500 beds was founded in 1969. It
continues to provide free medical aid to the sick of all communities. Guru
Nanak Public School was started in 1975.
It has 1500 students on its rolls of whom 1454 are non-Sikhs. Guru
Nanak Dev Engineering College started functioning on August 8, 1980.
Admission to this college has been refused to any local student who applied
for it. The non-Sikh percentage of students is 57. Guru Nanak Dev
Polytechnic having 60 present Sikh students was set up in 1986. Guru
Nanak Dev Pre-University College started functioning this year.
Altogether about 600-700 Sikh students of the above-mentioned
institutions, mainly those of Engineering College, were victims of the
present attacks on the Sikhs at Bidar.
This small (population: a little more than one lake) ancient town,
housing these and several other institutions, was rocked by looting, arson,
mayhem and murder. It continued for at least four days beginning
September 14, 1988, and left a deep ugly scar on the minds of Sikh people,
as the victims were exclusively Sikhs. The impact of happenings was great.
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It sent shock waves through out the Sikh world as students from all over the
country were studying at Bidar. News of concern and protest poured in
daily. Brutal nature of happenings was particularly noted with grave
concern.
Thus a great deal had already exposed in the Press before the
Punjab Human Rights Organisation decided to send its Chairman, Mr
Justice A. S. Bains, a retired Judge of the Punjab and Haryana High Court, to
Bidar to probe into the matter. Mr Bains was assisted and accompanied by
Mr Gurtej Singh, a former Indian Administrative Service Officer, who had
at one time served in adjoining Medak district of Andhra Pradesh, and had
acquaintance with the area and its people.
The team landed at Hyderabad on September 29, 1988, and
discussed the Bidar incidents with local Sikhs including an engineer, a
doctor and a businessperson. The team continued the discussions the next
morning with a couple of civil servants also joining in. Thereafter, it
recorded the statement of the still-dazed Kuldip Singh (18), who was
making a miraculous recovery from nearly a dozen stab wounds in the local
hospital. It also talked to his father and the doctors who had first attended on
him and others.
Thereafter the team set out by road for Bidar that is 134 kilometres
from Hyderabad. About four kilometres from Bidar its vehicle was stopped
by a posse of police officers who thoroughly searched the vehicle. The
luggage of the driver and the team was opened up and given a thorough
check up.The persons of the occupants were frisked with hand- held metal
detectors. The morning papers to all Sikhs entering the town that day
projected the degrading welcome. The team went straight to the main shrine
and saw thickly surrounded by the police. Police officers in uniform were
freely moving about in the premises of the Gurdwara.
Rest of the day was spent in interviewing people, recording their
statements, and gathering information and in discussions. Amongst those
interviewed were a few officials, Gurdwara and College management
people, some local politicians, social workers and students. This went on till
late at night and was resumed early next day when discussions were also
held with the police top brass. The team also visited the sites of the
incidents. Several Press clippings were collected and many photographs
showing destruction were obtained. The team also held a Press conference.
People interviewed were generally found to be co-operative and
communicative except for the officials who would not say much in public in
view of the impending enquiry by a High Court Judge. Justice A. S. Bains
continued this sort of work on the next day. Some of those interviewed,
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however, requested anonymity. Before and after the visit, several students
who have returned to Punjab and Chandigarh from Bidar were also
interviewed and their statements were recorded.
The police did not allow the team to proceed to Janwada. It
provided security to the point of annoyance. It must, however, be mentioned
that the DIG promptly withdrew the rude police intruders from the
Gurdwara premises once the team mentioned to him that they were serving
no useful purpose as they many times outnumbered the peaceful pilgrims
engaged in worship.

(1) Bidar (Karnatka) - The Incidents

The local permanent Sikh settlers number only 11 households and 9
business establishments. All these establishments were looted and burnt.
Extensive damage was done to buildings housing Sikh institutions. An
attack on the main Gurdwara was attempted and Mai Bhago's Gurdwara at
Janwada was desecrated twice on September 15-16 and 25. According to a
conservative estimate Sikh property worth Rs 2 crore was looted or
destroyed. Five Sikh students of Engineering College were murdered. The
sixth similarly murdered was a Sikh student of Kishan Mal Pandecy Ji D
Pharmacy College, Bidar. Apart from a dozen or so grievously hurt, at least
125 Sikh students sustained serious injuries.
The most of all this happened on Ganesh Chaturathi festival that
fell on September 15 this year. Ganesh is the son of one major god of Hindu
trinity namely Shiva. He is supposed to have four arms and the head of an
elephant. In Hindu mythology, he is believed to have been born on this day.
His worship was popularised by Bal Gangadhar Tilak. The other festival
popularised by him was connected with Shivaji Marhatta, an eighteenth
century patriot after whom Shiv Sena is named. The celebration of this
festival invariably accompanies tension between Hindus and Muslims and
has quite often resulted in violence.
There is evidence to show that isolated incidents had occurred last
year too on the same occasion. Mr Joga Singh president of the Gurdwara
management had written a letter to the SP Bidar apprehending what was
averted last year but happened with a vengeance this year (Copy of the letter
is appended). Students recall that of late tiffs between them and local toughs
had become a usual feature.
Many such quarrels were reported to the police from time to time.
Some students recalled the one near a local cinema that created quite a stir.
Several students remember having received threats to their lives before the
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September incidents. At least in one case the response of the Superintendent
of Police was; "Have not you heard that barking dogs never bite?" Central
Intelligence Officials told our team that his office apprehended anti-Sikh
trouble as early as May 1988.
About three weeks before September 15, an organization known as
New Shiv Sena was launched at Bidar; along with an aggressive
organization mostly comprising rowdy elements. It was ostensibly formed
for the celebration of Ganeshpuja. People belonging to the above three
organizations, started collecting funds for the festival. They indulged in
huge extortion, forced students to pay to several different batches of
donation-seekers, and repeatedly threatened those who would not pay.
Some students paid Rs. 100 or more even though they were reluctant to pay
on the ground of financial stringency and also because they belong to a
different faith. Altercations were common because of this and great tension
must have prevailed in the town.
Ignition point was reached at about 21:00 hours on September 14,
in the Baduruddin colony (renamed Gandhi Ganj) which is a meeting place
and a trade centre. Several activists of chauvinistic organizations live in this
area. Donation seekers confronted a group of Sikh students returning after
eating out. They refused to pay on the ground of having paid earlier.
Receipts were demanded but were not readily available. This led to an
altercation and resulted in the students being beaten up by local toughs who
were in large numbers and came prepared. The scenario was repeated and it
further exasperated the situation. Agitated mobs soon started attacking
Sikhs in the area and set their houses on fire.
Students gathered in groups and started proceedings to the
Gurdwara for safety. Police intercepted some such groups and took some
students in custody. Two of them managed to reach the Gurdwara. The first
three students reached at about 22:30 hours. Promptly they were sent to
lodge a complaint with Gurdwara at about midnight.
Next morning at about 08:00 hours it was known that mobs were
continuing with what they had begun earlier. Students pursued the same
strategy to reach the Gurdwara or the college (the two are five miles apart).
Soon some 600-700 students collected in the college. An attempt by about
30 of them to go to Gandhi Ganj to take revenge was foiled by the Principal
Mr M. S. Sukhija who persuaded them to return to the college campus.
Local police were present on the scene.
A small mob that steadily swelled soon gathered outside in the vast
open space near the boundary wall and started demolishing a part of it. The
Principal made repeated requests to the Deputy Superintendent of Police to
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prevent the demolition but failed to activate him or anyone of his 250-odd
police officers. He stirred only when the mob entered the college campus
and students tried to repulse the attack. The police then fired in the air, fired
three rubber bullets on the students and lobbed several tear gas shells at
them forcing them to retreat. Police stood by while the crowd destroyed the
college property.
The Superintendent of Police appears to have been running around
the town the whole day without intervening anywhere to prevent looting,
assault, arson or murder. It was the Ganeshpuja day and crowds of 100-200
persons had gathered at every street corner for celebration. Instigators
freely moved about the town inciting violence. He was informed in time
about the burning of Mr Joga Singh's house by a responsible public man but
did nothing to prevent it although he passed that way. Similarly, Mr Iqbal
Singh Bhatia told our team that from the Gurdwara he could see the mob
preparing to loot his house and to set it on fire. He kept on relaying a sort of
running commentary of the happenings to the Superintendent of Police
standing nearby but failed to move him to act. Most of damage to life and
property was done on this day.
Right up to the evening crowds went about plundering, maiming
and murdering without any fear of law. The students claim that they often
heard the mob shout "Police Zindabad" (long live the police) and "SP
Zindabad." Going by what all it calmly tolerated, it appears the police were
attempting to immortalise itself in the estimation of lawless elements.
According to all accounts, the crowd was armed with bamboo
sticks (of uniform size and colour), iron pikes, daggers and incendiary
material.
At about 19:00 hours, the Deputy Inspector General of Police
arrived from nearby Gulbarga. He arranged for eight busloads of students to
be shifted from the college to the Gurdwara that was safer. Perhaps that is
what should have been done the previous day. He also rescued 41 students
who were in police custody, although the Superintendent of Police
solemnly denied the fact earlier.
Vandalism and arson continued for the third day on the September
16. Mai Bhago's Gurdwara was perhaps looted on this day. Lawlessness
was continuing when a meeting of the peace committee was arranged at
noon by the administration. The college building evacuated the previous
evening was extensively damaged on this day. It was alleged in the meeting
of the peace committee that three bodies floating in a well were not
recovered though one from the same place had been recovered. (Indian

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Express, September 19, 1988).
Some stray incidents also took place on September 17 and 18.
Of the students who lost their lives two were brothers and the only
children of their parents, one was the only male child in the families of two
brothers and a sister. The misery of these families is beyond
comprehension. Dead bodies of four students were recovered from a well
that is just about a hundred meters from the residence of the Superintendent
of Police. Other two boys died in hospital as a result of injuries sustained
during mob attacks. The dead students are listed below:
1. Upkar Singh (D Pharmacy College) S/o Lakhbir Singh Shonil
Refreshment, Bus Stand, Dhariwal (Gurdaspur).
2. Jasbir Singh Anand (3rd year Mech) S/o Joginder Singh Anand
326-A, Vishnu Colony, Op. Co-operative Bank, Kurukshetra (Haryana).
3. Gurinder Singh (3rd year Civil), S/o Mohinder Singh C-50,
South Extension Part-2, New Delhi.
4. Harvinder Singh (3rd year Civil) S/o Gurcharan Singh Lajpat
Nagar, Barbanki (UP).
5. Amarjit Singh S/o Gurcharan Singh Lajpat Nagar, Barbanki
(UP).
6. Balvinder Singh Bawra (3rd year Mech) S/o Puran Singh 556/6,
Raj Park, Jaipur (Rajasthan).

(II) The Findings

Nature of the Incidents
1. The ways of those responsible for the November 1984 incidents
of Delhi and other north Indian cities seem much too common with the
perpetrators of similar crimes at Bidar. There was the absence of hurry. The
underlying intention was to insult the Sikh religious symbols, to expel the
Sikhs from Bidar, and to destroy their institutions and property.
2. The nature of injuries and the mode of killings show that the
mobs were inspired by deep-rooted hatred of Sikhs and Sikhism. One
beardless lad of 18, who had been in Bidar only for one month before
September 14, 1988, was pursued for kilometre and hunted down in a maize
field like a wild beast. He received a dozen stab wounds. Four boys were
badly beaten up and then thrown into a well to ensure that they would not
survive. Hairs of some of them were removed. One boy was put up on the
electric saw to be cut up like a log.

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 3. There are no reports of Muslims having taken part in attacks. On
the contrary, they tried to save the students and several stories were current
to show how they responded with compassion. Some Hindus of the town
also did the same. It is creditable that they chose to remain unaffected by the
prevailing sentiment of hatred.
4. Fans were removed before setting buildings on fire; tyres and
engines of vehicles were likewise saved for themselves by arsonists. Our
team saw several such vehicles. The pre-meditated nature of the holocaust
is also clear from the fact that where students were living in houses
belonging to Hindus, their property was taken outside and buried but where
they were living in houses belonging to Muslims no such precautions were
deemed necessary. Houses of Muslims were also set on fire.
5. Much significance needs to be attached to the fact that bamboo
sticks carried by the crowd were of one colour and were uniform in size
(Indian Express: Hyderabad September 24, 1988.)

B. Role of the Police and Administration

1. There is evidence to show that lumpen elements from outside
Bidar were imported by road particularly on September 15, 1988. The
police ignored it. Prevention of such infiltration into an atmosphere
surcharged with anti-Sikh frenzy should have been the first priority and
could have been easily managed by the administration when there were
warnings and a history of incidents.
2. All civil administration except the police is totally out of the
picture. The District Magistrate and the Sub Divisional Magistrate were
both reported to be on leave and out of station. Abandoning their charge at
the festival time is in contravention of instructions. Enquiry ordered by the
Karnataka Government will perhaps also look into whether the absence was
by accident or design. It certainly is abnormal.
3. The police turned Nelsons' eye to ample prior warnings. The
experience also did not make it active. On the 14th evening, it did not try to
nip the evil in the bud when such possibility clearly existed. It did not
prevent damage to Sikh educational institutions but abetted their
destruction. All nine-business premises belonging to the Sikhs were
completely burnt down. Police failed to save even a single one. It, however,
promptly used force on the besieged students.
4. Prior information about the burning of houses reached the police
but it remained inactive. Boundary wall of the college was pulled down with
connivance of the police. Professional failures are in scores. Their attitude
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of appeasing the criminally inclined mob erodes deeply into the very
rationale of the existence of the force. The Superintendent's statement to the
Press was that he gave priority to saving lives and not property is ridiculous
as neither could be saved.
5. The police gave a solemn assurance to the college management
and its Deputy Inspector General that no student was in its custody. Yet 41
students were in custody and they complain of harsh beating by the Police
while in custody.
6. Under these circumstances, some significance can be placed on
the fact that bodies of four students were recovered from a well very near the
residence of Superintendent of Police.
7. As already stated the Director General of Police, his Inspector
General and Deputy Inspector General all avoided discussing events, as
they were expected to figure at the impending enquiry by the High Court
Judge. They were quite annoyed and embarrassed at the handling of
incidents by the local police. Some loud thinking on those lines was done by
the Director General of Police and appeared in the Press on October 2, 1988.
8. The State Government inordinately delayed appointment of a
judge and valuable evidence was allowed to be partially destroyed. Not a
single penny has been paid to victims; not even an ad-hoc grant to those lost
everything.

C. Role of the Media

The Press has many privileges that the average person may
question only at grave peril to himself. Selective indifference to events is
one such privilege. No one can help mourning the lack of professionalism in
the Fourth Estate. Following assessment of the role of the Press is by an
insider:
"The anti-Sikh riots in Bidar, a remote town in Karnataka, have
many lessons for the country. The national Press, which reported the
protests against the defamation bill even in far-flung areas, failed to take
notice of the rioting for 10 days. Not a word came out until some Sikh
students reached Delhi to tell their tales of woe.
"Stringers of newspapers and news agencies in Bidar, it appears,
were late in sending their despatches; and what is worse, Press telegrams
were not cleared for a few days. This is not the first time that a telegraphic
office has acted as a censor or that a local official has sent unofficial
instructions not to transmit messages. I experienced this in Guwahati some

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time ago when I filed my copy on the agitation against `foreigners' in Assam.
"When reports did arrive at newspaper offices, the news desks also
failed to appreciate the gravity of the situation - apparently because of delay,
they tended to take the reports as "stale" news
"The national Press, it is true, cannot have staffers in every town in
the country but even when the story appeared in some regional newspapers,
correspondents of big newspapers did not follow it up. I cannot say that this
was because of any communal "prejudice," though most of the subsequent
stories were categorical in putting the blame on the Shiv Sena for fomenting
the trouble but the national Press cannot absolve itself of the initial lapse.
How to ensure that it does not happen again is for the media to study."

"The lessons from Bidar"

By Kuldip Nayar, The Tribune, October 6, 1988.
While talking to reporters at Bidar, our team wondered why stories
were filed so late. The UNI reporter replied with a broad grin: "it was a
holiday being Ganesh Chaturathi."
The All India Radio and the Doordarshan maintained a studied
silence for several days. Who could have organised the operation blackout
particularly at the level of the origin of the incidents? The Central
Government offices deal with the transmission of news communication.
The blackout reminds one again of the similar arrangements made at the
time of the November 1984 incidents when the Press in Punjab was placed
formally under censorship. The entire media in what appears to be a
calculated move "acted" in concert. It seems certain powers that he kept a
close vigil in the news agencies that were not allowed to report incidents in a
normal manner. The newspapers that happen to be clients of the two
monopolies, government-financed and government-controlled news
agencies, had a right to ask the agencies why they did not report the
incidents in time and in a proper manner. But there is no such evidence.
All this tends to make the Indian fourth estate a unique institution: a
vibrant, democratic entity when dealing with ordinary, run-of-the mill
events but a cloself self censored/officially censored institution when
dealing with the affairs of the Indian minorities and Dalits. Thus, those who
wish to know about the human rights of the minorities and Dalits and their
plight in India should look for other sources than the Indian news media. It
is a matter of grave concern that certain inter-national media organisations
such as the BBC, the Voice of America etc. routinely depend on the Indian
news agencies exclusively for the coverage of the entire Indian scene.
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 (III) Analysis of cause theories
Immediate Reasons
1. The role-played by official news agencies such as the United
News of India (UNI) in the present crisis is blatantly partisan. On the
strength of information obtained as usual from 'official sources,' UNI
floated the theory of a "clash between two groups over the installation of an
idol." This story, incredibly filed on September 16 from Bidar, was picked
up by the Indian Express of September 17. The same paper repeated it on
September 19, 1988. It was left to the Deccan Chronicle of September 19 to
deal a deathblow to it and to highlight the fund collection drive as the real
cause.
2. The most favourite of such theories is generally sold as "an island
of affluence in a sea of poverty." It suggests that Sikhs at Bidar are very
affluent and arouse the jealousies of others. The fact is that they own humble
establishments such as a small restaurant, a homeopathic dispensary or a
cold drink store. The list of articles lost by students and other Sikhs does not
show affluence either. They own small shops in blocks in which others own
similar ones. Only one Sikh Mr Joga Singh can pass off as an affluent
person. In any case, 11 Sikh families owning nine shops could not have
inspired such widespread resentment. What really knocks the bottom out of
this theory is that although the economic condition of Muslims is much
worse than that of Hindus, not a single Muslim was so consumed by
jealousy as to join the mobs.
3. It has been suggested that the students indulged in eve teasing. To
have become a menace inspiring a holocaust of this nature, it should have
been noticeable enough before the incidents. Yet, neither the Gurdwara
management nor the college Principal ever received a single complaint of
this nature. The personnel of the Central Intelligence Department were clear
that this was not a problem in Bidar. The Deputy Inspector General of Plice
supported them. As an afterthought, however, the Director General of
Police waved a file at our team and did try to suggest that eve teasing might
have happened but agreed that it did not merit notice. "The Inspector
General of Police himself confirmed that there was no record of cases
registered against them for such offences." Indian Express October 4, 1988,
page 3. Mr Veerashethy Kushnoor told our team on September 30 in the
presence of several respectable persons that stories of eve teasing were
circulated on the eve of Chief Minister's visit after the riot to malign the
students." Our team at a press conference used this statement the next day.
Subsequently when Mr Kushnoor gave his statement in writing, he omitted

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this portion. His spontaneous reaction appears to be more correct than the
considered version he penned later.
4. Mr J. S. Aurora, a Member of Parliament, was partly original
because apart from subscribing to the affluence theory, he proposed one of
his own. "The college needs to change its complexion and approach and
shed its exclusiveness. Only then can it be acceptable to the locals and one
of the tensions that led to this tragedy eliminated" he told the press. The
Constitution of India permits minority institutions to function and maintain
"exclusive character." Quite apart from that, his theory does not hold water,
because Guru Nanak Engineering College has only 43 percent (forty
percent according to Indian Express of September 24, 1988) Sikh students
Shedding of this complexion is not even possible as there are nine such
colleges functioning in the area and many locals prefer to study in other
colleges. Last year as well as this year, no local student who approached the
college authorities for admission was refused admission, according to the
management. Maximum damage was, however, done to Guru Nanak Public
School that has only 46 Sikh students on its rolls. Rest is all local non-Sikhs.
5. It has been repeatedly asserted that the real cause of jealousy was
that a medical college, sought by several other rival organisations, was
finally sanctioned in favour of Sri Nanak Jheera Sahib foundation. The
Chief Minister had to clarify (Indian Express dated September 26, 1988)
that the Congress (I) Member of Legislative Council Mr G. M. Bhimanna
Khondre had not applied for a medical college as was propagated. In spite of
that, the media has loudly proclaimed this rationale for ugly incidents. It is
also a fact that by a letter dated 18.7.88 the Government of Karnataka had
rejected the request of the Foundation for affiliation. This letter could not
have been unknown to the rival organisations as it was also marked to them
all. The real causes thus must be sought elsewhere.

Historical Reasons
The real cause must be sought in the fact that there are historical
contradictions between those supporting and upholding the caste system
and those opposing it as inhuman and oppressive.
Sikhism, according to its adherents, is an independent dispensation
seeking to establish a casteless world order based on equality and justice
under the Fatherhood of one God. A lot in this is not acceptable to
Brahmanised Hindus. This aspect is said to be at the root of the present Sikh
situation in independent India.
This sort of situation has not developed overnight. In fact, it was
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vividly envisaged. Sir Vincent Churchill and Swami Dharam Tirath were
such discerning minds. With prophetic insight, both these great men
predicted the consequences of power falling into "Brahmanised Hindu
hands."Jn menace of Hindu imperialism (Lahore 1946) the Swami
predicted perpetual strife and constant suppression of Dalits and
minorities. Both he and were of the opinion that the only way to avert the
great misery in the sub-continent was to deny freedom to India. Liberals
were of the opinion that constitutional safeguards to Dalits and minorities
could achieve the same result, by federal structure and communal
representation. Dr Ambedkar attempted to immunise the Dalits by
providing fixed quotas for them in bureaucracy and reservations in
elections to legislatures. None of these remedies appear to have worked.
Juggernaut rolls on remorselessly. It was Bhiwandi yesterday. It is Bidar
today.
In India, about 35 lacs Sikhs live outside Punjab. These are settlers
who migrated at various stages particularly after the partition of the country
in 1947 when most of their State became a part of Pakistan. (Mr. Joga Singh
and few others were the descendants of the Sikh soldiers from the Sikh
kingdom,sent to help the Nizam of Hyderabad around 1830 AD in Bidar).
Several others joined them in 1947 and there is at least one Mr Iqbal Singh
Bhatia who has settled only recently after his retirement. Most of the
evacuees from Pakistan settled at Delhi and other towns of Uttar Pradesh.
Some spread out all over the Hindi speaking areas.
Bengal has substantial Sikh population. Local Sikhs who converted
to Sikhism early in the sixteenth or seventeenth centuries are to be found all
over the country.
It has also been generally observed that these migrants are imbued
with the pioneering spirit of Diaspora and have economically prospered.
There is no doubt also that the spirit of Sikhism that encourages industry,
modern scientific approach, adventurous life, casteless ritual-free society
and above all service of humanity through productivity has much to do with
the prosperity of Sikhs in India and elsewhere.
Sikhs are generally known to be steadfast in their religion have
built shrines (Gurdwaras) wherever they have gone. These symbolise
democratic behaviour, ritual and caste-free society. This is perhaps the main
cause of resentment against them. Stoning, desecration and even
destruction of their Gurdwaras has been taking place at the slightest pretext.
Gurdwaras Sis Ganj, where the ninth Sikh Guru Teg Bahadur was beheaded
on orders of Emperor Aurangzeb (in 1775 AD) for upholding the right of
Hindus to worship in their fashion, has been no exception. The Sikh holy
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book, regarded by them as their "eternal living Guru," has never been
spared.
This basic feeling of distrust, in the background of doctrinal
incompatibility, has been fully exploited by politicians of the Indian
National Congress party. It has further been promoted as a considered
response to the assertion of their constitutional rights by the Sikhs of
Punjab. PanditNehru, the first Prime Minister of India, took the lead in
declaring the Sikhs outside the Punjab tobe hostages depending upon the
mercy of local Hindus.
"Sikhs were advised not to press their demand as it would result in
their eviction from other States of the Union. It is alleged that Nehru and
other national leaders went as for as holding out the threat of persecution of
Sikhs by Hindus outside the Punjab if the former insisted on Punjabi Suba."
(Cf. Pettigrew, London 1975 Page 92)
His daughter Indira Gandhi echoed the same sentiment both inside
and outside the Parliament during the present Sikh agitation for securing
certain constitutional rights to Punjab. This refrain was in keeping with her
new policy of henceforth depending upon Hindu votes. The Congress (I)
party inaugurated the elevation of her son to the office of PrimeMinister in
1984 with the indiscriminate massacre of Sikhs all over the northern States
governed, he heads.
The same spirit is working in Bidar and Janwada. That is also the
cause of anti-Sikh propaganda incessantly pouring out of the State-
controlled media. Matters have been further exasperated by the undeclared
but nevertheless effective immunity extended to all those who perpetrated
such crimes in November 1984. Going still further, the guilty ones of that
massacre have been rewarded with ministerial berths in the Central
Cabinet. A number of others have been similarly adjusted in the Hindu belt.
A systematic vilification campaign against the Sikhs was launched
by the Congress (I) at the time of December 1984 elections. Both State
owned and private media was used to whip up anti-Sikh feelings. It paid
dividends. Politicians found it cost-effective. The malicious ones find it
safe to hate the Sikhs who are just 2 percent of the total population.
Congress (I) paticularly discovered in it a goldmine to bolster up its
dwindling fortunes.
It is in that context that we must view the happenings at Bidar.
Muslim population of the town is nearly 50 percent, (about
60,000). Hindu-Muslim tensions have been usual at the time of Ganesh
puja. Because of the above mentioned factors, and because of domestic
increase in the number of Sikhs at Bidar with the opening of the Engineering
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College, the Muslim-Hindu conflict transformed itself into Hindu-Sikh
conflicts. Helpless students were available for harassment and extortion.
Particularly for the last two years, many people made hey while the sun was
shining. This evil grew and grew until it engulfed the entire town on the
occasion of Ganesh puja this year. It is significant that although people from
outside joined them, main body of attackers consisted of locals of all ages,
many of whom have been identified by the students. The irony is that a few
locals (and Punjabi students) were also in the forefront of criminal groups.
No other explanation for what happened at Bidar is therefore
possible.

IV The Conclusions
All accounts of the holocaust agree that it is the result of a deep-
rooted conspiracy. (Perhaps the enquiry to be conducted by the High Court
judge will examine the matter threadbare) Circumstantial evidence that can
form the basis of conclusion is as follows:
1. Congress (I) was the biggest beneficiary of arousing anti-Sikh
feelings at the time of last elections. It has been widely alleged that ever
since it has kept the cauldron boiling with an eye on the next elections.
2. Elections are now in the air and position of that party is much
worse, particularly as against the united Opposition parties.
3. Congress (I) has tried to "politicise" the Bidar issue. It allowed its
workers to demonstrate at a venue at which members of Andhra Pradesh
Legislative Assembly were not permitted to protest.
4. Congress (I) at the centre has been actively encouraging
formation of underground police hit squads to aggravate the Punjab and the
Sikh problem.
5. Much against the wishes of the State Chief Ministers, Congress
(I) stalwarts have been directly contacting District Magistrates and
Superintendents of Police, to cultivate them with a view to using them
against the interests of the States concerned and the local administration.
6. Grave allegations have been made in the Press. "they alleged that
the mob fury was the handiwork of Congress (I) and RSS elements" (Indian
Express September 24, 1988, Page). Editorial comments also point an
accusing finger at the Congress (I), "All must also watch the use of which
Rajiv Gandhi and his party, were putting death and killings in Karnataka."
(Indian Express, 30 September 1988).
7. Mr Sanjay Singh's allegations of a murder being committed at

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the instance of Congress (I) big wigs to implicate him are all too fresh to
need repetition.
8. The State government of Karnataka has tried to defuse the crisis
and has nothing to gain from it. It appears that SP and Deputy
Superintendent of Police symbolise the attitude of Congress (I) while the
Deputy Inspector General of Police, that of the Karnataka government to a
very large extent including its incompetence and lack of control of the
situation.
The circumstantial evidence points an accusing finger only in one
direction. The guilty ones of Bidar in 1988 appear to be the same as the
guilty ones of November 1984. The aim is also the same that is to pass off as
Ultra-Hindus and to sweep the coming elections by again arousing
chauvinistic Hindu sentiment.
It will do the country's unity and integrity much good to keep in
mind that Bidar may be repeated in all non-Congress (I) ruled States of the
Union. All must remain vigilant lest traitors and criminals masquerading as
political leaders succeed in their diabolical design of destroying inter-
community relations.

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 Chapter-13
KANPUR
Monsters of Kanpur-1984
My name is Mangat Ram, son of Bagicha Ram. I am also known as
Mangtu Kaka. Three years ago I retired from the Railways. I served as head
peon in the Stationmaster's office at Kanpur railway station for twenty-
seven years. I was on duty at the station on November 1, 1984. We got news
of Indira Mai's death and by there evening there were mobs roaming in
Kanpur. The city was under curfew and I was unable to go home that
evening.
Since the railway station is always a safe place whenever there are
communal riots, I went to sleep on the platform. Because of the curfew the
station was deserted. All the coolies and vendors had gone home and we
could not get any tea. It was a very cold at night and the security personnel
who were on duty at the station broke some crates and started a fire on the
platform. We sat around the fire the whole night and the havildar had three
bottles of rum. Since I was sitting there too, they gave me two pegs and I
went to sleep.
All the passenger trains had been cancelled, and the express and
mail trains were running very late. Only two trains passed through the
station the whole night. There might have been one or two more, but I was
asleep. When I got up in the morning, the Tinsukhia Mail to Delhi was
standing at the platform.
Dharam Pal told me that it had already been standing there for more
than an hour waiting for clearance. It was quite bright, but strangely most of
the windows were shuttered down. The platform was still quite empty.
There were a few security personnel and Ticket Collectors walking about
and a few people had got down from the train and were standing on the
platform, smoking beerries and cigarettes. A young policeman was talking
to a Bengali babu, sitting in the coach in front of me, through his open
window.
I could hear a few words of their conversation; they were talking
about Indira Mai's death and of the wretched Sikhs who had killed her.
At about nine o clock in the morning, some people started coming
to the platform. They were mostly young men from the city, who seemed to
be loitering around, looking inside coaches and aimlessly wandering on the
platform. Slowly more and more people started coming and soon I could

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hear a buzz of voices as they started collecting in groups on the platform and
talking. At about ten o clock different kinds of people started coming into
the station. I could see several city scoundrels in the crowd and many of
them were carrying laathis and short iron rods.
The babble had by now turned into a roar, there must have been at
least seven hundred people on the platform by now. It was then that
Ghanshyam Das, the ex Congress MLA came to the station. The crowd
cheered for him and he began to give a speech.
He started talking about Indira Mai's tragic death and how her
ungrateful Sikh bodyguards had riddled her old body with three hundred
bullets. Tears streamed down his face as he told the story and his eyes were
blazing with anger. He said that the Sikhs had to be taught a lesson. Too long
they had held the country to ransom with their headstrong ways. This time
they had gone too far and had to be punished.
He told the crowd of how patriots in Delhi had taught Sikhs who
were celebrating the Mother's death, a lesson. He wept again, expressing
horror, saying that Sikhs in Punjab had retaliated by massacring Hindus by
the thousands and sending train loads of corpses to Delhi. He asked the mob
what more fitting reply could there be than killing every Sikh who dared to
show his face outside Punjab and sending his corpse home.
The crowd cheered wildly, enthusiastically, and his followers
brandished their laathis and iron-rods.
The crowd was in a sullen, angry mood, but not yet angry enough to
do anything. Ghanshyam Das took the Havildar aside and they conferred for
several minutes after which he called all the policemen and talked to them.
In the meantime, some of Ghanshyam Das's henchmen entered the station
building and began searching the rooms.
The Babu on duty at the ticket window was Ujjagar Singh, a Sikh,
who had spent all his life working at Kanpur station. They brought him to
the platform kicking him as they dragged him along and shouting abuses at
him. A big crowd gathered around him and they started to beat him up. It
was as if all of them had gone mad. They beat the old man so mercilessly
that his skull cracked. Fortunately he did not die, though he was in hospital
for many months.
They were all shouting ‘Khoon ka Badla Khoon‘, and ‘Maro Maro’
and slowly they turned their attention to the train. They entered whatever
coaches were unlocked and started dragging out anyone who was a Sikh or
who they thought was Sikh. They did not spare anyone with a long beard. I
prayed to Ram to stop this sight, but it only got worse. They dragged the men

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out and beat them without any mercy till they were all covered with blood.
Then suddenly the young policeman who had been talking to the Babu
pointed with his stick to the coach in front of me and said something to the
goondas. They immediately rushed to the door and started banging on it.
For a few minutes nothing happened, but when they threatened to
pour petrol on the coach and burn everyone inside, a terrified passenger
opened the door. What happened after that I cannot forget for the rest of my
life.
Screaming like hungry animals they charged into the coach which
they knew was carrying Sikh passengers. I could hear horrible sounds from
inside and fearsome screams. Later I heard that they found an old Sikh man
inside who they literally tore from limb to limb with their bare hands. There
were also some young Sikhs inside who tried to resist, but they were
overpowered quickly and dragged to the platform.
With my own eyes, I saw three young men being dragged out of the
coach by their hair. All of them were bleeding and had been beaten badly.
One of them was totally covered with blood and had a long knife sticking
out of his stomach. It was the most horrible sight I had ever seen in my life,
but I could not look away.
Khoon ka Badla Khoon! Maro Maro! They screamed. One of them
pulled out a long knife and I thought that they were going to be killed there
and then. But they used the knife to chop off their long hair. One of the
young men was lucky and died almost instantly when the knife cut into his
head instead of his hair.
Animals, they were animals; they brought a tire and put it around
the head of the one who was struggling the most. They poured petrol on the
tire and set it on fire. Even now I have not been able to rid my nose of the
horrible smell of rubber, hair and flesh. The poor man writhed and screamed
in agony, but this only drove the crowd crazier.
After he was dead, they turned their attention to the third one. Oh
God, how did they beat the poor boy? He was surrounded on all sides by
savages with laathis and they rained blow upon blow on his head and body.
It is a wonder that he did not die right away. When they tired of beating him,
they poured petrol on him to burn him too. They kicked him, he tried to clasp
his hands together, but his arms were broken. Somebody lit a match and he
screamed. I was surprised; I did not think that he had any life left in him.
Sahib, I lost my faith in Bhagwan Ram that day. I could not blame
the poor boy he was in pain, and suffering so much, after all he was only
human. Later I found out that the women and children that left behind in the

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carriage in an attempt to defend them were his mother, his sister, his sisters-
in-law, his little nieces and nephews. He was a frightened child himself, but
he could have saved them all by staying hidden. The passengers in the coach
did not betray them; he did, but I do not blame him, I blame Bhagwan for
robbing men of their reason for committing acts that beasts would be
ashamed of.
He must have loved his mother and the little children and his sisters,
like we all love our mothers and children and sisters, perhaps if we are faced
with what he faced ... martyrs live only in history books, Sahib. I am an old
man and considered wise in my family, but that day I learned of the true
nature of human beings, Sahib. You see, he was in pain ... terrible
unimaginable pain.
Hey Ram, how can I forget? Somebody brought a huge axe and
they broke down the door of the ladies compartment. There were two old
women who they set on fire there and then in front of the children. The
children, my God the children; they were screaming, they could not
understand what was happening.
One by one they were snatched from the remaining women who
clung to them, desperately. They tore off every shred of clothing from the
women's bodies, I looked down in shame, prayed to God to stop this
somehow, but he was not listening. They fought with each other, the
animals, and the strongest ones carried the women away, high above their
heads, like shining trophies. What became of the poor women nobody
knows until today.
The children, one by one, were hacked to pieces on the platform.
What kind of butchers were these, their lust for blood just would not be
sated. I learned that they had killed every male Sikh on the train and loaded
their corpses back on it before it left Kanpur.
I could never go back to work at the station after that.

:: Delhi Massacres ::
(Misra Commission Report)
There is a distinction in the reference to the Commission so far as
the events of Delhi and events of Kanpur and Bokaro are concerned. In
regard to Delhi the incidents are said to be “organized violence” whereas in
regard to Kanpur and Bokaro - Chas what happened during the riots has
been described as“disturbances”. While all disturbances may not be riots,
all riots would usually include disturbances. What happened during
October / November 1984 at Kanpur and Bokaro-Chas is certainly riot. All
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incidents at Kanpur and Bokaro-Chas were confined to 31st October and 1st
November. The allegation of organised violence as such is not there in
regard to the incidents at Bokaro-Chas though so far as the incidents at
Kanpur are concerned, such an allegation has been raised. The Commission
is bound by the terms of reference. It would not be open to it to find out
whether the disturbances riots at Kanpur and Bokaro-Chas were also
organised. In terms of the reference the question whether the violence at
Kanpur was organised, however, would not fall for examination.
On behalf of the State of Uttar Pardesh it has been contended that
the terms of reference do not require the Commission to report about the
lapse, if any, cxommitted by any particular officer though the extent of the
damage may be a relevant aspect for consideration. The Commission is
inclied to hold that it has jurisdiction to act under section 8B of the
Commission of Inquiry Act even within the frame of the reference as it
stands. However, whether such action should be taken is another matter
when the Commission issued notification calling for affidavits from
persons in the known of events relating to the October / November 1984
riots, it was open to officers in the Kanpur District Administration or even
the U. P. State Administration to file affidavits disclosing the facts. No
affidavits were, however, filed. In all 675 affidavits were received out of
which four were rejected being out of time or being in regard to events
outside the Kanpur city limits.
Several groups asked for leave of the Commission to be
represented and as already mentioned in a different part of the Report,
permission was accorded. The State Governmnet did not disclose any
posititve stand and stated that the Government would only deny any
allegations implicating the officers in any manner in the riots. It also stated
that the State Administration would contend that all that was legitimately
within its power and could be done had been done to contain the riots and
bring about normalcy. That is why normal situation was restored within a
brief period of 24 hours and by the evening of November, 1, 1984, nomally
prevailed again in Kanpur.ts were examined by the Commission --mostly at
the instance of the victims and a few at the instance of non-Sikhs groups.
There is no dispute that 127 Sikhs and 8 non-Sikhs died at Kanour
during the riots. And all these deaths were between the night of 31st October
and late at night of 1st November. Thoush there was an allegation of a
killking on 2nd Nobvember, it has been verified and the incidnt appears to
have taken place during the night of 1st November. The first incident as
appears from the police log book is around 2.30 p.m. on 31st October. As in
Delhi, the intitial occurences were of spontaneous type reaction of the
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people at large against Sikhs as a whole on the basis that two of their
comunity had injured Smt. Gandhi by bullets. Information of the Prime
Minister having been injured seems to have reached Kanpur and become
fairly known by 11 in the morning. From the afternoon as a result of reaction
to that situation incidents started taking place. It is a fact that by evening
time the incidents had spread into different parts of the city and incoming
reports thereof had become very frequent. From the evening of 31st October
cases of arson became quite common. The attack as in Delhi was -------------
------------------------------ ----------------------------------------------------------
--------------------------------------------------------- rioting had started in the
previous night, viz, 31st October and there is no acceptable evidence to hold
that meetings had also been held and call had been given before the evening
of 31st October for taking revenge. Information of Smt. Gandhi's passing
away was first widly circulated at Kanpur through the news media of All
India Radio by evning time. It is this news that brought about a
transformation in the modality of the attacks. Unitl that time the nature of
assault or action taken against the Sikhs wasn not a serious type but once the
Prime Minister was announced to have succumbed to her injuries, the
nature of attack both on property and person changed. Hunderds of vehicles
were burnt, Sikh employees returning from Government offices or
industrial units after duty shifts were assaulted and badly beaten up. During
the night, apart from the Gurudwaras, private houses were also looted and
burnt and physical assault of a grave type startd. It is a fact - and ample
evidence was placed before the Commission that the composition of the
mobs and the manner of attack and behaviour of the crowds were almost of
the same type as in Delhi. Kanpur is a city with a population of about 30
lakhs. It is the biggest city of U.P. and is very much industrialised. A
considerable part of its population is of the industrial labour class and there
has been pressure on accomodation. A lot of jhuggis and jhopris hav come
up where the people belonging to the economically backward class reside
and these are spread over in many parts of the city.
There is material that initially hoodlums and small groups, each
consisting of 40 to 50 people, started pressuring Sikh shop owners and
office keepers to close down their establishements. Where they yielded
there was not much of scope for touble. Where, however, there was any
resistance, physical force was appleid to enforce closure. Towards evening
the ratio of hoodlums in the mobs dwindled and residents from jhuggis and
jhopris joined. Smt. Gandhi's death was not mourned on party basis. Every
Indian, including most of the Sikhs, were genuinely sorry for what
happened. Some people in the Congress Party at the lower level as in Delhi

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either genuinely felt more hurt and aggrieved than others or for reasons best
knowm to them, wanted an exibition of that type of reaction.Such people
did join the riotous mobs. There is allegation that at some places they even
led them.Though the Commisson is not called upon to examine the question
of organised violence, as already mentioned, there is an allegation on behalf
of the victims in regard to it and the Commission would like to regard its
findings on this score in regards to incidents at Delhi and hold that neither
the party nor any perticular party man holding public office had organised
or helped the rioters. It is, however, a fact as disclosed in evidence that
several of the party men at the loose end had participated in the riots. For the
reasons indicated while dealing with this aspect in regard to the Delhi riots
the Commission is of the view that criminal overt acts or abetment
commited by them would be available to be tried as criminal charges and
since the Commission recommended and the State of U.P. has already set up
a Committee for reviewing prosecutions, the Commission would not make
any positive statement about those people who have participated in the
riots.That would be a matter for the Court to determine and the Commission
has no intention to prejudice the trial.
As already stated 127 Sikhs lost their lives during the riots. At one
stage the victims claimed taht the number of persons who died was more
and the Commission asked them to substantiate their claim but no evidence
has come. During the oral submissions made on behalf of the Kanpru Riots
Inquiry Co-ordination Committee the number disclosed by the State
Government was not seriously disputed. From the disclosure made by the
Railway Administration some deaths in trains were noticed. But as it
appears, such deaths were not within the Kanpur city jurisdiction. The
Commission has, therefore, no option but to procede on the footing that the
total deaths of the Sikhs during the October/November 1984 riots at Kanpur
were 127.
Kanpur city has 31 police stations and 94 police outposts. Orinarily,
every police station has a Station Hopse Officer/Station Officer, 4-5 Sub-
Inspectors, around 3 Head Constables and 20-25 Constables.Some police
stations are treated as big ones where ordinarily 15-20 rifles or muskets are
provided. Of thereon any given time 1/3 are on duty on the buses that during
a day anyone is expected to work for 8 hours. It is the case of the State of U.P.
that Smt. Gandhi was due to visit Allahabad on 2nd November, 1984, and
for providing security during the Prime Ministers visit to Allahabad----------
--- officers with their men had been deputed there ------------------------------
-- from 29th October----------------------of a workman. A large police force
including PAC contingents had been deployed to maintain law and orderin

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that area. Of the remaining police force only 1/3 was available to answer the
call of duty. It is contended that ordinarily the regular police force was in
position to contain any situation taht arose but a very unprecedented and
difficult-to-comprehend situation developed at Kanpur and against the
mobilsed force of the people, particularly the trouble makers, the small
number of police-men did not appear to be adequate.
In Kanpur the following areas have Sikh concentration:
Govindnagar, Kidwainagar, Gumti No.5, Ratanlal Nagar, Ranjit Nagar,
Pandu Nagar, P-Road, Rajinder Nagar and Daboli. According to the District
Administration, since these areas have Sikh concentration and riot in these
areas involved great risk, police had instructed to keep an eye on these areas.
In the absence of adequate police force it did not become possible to provide
protection in small pocket. The District Administration contnded that in this
background the riots were more frequent in small pockets, the incedents
were many and these were mostly in these areas.Factually this position is
not correct.Gumti No. 5 is one of the most affected areas. Similarly, there
are some more areas out of the places named above where a lot of incidents
took place.
The victims have accepted the position that the riotous situation
continued for about 36 hours at Kanpur, being from the evening of 31st
october till the morning of 2nd November. The incidents as claimed by the
victims during these 36 hours are not at all disputed by the State
Government of the Kapur District Administration, except in regard to
allegations of rape and certain other minor aspects. According the counsel
for the riot victims, on account of appropriate and timely preventive steps
having been taken, no widespread disturbances took places in cities like
Allahabad, Agra, Varanasi, Gorakhpur, Meerut and Bareilly located in the
state of Utar Pardesh. Counsel for the State has disputed this posiition as
also the comparative basis. It was contended before the Commission that
the cities referred to above were of about 1/5 size of Kanpur. The Sikh
population living in these cities was small, while at Kanpur their number
was aboout 1.5 lakhs, in each of these cities it did not exceed 15,000 to
20,000 at the most. None of these cities is as industrialised as Kanpur. Nor
are these cities as sprad out as Kanpur. Kanpur City is a full district and
Kanpur Dehat is another independent district consisting of the rural areas
but its administrative headquarters is still located within the city of Kanpur.
It is a fact that not much of riotous situation developed within the Dehat
District. It is also a fact that in all these citites as also in Kanpur Dehat area
there has been some sort of trouble during the period though the
disturbances were not as widespread as at Kanpur. The Commission is of

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the view that the stand taken by the Government of Uttar Pardesh is correct
and merely on a comparative basis of the situation arising in these towns and
Kanpur a conclusion would not follow that the riotous situation at Kanpur
was on account of negligence and incompetence as also deliberate anti-Sikh
stance of the district administration of Kanpur.
According to the Government records made available in the answer
to the interrogateries, it appears that the Home Secretary of the State
Government altered the district administration in the morning of 31st
October against possibility of untoward situations developing on account of
Smt. Gandhi having been injured by security gaurd's bullets. Around 11a.m.
on 31st October the Distrist Magistrate, the Senior Supdt. of Police, Supdt.
of Police, City, and the Addl. District Magistrate met to chalk out steps to be
taken to meet the situation that might arise. They decided to impose
prohibitory orders under S. 144, Cr. P.C. immediately but in their opinion
reference to Smt. Gandhi's condition as a ground for imposition of
prohibitory orders did not look appropriate. Therefore, the prohibitory
order was grounded upon the labour trouble already existing for the last two
days in the industrial area of the city. These officers along with the police
officers and some other Government officers again met at 2 p.m. at Kotwali
to review the situation. It was decided to alert the police again and the police
were asked to keen a close eye on the situation and have intensive
patrolling. Acording to the District Administration, the District Magistrate
kept on moving from place to place throughout the night of 31st October in
order to ensure that the situation got and remained contained. They held a
meeting again at 4 a.m. and an assesment of the situation was made which
indicated that the situation had improved. While the holding of the meetings
has not been denied on behalf of the victims it has been contended that the
situation had not improved at all during the night of 31st October. Between
midnight and morning there were 24 cases of arson and between 6 and 10:30
in the morning of 1st November there were as many as 164 cases of arson.
These figures have been taken from the records of the Fire Brigade
establishment of the State Government and are not in dispute. The
Commission accepts the stand of the victims that there were no abatement
of the riotous activity during the night of 31st October. It is also quite
possible, and the Commission is prepared to accept, that apart from the 188
incidents of arson till 10:30 a.m. of 1st November, there could have been
several other small incidents where the Fire Brigare authorities might not
have been contacted. A tense situation had developed; security both of
person and property had come to be in a state of jeopardy and contacting the
Fire Brigade and waiting for its response may not have been possible in

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every case.
The genuinenessf the entries in the Log Book which has been
produced from the police control room was challnged on behalf of the
victims. The Commission had to refer to several entries in the Log Book.
There is an official presumtion of correctness attached to such entries. The
manner in which entries have been made in the Log Books and the contents
thereof, when cross-checked with refence to entries in other documents,
lended support to the genuineness of the entries in the Log Books. There is
no clear material on the basis of which the Commission can dislodge the
presumption of correctness and hold that spurious entries have been made
in the Log Book.
Curfew had not been imposed in the city till the morning of 1st
November. Notwithstanding the imposition of prohibitory orders under S.
144, Cr. P. C., the riotous mobs freely moved during the afternoon, evening
as also night of 31st October. The imposition of curfew in the morning
brought not much of impact on the situation. Prohibitory orders under
S.144, Cr. P.C. Or curfew cam be effective only when enforced. The
Commission is satisfied on the basis of the evidence that neither the
prohibitory orders under S. 144, Cr. P.C. nor curfew was strictly enforced
and, therefore, neither of these worked as an impediment against the riots.
The Commission has noticed the fact that some prosecutions are pending
involving charge under S. 188, I.P.C. for violating the prohibitory orders.
They are a few and are perhaps related to certain areas where the police did
attempt to enforce these orders.
The plea of inadequacy of the strength of the police advanced by the
State during the inquiry and particularly while cross-examining the
deponents on the side of the victims perhaps is not wholly wrong. It is a fact
that quite a sizable part of the police force had gone to Allahabad and till
almost noon time of 31st October some local police as also the PAC
contingents were keeping guard in the Factory Area. It is the case of the
District Admnistration that when it was alerted by the State Home
Seceratary in the morning of 31st October, they brought about a settlement
of the labour dispute, withdrew the police and the PAC contingent from the
factory area for deployment within the city to meet the apprehended
situation. Conceding that the police force available in the city area was
inadequate and the requisition for additional force had not been asnwered
until late at night on 31st October, attempt should have been made for
calling the Army on the 31st itself and there was no neccesity to wait till 9
a.m. of 1st November. The Commission has examined Brig. R. K. Kohli
who was Station Commander at Kanpur at the relevnt time.He has stated
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taht on 31st October the availability of officers and men at Kanpur was: 65
officers, 159 JCOs ans 2366 other ranks. He recieved request in writing
from the Distt. Magistrate at 9:35 a. m on 1st November 1984 and the Army
moved into the city by 11 a. m. In fact, the very first column had moved
within 10 minutes of the request and in the course of every half an hour one
after the other new columns moved in. By afternoon of 1st November, 7
columns were in the city. By evening another column was sent. If without
waiting till the morning of 1st November the assistance of Army had been
asked for during the previous day at least for patrolling in the city, that
would have been a great deterrent against the build-up of th riots. As Brig.
Kohli has said, the Army initially undertook flag march and patrolling duty
but as they were not used to every part of the city and required magistrates to
issue appropriate requisitions, in the absence of either proper guidance or
magistrates, their functionaing was impeded. The Commission, therefore,
is of the opinion that in case the Army had been called on 31st October, the
situation would not have deteriorated and possibly the incidents that took
place in the night of 31st October or on 1st November would not have
happened. The District Magistrate made a wrong assessment of the
situation by feeling satisfied that with the incidents taking place in the
afternoon, evening and night of 31st October, the situation had eased and
nothing more untoward would happen. Obviously the factual position was
either ignored or not taken into accouont. There was no abatement of the
riots. It may be that after the midnight the incidents had become less in
number but that could not be a feature to lead to an assessment of that type.
Non -enforcement of the prohibitory orders under S. 144, Cr. P. C., delay
imposition of curfew and non-enforcement of curfew when imposed and
the delay in calling in the Army to stand by the civil administration
facilitated the riotous mobs to build-up, operate and bring about the
calamity of that proprtion in the city. It may be noted that at several places,
such as Calcutta for instance, the Army had been called in on the 31st
October itself.
The stand of the Uttar Pradesh Government that more of incidents
of grave type took place after the Army had been called in is not fully
correct. As the statement of Brig. Kohli shows, the Army took position in
different areas by 1 p.m. of 1st November and till 11:15 p.m. that night the
Army did not have occasion to face crowd engaged in arson, looting or
killing to require resort to firing. It is only then that two rounds were fired
within Kakadeo Police Station as a result of which two rioters died. This
firing had followed a magisterial order to disperse the rioter's mob.
It is in evidence that the police did not render appropriate assistance

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when the riotous mobs attacked the houses, commercial premises and
Gurudwaras, looted them and committed arson. There is also allegation that
the police officers remained as bystanders when these offences were being
committed. In some of the affidavits it was alleged that even police
participated in the riots by supporting openly the mobs. These allegations
were investigated through the Commission's Investigating Agency and it
had been found that whiel there is no material to form the basis of a finding
that the police had actually participated in the riots, police indifference and
becoming onlookers when incidents took place have been found. The
Commission had scrutinized the material on which the Investigating
Agency has recorded such conclusions and is of the view that the
conclusions are proper. Such conclusion of the Investigating Agency is also
supported by the affidavits on record as also the evidence of deponents
examined by the Commission. On the basis of such material the
Commission records a finding that the police did not act upto expectation
and did not behave as a disciplined force. It is possible that like every other
Indian the policemen were also stunned when they got the information of
Smt. Gandhi's injuries by gunshot in the hands of security men and her
succumbing to these injuries but the discipline of a professional force
should have got them out of the stunning effect when the call of duty came
and they should have behaved as policemen meant to protect the lives and
properties of the citizens. At that point they could not become passive and
silent spectators.

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 GENOCIDE AT KANPUR;
There is a distinction in the reference to the Commission so far as
the events of Delhi and events of Kanpur and Bokaro are concerned. In
regard to Delhi the incidents are said to be “ organized violence” whereas in
regard to Kanpur and Bokaro - Chas what happened during the riots has
been described as“disturbances”. While all disturbances may not be riots,
all riots would usually include disturbances. What happened during
October / November 1984 at Kanpur and Bokaro-Chas is certainly riot. All
incidents at Kanpur and Bokaro-Chas were confined to 31st October and 1st
November. The allegation of organised violence as such is not there in
regard to the incidents at Bokaro-Chas though so far as the incidents at
Kanpur are concerned, such an allegation has been raised. The Commission
is bound by the terms of reference. It would not be open to it to find out
whether the disturbances riots at Kanpur and Bokaro-Chas were also
organised. In terms of the reference the question whether the violence at
Kanpur was organised, however, would not fall for examination.
On behalf of the State of Uttar Pardesh it has been contended that
the terms of reference do not require the Commission to report about the
lapse, if any, committed by any particular officer though the extent of the
damage may be a relevant aspect for consideration. The Commission is
inclined to hold that it has jurisdiction to act under section 8B of the
Commission of Inquiry Act even within the frame of the reference as it
stands. However, whether such action should be taken is another matter
when the Commission issued notification calling for affidavits from
persons in the known of events relating to the October / November 1984
riots, it was open to officers in the Kanpur District Administration or even
the U. P. State Administration to file affidavits disclosing the facts. No
affidavits were, however, filed. In all 675 affidavits were received out of
which four were rejected being out of time or being in regard to events
outside the Kanpur city limits.
Painful days and horrible nights whose remembrance still brings
tears in his eyes?
Imagining as to what would have happened 25 years ago is nearly
impossible for me. Therefore on the 25th anniversary of Indira Gandhi's
death and the subsequent anti-Sikh riots, I decided to meet some of those
who witnessed the uproar, grief, death, suffering and bloodshed. Alok
Tomar, who was a reporter in Jansatta at that time, Arati Jerath, the reporter
of Indian Express, and Deepak Duggal & Jasbir, businessmen who were
targets of the carnage, shared their memories with me.
Alok Tomar (Editor, Datelineindia.com)
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 Nobody could have imagined the wrath and anger that October 31
brought with it. Alok Tomar was going to watch a movie in now defunct
Chanakya theatre when, as a routine habit of a crime reporter, he called the
police control room and was informed that PM Indira Gandhi had been shot
dead by her Sikh guards at PM's official residence at Safdarjang. He could
not digest the idea of her being hit by 38 bullets.
He hired a taxi to AIIMS hospital and managed to see Mrs Gandhi
at the 7th floor, lying lifeless. Many of the cabinet members were waiting in
the conference hall of AIIMS. Rajiv Gandhi flew back from Orissa. Some of
the prominent ministers urged him to take oath immediately but he insisted
that his first priority was his mother who was dead. Alok then called
Prabhash Joshi, his editor, and dictated to the desk the whole scenario over
phone
He even witnessed the first death in the riots at around 4 pm on
October 31 when, near the INA market, a sardar was brutally battered with
bricks. Later in the day, he filed his story. He recalled the first lines of his
report that said- “Aaj do hathyaen hui hai- ek Indira ki aur doosri manushya
ke manushya par vishwas ki” (Today, two deaths have occurred- one of
Indira and the other of trust in humans)
By November 1, the situation had worsened. While walking to his
office, he was amazed to find all the police posts closed and locked.
Trilokpuri, especially block 32, was badly hit. The second death occurred at
10:20 am when an elderly sardar was thrashed and killed using a burning
tyre that was thrust around his neck. When he questioned Nikhil Kumar (the
then additional commissioner of Delhi Police and now Governor of
Nagaland), he answered that Hindus are just burning garbage and how
could police stop the madding crowd?
For three days and four nights the killing and pillaging continued
without the police, the civil administration and the Union Government,
which was then in direct charge of Delhi, lifting a finger in admonishment.
The Congress was in power and could have prevented the violence, but the
then Prime Minister, his Home Minister, indeed the entire Council of
Ministers, twiddled their thumbs.
Even as stray dogs gorged on charred corpses and wailing women,
clutching children too frightened to cry, fled mobs armed with iron rods,
staves and gallons of kerosene, AIR and Doordarshan kept on broadcasting
blood-curdling slogans like 'Khoon ka badla khoon se lenge' (We shall
avenge blood with blood) raised by Congress workers grieving over their
dear departed leader.

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 In mid-morning on October 31, 1984, Mrs Indira Gandhi was
assassinated by two Sikh guards posted at her home. Her death was
'officially' confirmed at 6 pm, after due diligence had been exercised to
ensure Rajiv Gandhi's succession. By then, reports of stray incidents of
violence against Sikhs, including the stoning of President Zail Singh's car,
had started trickling in at various police stations.
By the morning of November 1, hordes of men were on the
rampage in south, east and west Delhi. They were armed with iron rods and
carried old tyres and jerry cans filled with kerosene and petrol. Owners of
petrol pumps and kerosene stores, beneficiaries of Congress largesse,
provided petrol and kerosene free of cost. Some of the men went around on
scooters and motorcycles, marking Sikh houses and business
establishments with chalk for easy identification. They had been provided
with electoral rolls to make their task easier.
By late afternoon that day, hundreds of taxis, trucks and shops
owned by Sikhs had been set ablaze. By early evening, the murder, loot and
rape began in right earnest. The worst butchery took place in Block 32 of
Trilokpuri, a resettlement colony in east Delhi. The police either
participated in the violence or merely watched from the sidelines.
Curfew was declared in south and central Delhi at 4 pm, and in east
and west Delhi at 6 pm on November 1. But there was no attempt to enforce
it. PV Narasimha Rao, the then Home Minister, remained unmoved by cries
for help. In his affidavit to the Nanavati Commission of Inquiry, Lt-Gen
Jagjit Singh Aurora, decorated hero of the 1971 India-Pakistan war, said,
“The Home Minister was grossly negligent in his approach, which clearly
reflected his connivance with perpetrators of the heinous crimes being
committed against the Sikhs.”
The first deployment of the Army took place around 6 pm on
November 1 in south and central Delhi, which were comparatively
unaffected, but in the absence of navigators, which should have been
provided by the police and the civil authorities, the jawans found
themselves lost in unfamiliar roads and avenues.
The Army was deployed in east and west Delhi in the afternoon of
November 2, more than 24 hours after the killings began. But, here, too, the
jawans were at a loss because there were no navigators to show them the
way through byzantine lanes.
In any event, there was little the Army could have done:
Magistrates were 'not available' to give permission to fire on the mobs. This
mandatory requirement was kept pending till Mrs Indira Gandhi's funeral

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was over. By then, 1,026 Sikhs had been killed in east Delhi. Jagdish Tytler
and Sajjan Kumar were among Congress 'leaders' who, witnesses said,
incited and led mobs. Both deny the allegation, but the evidence is
overwhelming.
A report on the pogrom jointly prepared by the PUCL and PUDR
and published under the title, 'Who Are the Guilty', names both of them
along with others. The report quotes well-known journalist Sudip
Mazumdar: “The Police Commissioner, SC Tandon was briefing the Press
(about 10 Indian reporters and five foreign journalists) in his office on
November 6, at 5 pm. A reporter asked him to comment on the large number
of complaints about local Congress MPs and lightweights trying to pressure
the police to get their men released. The Police Commissioner totally
denied the allegation… Just as he finished uttering these words, Jagdish
Tytler, Congress MP from Sadar constituency, barged into the Police
Commissioner's office along with three other followers and on the top of his
voice demanded, 'What is this Mr Tandon? You still have not done what I
asked you to do?' The reporters were amused, the Police Commissioner
embarrassed. Tytler kept on shouting and a reporter asked the Police
Commissioner to ask that 'shouting man' to wait outside since a Press
conference was on. Tytler shouted at the reporter, 'This is more important.'
The reporter told the Police Commissioner that if Tytler wanted to sit in the
office he would be welcome, but a lot of questions regarding his
involvement would also be asked and he was welcome to hear them. Tytler
was fuming…”
The slaughter was not limited to Delhi, though. Sikhs were killed in
Gurgaon, Kanpur, Bokaro, Indore and many other towns and cities in States
ruled by the Congress. In a replay of the mayhem in Delhi, 26 Sikh soldiers
were pulled out of trains and killed.
After quenching their thirst for blood, the mobs retreated to savour
their 'revenge'. The flames died and the winter air blew away the stench of
death. Rajiv Gandhi's Government issued a statement placing the death toll
at 425.
Demands for a judicial inquiry were stonewalled by Rajiv Gandhi.
Human rights organisations petitioned the courts; the Government said
courts were not empowered to order inquiries. Meanwhile, Rajiv Gandhi
dissolved the Lok Sabha and went for an early election, which the Congress
swept by using the 'sympathy card' and launching a vitriolic hate campaign.
Once in office, Rajiv Gandhi was desperate for a breakthrough in
Punjab. He mollycoddled Akali leader Sant Harchand Singh Longowal into
agreeing to sign a peace accord with him. Sant Longowal listed a set of pre-
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conditions; one of them was the setting up of a judicial commission to
inquire into the pogrom.
Thus was born the Ranganath Misra Commission of Inquiry, which
took on the job of crafting a report that would suggest extra-terrestrials were
to be blamed for whatever had happened. Worse, submissions and affidavits
were passed on to those accused of leading the mobs; some of these
documents were later recovered from the house of Sajjan Kumar. Gag
orders were issued, preventing the Press from reporting in-camera
proceedings of the Commission.
For full six months, Rajiv Gandhi refused to make public the
Ranganath Misra Commission's report. When it was tabled in Parliament,
the report was found to be an amazing travesty of the truth; neither were the
guilty men of 1984 named, now was responsibility fixed.
Subsequently, nine commissions and committees were set up to get
to the truth, but they were either disbanded midway or not allowed access to
documents and evidence. India had to wait for the report of the Nanavati
Commission for an approximate version of the real story.
Justice Nanavati's report said, “The Commission considers it safe
to record its finding that there is credible evidence against Jagdish Tytler to
the effect that very probably he had a hand in organizing attacks on Sikhs.”
This is not an indictment, Mr Manmohan Singh and his Government
decided, so why bother about it? Four years later they remain unrepentant,
their attitude remains unchanged.
Two thousand seven hundred and thirty-three men, women and children
killed in Delhi, another 2,000 killed elsewhere, scores of women raped,
property worth crores of rupees looted or sacked. Families devastated
forever, survivors scarred for the rest of their lives.
But the Congress doesn't care!
Source: http://www.sandeepweb.com/2009/04/16/revisiting-the-
horrors-of-1984/

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 KANPUR RIOTS
(A FIRST PERSON ACCOUNT)
November 8
A group of artists in Lucknow are taking out a procession of peace
marchers for communal harmony. One of the organisers of the march has
been worrying since yesterday. His anxiety is to ensure that AIR and
Doordarshan give good coverage to the procession. The organisers are
personally very perturbed over the events of the past few days. The first
blood was drawn by Sikhs they say. Who asked them to distribute sweets?
Despite such thoughts, they are marching for peace and communal
harmony.
NOVEMBER 7
Sikhs distributed sweets at Mrs. Gandhi's killing. I have been
hearing such talk and am looking for an eye witness to vouch for such
incidents. I mention this to Kunwar Narayan. He knows somebody who saw
Sikh celebrating and is expected to come to his house today.
Luckily, I do not have to wait long for him. We are introduced. I
start asking him questions. The secret is soon out. He is an eye-witness who
heard the story from his uncle. I met many such eye-witnesses.
This was the rumour that even the most neutral and thinking people
believed. This was the rumour that led the mobs to burn Sikh infants alive.
OCTOBER 31
Prof. Satyamurti was to attend a rehearsal of a play directed by him.
But the news of Mrs. Gandhi's assassination had already come. So, to spare
the actors the inconvenience of coming out he postponed the rehearsal to
November 4. Prof. Satyamurti must have intuitively known about the
violence that followed.
Rakesh Verma, a singing artists, employed in the Life insurance
company (LIC) whose office is on Kanpur's Mall Road told me that at 2.30
p.m. he saw a group of people pounce on a Sikh, about to alight his two-
wheeler. The middle aged Sikh was badly beaten up right under the gaze of
two armed cops. Meanwhile, a police vehicle reached the spot and a gun-
wielding cop ran towards the mob. He rescued the Sikh and sent him home
alongwith an armed policeman.
There were three more Sikhs in the LIC office. Some people
suggested that they cut their hair but somebody requested the police to come
and the three were escorted back home. Perhaps, they survived. By the time

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the offices closed, Mr. Verma saw a mob of 150-200 goodness and political
workers passing through the market, raising slogans.
NOVEMBER 1
The morning air is thick with rumours. Prof. Satyamurti's
colleagues at the college, his driver and a domestic help, all have different
stories to tell. But all the tales focus on how the Sikhs have been murdering
people at various places.
At 10 a.m. I come out to get a packet of cigarettes. There is an eerie
silence as I get out of the house. But soon the Silence is broken. At the street
corner is a group of people, professional hangers-on. The signboard of an
electric goods shop has been smashed but the locks are still intact. On the
platform outside the shop, two cops are relaxing. Bang opposite them is the
shop of a Sikh photographer. The windows and door of that shop have been
smashed.
Just then, a group of young men passes by each of them holding
boxes of new shoes, looted from a shop. The young men are excited about
the loot.
One of the cops outside the electric goods shop gets 'tough' and,
wielding his stick at one guy, tells him to surrender the shoes. The young
man places two pairs before the cop. The cop tries them both but neither fits
his feet. He sends him away, abusing him light-heartedly and yells at
another to show him what he has got.
Of course, these young men and the cops are mourning the death of
Mrs. Gandhi.
I turn to the left of the street. There is no cigarette shop there but
cigarette packets are available at a premium. At double the normal price. I
decide to go to Vijay's house for tea. On the way, I faced another brush with
violence. a bonfire right in the middle of the road. Closely, a mob is trying to
break through an iron gate. Vijay's wife says that a wood godown had been
set afire by the mob. The neighbours doused the fire, not to save the godown
but their own shops. Outsides, I see the mob, which was earlier trying to
break into the godown, move towards the other side and jump inside from a
half broken wall. One man walks out with a saw and wood cutting blade.
Another comes out with a couple of small woodlogs. The logs are too heavy
to carry. So, he drops them, drags them towards his bicycle, ties them up to
the back seat and cycles away with the ease of a shopper.
`The rest of the crowd is busy trying to make sure that nothing
remains unbent in what they have dragged out of the godown to make a bon-
fire in the middle of the road.
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 Barely 150 yards away from the spot is a police post. Not one, but
two. There are several cops there but absolutely relaxed.
Bang opposite the police post is the office of AIR. Reporters inside
are extremely busy, trying to contact the official spokesman about the
situation in the city. Besides, they know their first responsibility. To carry
government announcements in their news bulletins in this hour of national
crisis following Mrs. Gandhi's assassination. The administration does not
need them. Not yet. Not until after the killers have had their fill of violence.
At 2 p.m. I leave Vijay's house and see the fire lit in the morning.
The flames are going higher and higher. The fire died thirty hours lateron at
its own.
Meanwhile, a police vehicle passes by and announces the
imposition of curfew in the city. Nobody takes a second look at a man
walking out of the godown with his loot.
I return home. See another fire. The cops are still relaxing outside
the electric goods shop. The shop is intact but a car belonging to the shop-
owner has been dragged out of the garage and set aflame.
Some others are telling the crowd; tonight we must burn the
photographer's shop.
Doordarshan comers are still focused on Teen Murti House. Delhi
is burning, Kanpur is burning but that is not news for Doordarshan News, as
it sees, is all in Teen Murti house.
The neighbourhood of Prof. Satyamurti's house is full of talk,
venomous talk against the Sikhs. Each one of them is guilty. Each one of
them is happy at the assassination. A boy comes to his house and says he saw
Sikhs distributing sweets. Did you see it? I ask. Everybody has seen it, the
boy answers.
Don't tell me about everybody; tell me, If you have seen it, I persist.
No, but a man I know told me so, replies the boy.
At night I go to the terrace. The whole city seems aflame. I can
barely see the sky.
NOVEMBER 2
The street is noisy early morning. I arm on the terrace. The same
young men, who were agitated about Sikhs celebrating the killing of Mrs.
Gandhi the previous day, are playing cricket. The sun is getting high. There
is curfew in the city and there are reports of the army having come to control
the situation.
The violence continues despite the army. People are standing in
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groups everywhere. The photographer's shop is being looted merrily. A
policeman on the scene is telling the crowd not to indulge in violence.
You return us our Indira Gandhi, we will stop looting the shop,
comes a voice from the crowd. The cop is silenced by the reply and goes
back to where he was sitting. After a while, the crowd of young men leaves
the place, wailing with joy, some mourning this.
Vegetables are beautifully arranged in a basket by a seller. One guy
has opened his shop just enough for cigarettes and tobacco to change hands
with those desperate for them. He is still giving Mainpuri Tobacco at the
regular price, one rupee, that is. Down the road in a square, parts of a nearby
building set aflame are burning. The building's ground floor had a sweets
shop belonging to a Sikh. The shop is suitably emptied before being burnt
down. The crowd is mourning Mrs. Gandhi's killing.
Further on, there is a bigger and more festive crowd on the wide
road.
Full of people, the door of the liquor shop has been smashed and
bottles are now available outside the shop. Beer or Rum, all for a flxed price
of eight rupees each. You can even drink standing right there. Nobody will
check you.
Suddenly, there is a commotion in the crowd which has been
diligently stoning a house. We all step back. But this is the softest part of the
violence.
I should have not have built such a long story around what I wanted
to say. Perhaps, what I want to describe is beyond the boundaries of
language, any language. Let me say it straight and simple. Have you ever
seen a man burning alive?
The Sikh has been battered. He looks like moving pulp lying on the
ground, soaked in blood. He is not crying. He is not writhing. Just his hands
are trying to hold on to the something in the air. The crowd moves back,
yelling with joy. It leaves him alone for a while. Two young men have
balloons filled with petrol. They throw the balloons on another Sikh. The
balloons burst after hitting the Sikh's head. Then, the crowd throws a match.
The man slips as he tries to run, the road having turned into thin ice under his
feet. Now he is burning alive.
In Kanpur, this skilled, fool-proof way of burning Sikhs was
uniformly employed.
In the evening, journalists from a local newspaper come. They are
very upset with the Sikh community. They have brought a true story. The
Sikh who was burnt had shot at the crowd from the terrace of his house. He
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was at fault. The crowd which converged on his house to loot and burn was
right.
In the street of mourners, a voice from the group playing cricket,
yells, switch on the TV.
I hear that the mob put a burning chemical in the rectum of
buffaloes belonging to a Sikh milk-seller. He lived a street behind us. Isn't
there a limit to mourning!
Another incident. There was shooting from inside a Gurudwara.
So, it was burnt. But, what was crowd doing outside the Gurudwara?
The night is even more horrific. A group of the army walked
through the street. It showed its presence for six minutes. There is total
silence in the street. It will stay silent for the next six hours. At this hour,
people have even stopped peeping from their windows and balconies.
Until late in the night I get no sleep. When it comes, it brings along
horrible images. Past midnight, I hear a cry. The cry becomes louder. Lots of
people are gathered. They are appealing to us to stay awake. Jagte raho,
jagte raho.
This is a strange cry over the loud-speaker. Sikhs are being
murdered all around. To be a Sikh and out on the street is an invitation to
death. And here is a public announcement system blaring messages. Sikhs
have attacked the Kaka Dev Bus Stop. Everybody, reach Gita Nagar.
Another voice heard from Gita Nagar, again over the mike. I cannot contact
Sapera; you tell me what to do. The Kaka Dev voice, tell everybody to go to
their terraces with stones and bricks.
The best part of these midnight announcements is that a police
patrol vehicle is right in Kaka Dev, also listening to them. Of course, the
administration had no clue to the horrific happenings. The District
Magistrate of Kanpur, Brijendra Yadav, mute witness to the killings and
arson, is the same man under whose administration in Muradabad, terrible
communal riots had taken place.
Ganesh Shankar Vidyarthi's grand-children try to contact the police
all day on November 2, but nobody picks up the phone.
NOVEMBER 3
The air has changed somewhat. The police and army have marched
through the city.
The mourners want to have their fill of cricket until the next march.
A catch brings loud cheer from the crowd. Today is the fourth day they are
mourning Mrs. Gandhi's killing.

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 The killing and arson have stopped and the police has been raiding
some houses to recover the loot.
The woman who washes dishes at Prof. Satyamurti's house has
come.
She is very agitated. Kare koi, bhare koi. Police sub ko pareshan
kare hai (somebody commits a crime and somebody else has to pay for it;
the police are harassing us all) are you tell me, if you do not have enough
food in your house, how can you wear shoes that cost 200 rupees? There is
no electric connection in the house and they have a TV and fridge already,
she is talking about her neighbours.
This is another unwritten rule in our country. A man cannot wear
good shoes until he has good clothes and a good house.
The cops will come and take away the fringe and TV that her
neighbours have got.
Those who have got the TV and fringe are selling both for 500
rupees each, she informs us.
Sitting indoors, I am bored. Prof. Satyamurti and I decide to go out.
His wife tells him not to but he doesn't listen to her.
The news we get today is interesting. A sackful of liquor bottles
sold for just a hundred rupees but, even more interesting is the news that the
policemen who had gone with food packets for three rupees each to the
Cantonment relief camp came back with the packets.
The reason?
The people in the camp did not have any money to buy food with.
According to official estimates, 50 Sikhs were killed in the violence
and goods and property worth 50 lakh rupees looted. Another estimate puts
the monetary loss at four crore rupees.
At a deserted spot behind a wall, a group of people were trying to
bury some 'shining' thing.
A group of under-nutritioned men in khaki, the Home Guard men,
are passing that way. Their heads are bent. They can see nothing, not us, not
the crowd that is burying 'something'.
http://www.allaboutsikhs.com/delhi-riots/government-organised-
carnage-kanpur-riots

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 Chapter- 14
Genocide in Indore;

We tried our best to collect information on killings of Sikhs in

Indore and loss of their property but despite our best efforts, we couldn't
find reports on loss of life or property as 30 years are gone till date. Only
report of major loss we got was burning of wada of Holkars, how it burnt
and gutted in ashes is not known but ………..

The Rajbada palace was built by Malhar Holkar and completed in

1766. It was burnt down during the 1984 riots and thus converted into a
garden till 2006 when the present Maharani of Indore HH Ushadevi Holkar
decided re-construct the wada to it's past glory. Thus this Rajwada found
back its glory in 2007.
We tried our best to collect information on killings of Sikhs in
Indore and loss of their property but despite our best efforts, we couldn't
find reports on loss of life or property as 30 years are gone till date. Only
report of major loss we got was burning of wada of Holkars, their were
shops of Sikhs at the backside of this historical wada. Aftermath
assassination of Indira Gandhi in 1984, lumpen Hindus of Indoe set these
shops on fire which in no time spread fast quickly and covered whole
building in minutes. The shops of Sikh brothers were gutted down in flmes
and this 200 years old historical building built by Holakars of Maratha
kingdom was also destroyed in fire.
It's to be remembered that in 1761 when Marathas were defeated by
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Abdali in Panipat, they had to run away to save their lives, their women,
daughters, yoths were arrested by Abdali and when he was returning to
Kabul with this large group of slaves numbering 22,000 informed Sikhs in
Malwa region of Punjab. Sikhs attacked this carvan in midnight and rescued
all these girls and youths and returned safely to their hideouts in forests.
Then these girls were sent back to their ancestral villages in Maharahtra
with due respect. Those who lost their family members were married with
Sikh youths and rehabitated in Punjab.
But the Hindus in Maharashtra proved they thankless and attacked
houses and business centers of their saviors. Such an example of their
thanklessness was witnessed in state of Maharashtra in 1984.
Genocide in Calcutta (now Kolkata) west Bengal in 1984;
Gian Singh Kotli is a prominent Punjabi poet, writer and a widely
respceted community activitist. His article about Kolkatta riots is quite
touching and inspiring. Kotli did his M.A. B.Ed., LL.B. from Calcutta
University. He lived and worked in Calcutta for about 35 years. - Editor
The Nanavati Report also says, "Either meetings were held or the
persons who could organize attacks were contacted and were given
instructions to kill Sikhs and loot their houses and shops."
Interestingly enough the attacks organized were simultaneous and
similar in nature in different localities and different cities including
Calcutta, which was deemed relatively a safe place. There were no recorded
immediate deaths in or around Calcutta but the humiliation of Sikhs and the
damage to property was quite distressing. Buses, taxies, trucks and shops
were broken or burnt openly. Helpless Sikhs had to shut themselves inside
their homes, Police Stations or Gurdwaras for three days.
The news of Mrs. Indira Gandhi's assassination by Sikh
bodyguards spread like wild fire in Calcutta in the morning of 31st October
and by 11 AM, Sikhs began coming home anticipating danger. But the high
brains of Police and Intelligence failed miserably to anticipate this and took
no preventive measures. I tried to contact Bhowanipore Police Station in
Calcutta 26, but there was no response for the whole day. The evening
belonged to the hordes of hooligans and a total sense of insecurity prevailed
all around. The hoolgans attacked and damaged whatever and wherever
they could. Not a sigle Sikh was seen on the road. Several places were
vandalised, shops were broken and set on fire.
Sitting in my nearby house I could hear that the gate of my office on
Dr Rajendra Road in Calcutta 20 was being knocked ruthlessly and the
hooligans were singing the national anthem of India “Bande Matrim, Bande

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Matrim” to break it. They also wrote on the wall of my house with black
paint “Sardar Gaddaar Hain” (Sikhs are traitors). I felt extremely
humiliated and emotionally upset. I did no wrong. Why somebody should
attack, insult, call us traitors and write something most abusive on my wall.
I had always been asserting that the Sikhs, though in meagre minority, were
always in the forefront to make more sacrifices than any other majority in
the independene movement of India. Absolute insecurity and humiliation
was piercing my mind and to feel like aliens and slaves in our oun country
was all the more excruciating for me.
That day police was nowhere and the Police telephones were dead.
Late in the evening I came to know that military had been called to control
the situation. Next day on the evening of November 1, some young men
came to me and conveyed the message of a Military officer. I accompanied
them to Dr. Rajendra Road where military personnel were standing near
their truck. A Punjabi officer wished me Sat Sri Akal Ji and said, “Sardar Ji
don't worry now. If any one tried to create mischief, I will roast him with
bullets. We have got the orders.” Later on Sikhs realized that it was due to
CPM government led by Jyoti Basu in West Bengal that the situation was
dealt with sternly otherwise the results would have been worst than Delhi.
For two days we had to stay home. The only contact with the
outside world was through telephone. But the Paarha (locality) youth began
going to Sikh houses to assure them that government has controlled the
situation.” My ex-student Mohan Singh Grewal, the only international Sikh
player of football to play in the most prestigious Mohan Bagan, East Bengal
and Mohammedan Sporting clubs of Calcutta, also came to my house to tell
me not to feel scared of anything. It is interesting to note that such players
are worshiped like gods in football crazy Calcutta.
The sense of insecurity prevailed for several days. My immediate
Gujrati neighbour Mr. Himansu Duve and his wife Meena Kumari advised
me to keep our ornaments and other valuables in their house in case some
fire or attack is there. “We are not afraid of this. That is why we did not move
to any Gurdwara,” said my wife Surinder Kaur. Anyhow, on their much
insistence and surprise I handed over to them a plastic bag containing my
poems, articles and all the academic certificates telling them, “They are
more costly than the gold”.
The main concern of all in Calcutta was to normalize situation and
restore peace in the area. To this effect a meeting of all faiths was held on
November 2 in Northern Park Bhowanipore. Representing Sikh community
I spoke on the basis of a most relevent hymn of Bhagat Jai Dev Ji contained
in Sri Guru Guru Granth Sahib, which says, “If you seek the path of God and
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good character then foresake greed and evil inclinations. Do not cast evil
eyes on women and grab property of others.” It had a very soothing effect on
the listeners as Bhagat Nam Dev Ji belonged to Bengal.
A peace procession by artists, players, doctors, and intellectuals of
all communities was also taken out on November 4 from Desh Priya Park
(Neta Ji Subhas Chandar Park) in South Calcutta to Minto Park in Central
Calcutta. Sisir Kumar Bose nephew of Neta Ji Subhas Chander Bose, Chuni
Goswami former Captain of Indian Football Team and one of the greatest
footballers of Bengal, Ranjit Malik popular Bengali film star, and myself
walked in front of the procession to give it a varied color of peace and unity.
It was a full-fledged sigh of relief for the Sikhs to shed fear and come out to
join this peace march.
The Punjabi daily newspapers Desh Darpan and Navi Parbhat,
which were closed, resumed their publication on 5th November. When I
wrote in Navi Parbhat about the ordeal the Sikhs have to go through, I was
confronted by some volunteers of a political party blaming me for writing
against Congress Party. I made it clear to them that I did not write against
Congress or any person. The translator has done the wrong translation for
you. I have written in my article, “The locks of my shutter were being
smashed and the hooligans were singing the national anthem of Bande
Matram, Bande Matrim. Hearing this I was feeling very much ashamed that
the National Anthem of India was being used to break my locks.”
Deevali, the festival of lights, came. I cleaned and white washed my
entire house leaving the outside space untouched where the stigma “Sikhs
are Traitors” was written. Much to the astonishment of all. I kept this
wondrous 'certificate' intact for three years.
The most memorable and sweet memory in my mind is that of my
friend Mr. O.P. Shah, Editor of The Parlance, Calcutta and the member of
Press Trust of India. He did most commendable and untiring service of
providing food to Sikhs in Gurdwaras and Police Stations. All these days he
was on the road with his team of volunteers. Afterwards he also offered his
services including his Jeep and other resources to highlight the atrocities
committed on Sikhs by visiting Tata Nagar, Durgapur, Bukaro, Kanpore,
Delhi and other cities by holdings press conferences. Press releases of this
program were published in daily Desh Darpan and daily Navi Parbhat
Calcutta. But the number of required volunteers did not come forward
fearing the risk of travel by road. Only O.P. Shah, Bachan Singh Saral
representative of daily Ajit Jalandhar in Calcutta and myself, were left. The
program had to be cancelled at last.
To my extreme surprise a Police officer from Bhowanipore Police
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Station came to my house in 1987 to give me compensation for the 1984
loss. I told him I did not file any complaint or application for compensation
and refused to accept it saying, “Thank God I am safe. I felt extremely
dishonoured and I don't want to take anything in lieu of my honour.”
The attack on Golden Temple Amritsar in June and the organized
attacks on Sikhs in November 1984, demolition of Babri Masjid, Gujrat
riots in which about 2,000 people, mostly Muslims, were killed, are simply
a slur on the fair name of our secular country whose praises we have been
singing, “Mazhabb Naheen Sikhata Aapas Main Vair Rakhna, Hindi Hain
Hamm Watan Hai Hindustan Hamaara. (Religion does not teach enemity.
We are Hindustani and our country is Hindsustan.) It is crystal clear that
some corrupt persons with vested interests are responsible for tarnishing the
fair and secular image of our country. And surprisingly enough the
government has remained quite helpless in taking stern measures against
such elements and bringing them to book.
Every right thinking person, the Sikhs and the victoms of
the 1984 massacre have the right to know who planned "the organised
killing" and who are the guilty?
-Gian Singh Kotli M.A.LL.B. Certified Translator, Society of
Translator & Interpreters of B.C. Canada. Tel/Fax - 604 3216351
Source:
http://www.likhari.org/archive/Likhari%20in%20English/kotli1E_.htm

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 Chapter-15
WHO BETRAYED, WHETHER WE SIKHS
OR INDIRA?

INDIRA GANDHI
Most of the Indians allege that Sikhs betrayed as two Sikh
bodyguards Beant Singh and Satwant Singh assassinated Indira Gandhi
whereas they were deputed in her security? Great surprise —- We Sikhs are
betrayed by Hindus —-they have betrayed by eliminating the mutual trust
of centuries, of the relations, of the brotherhood? We know that Sikhs and
Muslims have enmity, this goes on for centuries, we the Sikhs stopped the
promotion of Islam in India. Muslims killed thousands and millions of
Hindus and Sikhs in this nation to spread Islam by terrorizing the common
people. Many battles are fought in between Sikhs and Muslims——
Almost all the battles are won by Sikhs but even then this nation was ruled
by Muslim rulers. Therefore the list of atrocities on Sikhs is very long but
Hindus were obliged by us as our gurus sacrificed to save their religion and
their identity, their temples, their other places of worship, their pilgrimages.
We were proud of our heritage and culture as we were the saviors of Hindus
— we were your real bodyguards. Our ninth Guru sacrificed his life just for
to save you — the Hindus, you should always be thankful to us but you back
stabbed us instead of being faithful to us.

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 RAJIV GANDHI
The second betrayal was done by the govt of India and it's Prime
minister Rajiv Gandhi —- It was his constitutional responsibility to save it's
citizens but he failed. The boundry of land tried to remove signs of land
itself? What a surprise that who had given the responsibility by President
and constitution of nation to save it's citizens without any discrepancy, he
tried to eliminate a religious group of people by the help of it's all forces i.e.
police, army and para-military force and moves on to eliminate the
disarmed citizens of this nation? What else could be the evidence of
betrayal? Whether we should rely on our Prime minister or President in
future? I don't think so.
Just see yourself how Rajiv Gandhi, general AS Vaidya, PC
Alexender and other advisors of Rajiv Gandhi with the conspiracy of
Narsimha Rao and his ministry of home affairs were all involved in this
genocide of Sikhs? Not only the govt. of India was responsible for this
pogrom but all it's administration was paralyzed and surrendered before
corrupt Rajiv Gandhi. The administration wasted the precious time
deliberately and allowed the situation to be worsened. No attempts were
made to control the situation. The death squads were allowed to roam free
and hunt for Sikhs to kill. They kept on killing the Sikhs hunting them all
around. The administrative officers were in their fast sleep when the Delhi
was burning like Neero was playing his flute when Rome was burning but
here the Delhi was not only burning in flames but was compelled to taste the
tears of blood after centuries had passed. Before this Taimur lang had
massacred it's citizens in 17th century. It (Delhi) could not differentiate in
Taimur Lang and Rajiv Gandhi, both were proved killers of humanity. Their
was blood and blood in every corner of Delhi, the innocents were murdered
brutally and here Rajiv was on mourn on death of his mother. He was not
concerned on death of anybody else or with sorrow of any other family.

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What agony and sorrow was suffered by any other family was not his
concern, he was busy in his own world of joy and sorrow, if he was on mourn
on death of his mother, he was also glad to be the prime minister of India.
The mourn was just a matter of time but his golden future was in front of his
eyes.
On November 19 Rajiv Gandhi rationalized the killings at a huge
public rally in which he made the astonishing statement that when 'a big tree
falls the earth shakes'. Whoever wrote it into his speech did him a disservice
and he himself was not perceptive enough to strike it out. Before the
December 1984 General Elections the massive advertising campaign of the
Congress party brazenly provoked anti Sikh feelings. This unethical, ill
advised and crude campaign was cleared at the highest level. But even if
Rajiv Gandhi was unaware of its thrust, which he could not have been, he
should have stopped it after the first item appeared. He did not. To add to the
disgust and anger ofthe Sikhs and other right thinking people, some of the
Congress leaders who had been named in Who Are the Guilty were not only
given Parliamentary tickets to fight the elections but were made Ministers
in Rajiv Gandhi's Cabinet.
Tarlochan Singh, who was vice-chairman of the National
Commission for Minorities from 2000 to 2003, also claimed that the 2002
riots in Gujarat were “spontaneous” in contrast to the 1984 riots and argued
that the police in Gujarat tried to prevent the rioters resulting in the killing of
137 people in police firing unlike in Delhi where only one person was killed
in police action.
Singh joined the NCM as vice-chairman and then became its
chairman when the NDA was in power. He was elected to the Rajya Sabha
from Haryana in 2004 with BJP and INLD support.
“Indira Gandhi was shot dead in the morning, but the first riots
started in the evening. Gyaniji collected this information himself that a
meeting of Congress leaders — attended by Arun Nehru and Delhi leaders
like H K L Bhagat, Jagdish Tytler and all — took place before Rajiv Gandhi
arrived from Kolkata.
They decided to give a slogan 'khoon ka badla khoon'. The first riot
then took place near INA market,” he told The Indian Express.
“If it was spontaneous, it should have started in the morning itself.
Although it was not officially announced, unofficially everyone knew in
Delhi,” he said. Singh said the President got to know about arson and killing
across Delhi soon after Rajiv Gandhi was sworn in as PM in the evening.
“The President wanted to speak to the PM about the largescale

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arson and violence in Delhi. The PM did not get back to the President. All
night he tried over telephone. Nobody responded. In the morning, he tried to
speak to Home Minister Narasimha Rao. He was told that we are all busy in
making arrangements for the funeral. He was told that the Lt Governor and
the Police Commissioner are taking control. The whole of next day, neither
the PM nor the Home Minister took any interest in defusing the situation or
help the victims,” he alleged. Singh said it was curious that although Army
was available in the cantonment here, forces were called in from Meerut.
“They came by road. They were ordered not toshoot and just to march. The
police in Delhi on the other hand was totally with the rioters and even killed
Sikhs,” he alleged.
In contrast, he said the Gujarat government officially informed a
NCM fact-finding team, which visited Gujarat in March 2002, that 137
people were killed in police firing. “Our impression after going there was
that Godhra incident was highlighted so much by television channels. That
resulted in the spontaneous attack in the Ahmedabad city. It started early
morning,” he said.
The most extraordinary policy decision that seemed to have been
secretly taken by his government was to discourage the judiciary and law
enforcement agencies from identifying and punishing the guilty. Eight
years and four Prime Ministers later, ten persons have been convicted for
the murder of 2,733 people (these are official figures) with the prominent
ones named in Who Are the Guilty deliberately left out. They the
politicians, police officials, administrators and pliant judges have been
rewarded instead.
For a brief and exciting period of his Prime Minister-ship, Rajiv
Gandhi redeemed himself. In a statesmanlike move he signed a historic
Memorandum of Settlement with Harcharan Singh Longowal on July
24,1985. It was a magnificent bid to bring Punjab back from where the
unprincipled politics of the time had taken it.
Patwant Singh Pannu met Rajiv Gandhi two weeks before the
Punjab elections. When Rajni Kothari and hw was called on him at his
office in the South Block of the Secretariat another one of Lutyens's
monumental buildings it was crawling with gun toting security men. The
ante rooms were crowded but we were taken to his secretary's room next to
his own and were shown in within a few minutes. He looked fit and at ease
but soon went over the top when we brought up the subject of the guilty men
of 1984. Two of them, known to have led the mobs during the massacres,
had recently been shot dead by Sikh militants, and with this on his mind
Rajiv Gandhi turned on Kothari and said angrily:
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 I will hold you responsible if any more killings of this kind take
place.' (Rajni Kothari as the President of the People's Union of Civil
Liberties had jointly published Who Are the Guilty, which had named the
two who had been killed in retribution.
“If the Sikhs are still in India, Mr Gandhi,' I intervened, 'it is
because of men like Rajni Kothari and others who showed impartiality and
integrity during those days of November.' I also said that it would be a good
principle to hold the killers and the colluders responsible for the crimes and
not those trying to expose them."
(Of Dreams and Demons – A Memoir of Modern India By Patwant
Singh, 1995)
In the environment that evolved the entire community of Sikhs
were held responsible for the murder of Indira Gandhi. By the evening of 31
October, the violence started. As Ramachandra Guha writes in India After
Gandhi – The History of World's Largest Democracy:
“Everywhere it was Sikhs and Sikhs alone who were the target…In
Delhi alone more than a thousand Sikhs perished in the violence…They
were murdered by a variety of methods, and often in front of their own
mothers and wives. Bonfires were made of the bodies; in one case, a little
child was burnt with his father, the perpetrator saying, 'Ye saap ka bachcha
hai, isse bhi khatam karo'(This offspring of a snake must be finished too).”
And this was not a spontaneous outflow of grief as it would be made
out to be. It was mob-violence that was directed at the Sikh community in a
cold and calculated way. “The mobs were composed of Hindus who lived in
and around Delhi…Often they were led and directed by Congress
politicians: metropolitan councilars, members of Parliament, even Union
ministers. The Congress leaders promised money and liquor to those
willing to do the job; this in addition to whatever goods they could loot. The
police looked on, or actively aided the looting and murder.”
And while Delhi burnt on those first few days of November 1984,
Rajiv Gandhi and his ministers, sat on their bums watching the whole show
unfold. Senior leaders approached the government to call out the army on
the streets. But nothing happened. Singh writes as, “But the new Prime
Minister did nothing. Not even, when senior political leaders like
Chandrashekar and (Mahatma) Gandhiji's grandson, Rajmohan Gandhi,
went to the home minister (P V Narsimha Rao) personally to urge him to
call out the army for help was anything done in those first three days of
November to stop the violence.”
This is something that Guha also writes in India after Gandhi.

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“There is a large cantonment in Delhi itself, and several infantry divisions
within a radius of fifty miles of the capital. The army was put on standby,
despite repeated appeals to the prime minister and his home minster PV
Narsimha Rao, they were not asked to move into action. A show of military
strength in the city on the 1st and 2nd would have quelled the riots yet the
order never came. “Doordarshan, the only television channel in the country
at that point of time, added fuel to fire by constantly showing crowds,
baying for the blood of the Sikhs.”
Rajiv Gandhi like his mother was assassinated seven years later in
1991. Since then the Congress party has moved on and is now in the hands
of his widow Sonia and their son Rahul. In December 2007, Sonia Gandhi,
called Narendra Modi, the Chief Minister of Gujarat 'maut ka saudagar'.
The irony behind Sonia's statement was that the Congress party had
many maut ke saudagars who had gone unpunished for instigating the riots
of 1984. It was a situation of the pot calling the kettle black. But that doesn't
mean that nothing happened in Gujarat.
"Kriya pratikriya ki chain chal rahi hai. Hum chahte hain ki na kriya
ho aur na pratikriya…Godhra main jo arson hua, jahan par chalees
mahilaon aur bacchon ko zinda jala diya, issey desh main aur videsh main
sadma pahunchna swabhavik tha. Godhra ke is ilake ke logon ki criminal
tendencies rahi hain. In logon ne pehle mahila tachers ka khoon kiya. Aur ab
yeh jaghanya apraadh kiya hai jiski pratikriya ho rahi hai."
(A chain of action and reaction is being witnessed now. Day before
yesterday in Godhra, the incident in which forty women and children were
burnt alive had to naturally evoke a shocking response in the country and
abroad. The people in this locality of Godhra have had criminal tendencies.
They first killed the women teachers and now this horrifying crime the
reaction to which is being witnessed.)
Guha finds main similarities between the two pogroms, the one
against the Sikhs of Delhi in 1984, and the one against the Muslims of
Gujarat in 2002. Both the cases started with stray acts of violence for which
a generalised revenge was taken. “The Sikhs who were butchered were in
no way connected to the Sikhs who killed Mrs Gandhi. The Muslims who
were killed by the Hindu mobs were completely innocent of the Godhra
crime,” writes Guha.
In both the cases there was a clear breakdown of law and order.
More than that graceless statements justifying the riots, were made, one by a
serving Prime Minister and another by a serving Chief Minister. And in both
the cases, serving ministers, aided the rioters.

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 But it's the final similarity between the two different sets of events
that is the most telling, feels Guha. “Both parties, and leaders, reaped
electoral rewards from the violence that they had legitimized and overseen.
Rajiv Gandhi's party won the 1984 general election by a large margin, and in
December 2002, Narendra Modi was re-elected as the chief minister of
Gujarat after his party won a two-thirds majority in the assembly polls,”
Guha points out. Modi, the first RSS pracharak to become a chief minister,
has won two more polls since then.
To conclude, if justice had been quickly delivered in the 1984 anti-
Sikh riots and the Congress leaders who instigated the violence had been
jailed, chances are the 1993 Mumbai riots and 2002 Gujarat riots would
never have happened. And if they had, they would have happened on a much
smaller scale. The original maut ke saudagars of 1984 set the tone for much
of what followed.
The involvement of the right-wing and fundamentalist Hindu
element in the critical and crucial decision-making processes of the
government suggests a concerted agenda to attack the very core of the Sikh
community and to eradicate its separate identity and philosophy, thus
causing an absorption of it back into the dark recesses of Hinduism -exactly
the way Buddhism, Jainism, and to a certain extent, Zorastrianism, had
already fared under Hindu hegemony. What role had the Indian State
played, and continued to play, in these nefarious matters.

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 Zia-Ul-Haq
If the mutual trust of centuries between two peace loving
communities (Hindus and Sikhs) was on abolish, and giving end the myth
...Hindu-Sikhs are brothers and they commonly share brotherhood by
marrying their daughters, sharing food and enjoying their festivals in
common. Rajiv Gandhi—the Indian Prime Minister tried to kill this
brotherhood. On the contrary, there was a wise person on the other side of
border who tried his best to end the enmity of centuries in between Sikhs
and Muslims and he used every tactic to end it.
Both got success in their efforts. The Rajiv Gandhi had sown the
seeds of enmity, divided communities and stabbed the mutual trust, now
Sikhs do not trust the Hindu community blindly whereas Zia Ul Haq made
all efforts to grow trust, bring close both the communities (Muslims and
Sikhs). Sikhs are now aware that a Hindu never fights in front but master in
stabbing at back whereas the Muslim is brave and he fights as brave heart
person, face to face like a real warrior but never back stab like Hindu
community did in 1984.
Rajiv Gandhi can be called a failure as he did his best to end the
brotherhood of Hindus and Sikhs but Zia-Ul-Haq should be given credit to
bring both these warrior communities, having enmity of centuries closer to
each other and to be friends. I bow my head before this wise person. He shall
be remembered in history but the same history shall remember Rajiv
Gandhi, Indira Gandhi and Congress party as enemies of Sikh nation,
enemy of humanity.
In the end, I would love to give introduction and some information
of two Sikh martyrs who kissed the rope before execution like Bhagat

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Singh, Rajguru and Sukhdev. Before this on hearing the verdict of
execution, they distributed sweet (Barfi). These two brave youths avenged
the attack on Golden temple in Operation Blue star and atrocities by Indian
army by killing the former Lt. General Aru Sridhar Vaidya who was
commanding in chief of Indian army and supervised the invasion. These
two braves also shot dead Lalit Makan, Arjun Das and Dharamdas shastri
for thei alleged role in killing of innocent Sikhs in November 1984. Both of
them were hanged on 9th Oct. 1992 soon after Shankar Dayal Sharma was
sworn in President of India. It is always to keep in mind that these two
braves were hanged to appease the President as his daughter and son-in-law,
Lalit Makan were gunned down in his house at Rajauri Garden, west Delhi
for his alleged role in Sikh genocide 1984.

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 Chapter-16

Bhai Harjinder Singh Jinda and Sukhdev Singh Sukha.

They wrote a letter to President giving account of atrocities by
police and army and justified their reason to raise weapon as the Sikhs could
never get justice in India and they were compelled to take the law in their
hand too punish the guilty responsible for killings of innocents.
We, hereby salute their valor and high spirit which they stood guard

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and followed the true path of martyrdom for the sake of religion and to get
avenge from the tyrants. The guru has directed to Sikhs when all the methods
to get justice fails then its advisable to raise the weapon and punish the guilty.
They walked on the right path and sacrificed their lives for our to-day.
The founder of Sikh religion, the first guru—Guru Nanak Dev
ji said….TRUTH IS HIGHER BUT HIGHER STILL IS TRUTHFUL
LIVING.
And the duo set an example of truthfulness in their life noy only by
punishing the culprits but also by proving in Court the distinct identity and
importance of Sikh tenets, its distinct identity in life of a Sikhs. The fearless
fighters sacrificed but not pleaded mercy from Indian govt. but instead
wrote a letter to president. The copy of letter is attached in the end of book.
Harjinder Singh Jinda
Harjinder Singh Jinda was a member of a Sikh organization
Khalistan Commando Forced one of the two assassins of Arun Vaidya. He
was responsible for three high-profile killings; Arjan Dass, Lalit Maken and
Gen. Vaidya. He was born in 1961 at Amritsar and was martyred on 9th
October 1992 at Pune.
'......................punished former Chief of army staff General Arun
Sridhar vaidya responsible for invasion on Golden temple by Indian army
and was shot dead at Pune.
When the Singhs were being hunted down and killed, one of the
Sikhs' most bitter enemies, Kazi Noor Mohammed was forced to write in his
memoirs,
"Do not call the Sikhs 'dogs'. They are in fact lions: in the battle-
field they are courageous like bold lions. How could a warrior, who joins the
battle roaring like a lion, be compared with a dog? If you wish to be
proficient in learning their manner of fighting it is such that one and all
praise them for it. O swordsman! if you wish to learn the art of war, learn it
from them, as they face the enemy like heroes and also get out of the scene
of action safely."
In a repeat of history, the Delhi Police Commissioner, Ved Marwah
in his memoirs wrote the following about Bhai Harjinder Singh Jinda and
his committment to Khalistan :
"Jinda Was No Ordinary Man"

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Ved Marwah Uncivil Wars: Pathology of Terrorism In India p. 16
"Harcharan Singh (sic) alias Jinda who was convicted and later
hanged for the murder of the former Army Chief, General A.S. Vaidya was
no ordinary man. He was arrested twice by the Delhi Police during my
tenure as Commissioner of Police, Delhi. This self-confessed killer was not
just a ruthless killer. He had another side to his personality: he could be
charming and humorous even when injured and battling for his life. When I
met him after his arrest by the Delhi Police he seemed anything but a
psychopath. He had psychological traits which made him an extraordinary
person, but these did not make him mentally unsound."
First Arrest
"Jinda was first arrested by the Delhi police in 1985, more by
chance than owing to any previous knowledge that he was an active
terrorist. A spate of bank robberies had taken place in Delhi and the Delhi
Police was under criticism for its inability to stop them. I was daily being
taken to task by the Union Home Minister and the media. Till Jinda's arrest
there was no evidence about any possible link between these bank robberies
and terrorism in Punjab. Jinda fell into the police net on the basis of a low-
grade information about the theft of a car. Only on the day after his arrest
when during interrogation, Jinda started speaking about Pakistani plans for
shootouts at public places and killings of Hindus to create Hindu-Sikh riots,
that that the police realized that they had a big catch in their hands. The
acting Additional Commissioner of Police Crime, RK Sharma rang me up in
my house on a Sunday morning to inform me about his arrest."
Interrogation
"I decided to go to the Crime Branch Interrogation Centre to talk to
this very ordinary looking man for over one hour and was fascinated by not
only what he told me but the way he narrated his story. He had no fear and no
remorse. He rather enjoyed talking about his many escapades in which the
police, like in the Bombay films, did not come out very well. Here a young
man from Amritsar had actually succeeded in getting the better of the entire
Delhi Police force and that was something which gave him tremendous
satisfaction. He underplayed his role as a terrorist in the cause of achieving
Khalistan, perhaps intentionally but had no hesitation in boasting about his
daring bank robberies in broad daylight in the heart of Delhi. He insisted on
calling Delhi 'Rajdhani' and obviously derived immense satisfaction from
taking on the police in Delhi. Even at that stage though we did not know
much about his terrorist antecedents, he talked in terms of 'them' and 'us'. It

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struck me even then that he was more forthcoming and almost friendly with
me, because here he was talking to a head of the Delhi Police on an equal
footing. He had no hesitation in telling me about his unhappy childhood and
his petty crimes in Amritsar."
"He was later transferred to Gujarat from where he escaped while
being escorted from the jail to the trail court. After his escape he started
committing even more daring acts of terrorism. He became a feared terrorist
and was well-known both in Delhi and Punjab. We learnt about his
involvement in the killing of Lalit Makan the Congress MP and Arjun Dass,
a close Sanjay Gandhi associate."
Second Meeting
"He was arrested for the second time by the Delhi Police in August
1987, in an encounter in the Civil Lines area in which he was seriously
injured. He was taken to the Civil Lines Police Station before the arrival of
an ambulance. This time there was no doubt that the Delhi Police had scored
a major success. His capture was the result of close cooperation between the
Delhi Police and the Intelligence Bureau. I learnt about the encounter on my
wireless set and rushed to the Police Station within a few minutes. Jinda was
being moved into the ambulance on a stretcher when he saw me. He
immediately recognized me and greeted me with a big smile. He must have
been in terrible agony, but that did not stop him from joking. 'Mubaraq ho.
Ab to app ko bahut bari taraqui milegi. Delhi Police ne mujhe pakar liya hai'
(Congratulations. Now you will get a promotion-Delhi Police has been able
to arrest me). Here was a man almost on his deathbed and yet he had the
audacity to poke fun and laugh. I could see that he was enjoying the thought
of not only making the supreme sacrifice for the cause in which he believed,
but of being able to be one up on the Commissioner of the Delhi Police."
"He was taken to the Army Hospital in the cantonment, because of
security considerations, and miraculously, he responded to the treatment
after a successful operation. I went to see him along with DCP Crime, this
time not to interrogate him but to see someone who had earned my respect. I
must confess that then my feelings for this man were not that of professional
police officer for an outlaw but were mixed with some warmth and
admiration.
Ideology
It is important at this point to say something about our system. Here
was a known killer of the former Army Chief being treated by the army
doctors, who performed nothing short of a miracle in saving his life. When I
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entered his room he was lying on the bed as the lower portion of his body
was completely paralysed. The doctors could not say at that time whether he
would ever be able to use his legs again. On seeing me he again greeted
warmly and apologized for not being able to get up. He thanked me for
coming to see him. He behaved as if he was talking to an old friend. He was
in a talkative mood and this time told me all about the terrorist movement in
Punjab and their ultimate goal of Khalistan with Pakistani help. He bragged
about his escape from Ahmedabad and had absolutely no fear of death. He
was certain that his end was not too far off and tauntingly told me that this
time the Delhi Police would not make the mistake of handing him over to
the Gujarat Police. When I told him that we would not hand him over to the
Punjab Police as he suspected but to the Maharashtra Police to face a trial,
he could not believe it. We later did hand him over to the Maharashtra
Police. He was tried in the Pune Jail for a protracted trial and later hanged."
"Terrorism gave Jinda a cause to live for. There was no of diverting
him from the path which he had chosen for himself. He justified the most
heinous of his crimes in the name of the 'Panth'. It is the combination of
political factors and such traits in their personality that attracts people like
Jinda to the terrorist movement. The sole aim of his life became commission
of terrorist acts, which he firmly believed would in the end succeed in
achieving their goal of 'Khalistan'. There is no scope for any negotiations
with such men. But such personality traits are seen only among the hard-
core terrorists. There are of course other types of person among terrorist
their supporter and sympathisers who are more amenable to negotiations
and compromise."
(Extract from Ved Marwah Uncivil Wars: Pathology of Terrorism In
India)

Sukhdev Singh Sukha

Sukhdev Singh Sukha was a member of the militant organization
Khalistan Commando Force and one of the assassins of Arun Vaidya, the
Chief of Indian army at the time of Operation Blue Star and also the
architect of Operation Blue Star. He was born in 1962 at Sri Ganganagar,
Rajsthan and martyred with Harjinder singh jinda on 9th October 1992.
He joined with his friend Bhai Baljinder Singh Raju to avenge the
disrespect of the Sikhs. He then met with Bhai Harjinder Singh. All three
had faith in Bani and Sikhi. Bhai Sukhdev Singh's mother was so filled with

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love for the Panth, that she did Ardas that Bhai Sukhdev Singh and Bhai
Harjinder Singh may achieve their mission. She gave her sons over to the
Guru.
Bhai Harjinder Singh and Bhai Sukhdev Singh made Delhi the
centre of their activities. Delhi was where the 1984 pogroms had taken
place. The government began to broadcast the pictures of these Singhs on
TV and the killers who had taken part in the November massacre were
afraid to leave their houses.
Bhai Sukhdev Singh and Bhai Harjinder Singh then decided to
punish the general who had planned the 1984 Darbar Sahib attack: General
Arun. S. Vaidya After retiring from the army, Vaidya had moved to Poona.
Bhai Harjinder Singh and Bhai Sukhdev Singh had reunited in Punjab and
went to Poona together. They arrived on August 17, 1986. They went to the
house that Vaidya was living at, to find he had moved. They asked the
servant in the house where Vaidya had moved to but he wasn't clear and they
had trouble understanding his language. They went in the general direction
and a couple days later saw Vaidya's guard outside the house. They began to
make regular rounds to find when Vaidya would come out.
On August 19, 1986 at around 11am, they saw Vaidya's wife come
out with an umbrella and the General followed. Vaidya himself was driving
the car. He went to the Sabzil Mandi bazaar and bought sabji.. Bhai
Harjinder Singh and Bhai Sukhdev Singh were on a motorcycle following
them. When Vaidya was returning to his car, Bhai Harjinder Singh pulled
the motorcycle beside the car and Bhai Sukhdev Singh began to shoot.
Vaidya's died on the spot.
The Singhs shouted jaikaaray and made their getaway. The Singhs
had also wanted to kill Gen. Dayal, another officer responsible for the
attack, but decided now was not the time. They returned to the house they
had rented, changed clothes and took a bus to Bombay. From there, they
went to Durg and then Calcutta by train.
On September 17, 1986, Bhai Sukhdev Singh returned to Poona to
get their weapons that were left there. He along with another Singh got into
an accident with a truck and were arrested. They were tortured for five
months and then for a year and a half were kept in leg irons.
A year later, Bhai Harjinder Singh and Bhai Satnam Singh Bawa
were arrested from Delhi at Gurdwara Majnoo Daa Tilla. Bhai Harjinder
Singh was shot in the legs so he couldn't walk. They tried to cut his leg off as
well but a Bengali doctor refused to allow this. Bhai Harjinder Singh was

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tortured for 4 months and then taken to Poona. Bhai Bawa was given to the
Punjab police who then killed him.
In Poona, Bhai Sukhdev Singh and the other Singhs had finished
doing Ardas after Rehras Sahib, and then shouted Jaikaaray. Bhai Harjinder
Singh was in a nearby cell and also shouted jaikaaray. Bhai Harjinder Singh
had recognized Bhai Sukhdev Singh's voice. Finally the two had been
reunited. They stayed together from there on in, and will also be
remembered in history together as Sukha and Jinda.
The Indian Government executed Bhai Harjinder Singh Jinda and
Bhai Sukhdev Singh Sukha on October 9, 1992 in Pune.
They were responsible for punishing Gen. Vaidya the architect of
the 1984 attack on Sri Darbar Sahib. They had tracked him down and shot
him dead and in the process, restored the honor and dignity of the Sikh
people.
Both of these martyrs Bhai Sukhdev Singh Sukha and Bhai
Harjinder Singh Jinda wrote a letter to then President of India Shankar
Dayal Sharma in a fearless manner, giving a truthful account of their deeds
and duties as being a Khalsa to Sikh nation. Kindly view this letter:
Letter of Bhai Sukhdev Singh Sukha and Harjinder Singh Jinda To
the President Of India
The hearing began in the case of General Vaidiya's murder. On Aug.
10th, 1985, Harjinder Singh "Jinda" and Sukhdev Singh "Sukha", gunned
down General Vadiaya after his retirement from the Indian army. General
Vadiya was the Chief of the Indian Army who ordered the attack on the
holiest of the holy shrines at Amritsar and elsewhere in Punjab during 1984
operations. On Oct. 9, 1992, Sukhdev Singh "Sukha" and Harjinder Singh
"Jinda" were hanged until death in Puna Jail.

Copy of the said letter;

"EK ONKAR" "Rastrapati Ji",
Kindly accept Sat Sri Akal (Salute to the Revered Timeless) by the
two Singhs (Sikhs) on their way to martyrdom.
Theoretically, it is appropriate to clarify that our Rastrya (nation) is
the Khalsa Panth absorbed into the Guru Granth Sahib. We took the first
vital steps towards the destination of Khalistan by touching our foreheads
with the footdust of this nation. The elimination of Mr. Vaidya, the General

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of your forces engaged in destroying the Khalsa Panth and its power, was a
holy act on our difficult path of martyrdom. It has once again brought the
historical truth to light the urge of the Khalsa Panth to breathe in freedom, its
self respect and honor cannot be finished.
We wish to clarify that we are not addressing these words to you as
an individual but as the head of a State that is communal and Brahmanical.
Whosoever occupies, occupied, or will occupy this throne of falsehood,
will be to us a symbol of oppression and cruelty. We have not forgotten that
when the "wedding party of sin" (the Indian Armed Forces) was invading
our Temple of God, a heathen in the garb of a Sikh, was sitting in your place
(Zail Singh). The Panth will "Settle its accounts" with him, when Sikh
history imparts its justice.
By invading the Golden Temple, your army tried to rob a nation of
saint-soldiers, living in its divine simplicity, of its joy. It gave us a feeling
once as if you succeeded in driving us to a point of utter frustration. But by
performing our historic task we have reminded you that our heroes like
Sukha Singh, Mehtab Singh, Udham Singh are shadowing your tyrants like
Wazida, Lakhpat, Rebeiro, Dawyer.
We accept with great joy the penalty of death pronounced by your
court of law alienated from the divine blessings and fallen to the
Brahmanical reflexes, for whatever we undertook in accordance with the
vision of the Khalsa. By touching the sharp edge of death we are moving
towards fullness. Without martyrdom the magnificent fair of life cannot
come into full swing.
The thought of Brahmanical reflexes had in fact started attacking
the consciousness of the Sikh Gurus ever since its emergence, but on 15th
August after assuming imperial authority, the Brahmanical thought took
still nastier forms. In the last few decades, your parliament, courts,
educational institutions and media have tried to humble the consciousness
of the Khalsa through the subtler force of majoritarianism and material
monopoly.
We are not hesitant to say that conspiracies have been hatched and
very subtle arrangements have been made at the psychological level to
destroy the great institutions, traditions, originality and unique sovereignty
of the Khalsa Panth. The destruction of the Akal Takhat by sending in lakhs
of soldiers was part of this larger conspiracy. In this situation, it hardly
needs saying, how justified it was to eliminate the military general Vaidya
who was not only a part of this conspiracy but also responsible for its

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planning and implementation. By completing this holy and historic task, we
have unburdened our conscious and proved that the real force of the Khalsa
Panth is and will remain free from the Brahmanical reflexes in all ages. By
cautioning the Khalsa Panth of these strategies we have won the love of
Guru Gobind Singh.
The thought of Brahmanical reflexes had in fact started attacking
the consciousness of the Sikh Gurus ever since its emergence, but on 15th
August after assuming imperial authority, the Brahmanical thought took
still nastier forms. In the last few decades, your parliament, courts,
educational institutions and media have tried to humble the consciousness
of the Khalsa through the subtler force of majoritarianism and material
monopoly.
When nations wake up, even history begins to shiver. During such
momentous movement a Banda Bahadur bids farewell to his peace-
dwelling and destroys a state of oppression like Sirhind, a Che Guevera
turns down a ministership of Cuba, loads a gun on his breast and entrenches
against the enemies in the forest of Bolivia, a Nelson Mandela rejects the
ideology of apartheid and prefers to spend his life in a dark prison cell.
...And we have the privilege of being in the loving care and
companionship of that unique general of the Panth Sant Jarnail Singh
Bhindranwale, blessed by the valiant and transcendental visionary Guru
Gobind Singh. We are tiny particles of dust of the numberless heroic jewels
of the Sikh nation who walked on the sharp edge of the Dagger, the Khanda,
given to us by Guru Gobind Singh. Only the chosen few get the honor of
laying down their lives for the nation. We are proud of this honor.
In no way is it just to accuse us of an unheroic act in attacking an
unarmed man. We wish to remind you that by misusing your vast resources
you have tried your utmost to humiliate us as a nation. In every field you
have tried to make us helpless. You are empowered with your massive
armed force and equipped with the most advanced military arsenal of our
times. You have made us inadequate to fight you in the open battlefield. In
the present situation there is no other alternative with us except to use the
kind of method that we employed on General Vaidya to punish the tyrants
for their evil deeds. When you are already waging an undeclared war on our
nation, guerilla attacks are not our pleasure but an historical compulsion.
Please do not forget this fact of history that during the 18th century when
robbers like Abdalis and Nadarshah were driving your daughters to Kabul
like enroped flocks of animals, our brave Sikh brethren from their jungle

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and desert hideouts fiercely attacked the robbers. Even the frightened
enemies had to praise our courage. We are fired with a generous humanism.
Our grip extends to the entire life with its beat and vibration.
In the last one decade there have been very few "actual" encounters
between our soldiers and your forces. But wherever those have occurred,
the evidence in them of our valor and radiant heroism, we are sure, is
preserved in your confidential files. A fragment of that fact once in a while
slips through your newspapers as well. Our Khalsa vigor is an aspect of our
spiritual heritage. In such moments of fight, spirituality radiates through the
flasher of our swords.
Oh. President representing Brahmanism Hear the words of Kazi
Noor Mohammad, an eye witness during the seventh invasion (1764 AD) of
Ahmad Shah Abdali: "It looks as if guns were invented by these Sikhs and
not by Likman. Although many possess guns yet none understands them
more than the Sikhs. My observation will be confirmed by the 30 thousand
brave soldiers who fought against them."
When we attacked General Vaidya, apart from his own arms, he had
with him a well equipped body guard. Our attack was part of the same
battlefield strategy that was once used by our hero-martyrs Madan Lal
Dhingra, Bhagat Singh, Kartar Singh Sarabha, and even today it is used by
revolutionaries the world over, and considered right.
Through you we also wish to transmit this message that we harbor
no enmity towards the great people and land of India. We are not touched
even a bit by hatred for the people of India. Not only to embrace our people,
we are restless to embrace the whole of the earth and the sky. We
intoxicatedly remember the entire cosmos and worship the life that vibrates
in it.
The Khalsa is inseparably and lovingly related to the people of
India: the millions of Dalits, the workers who earn their living through
honest labor, the Muslims and other minorities, and all those homeless and
destitute who have remained oppressed and exploited by Brahmanism for
centuries. They are all our kith and kin. Our Master Rider of the blue horse
(Guru Gobind Singh) recognized them much earlier. All those termed by the
proud Brahmin the lowly, scavengers, shoemakers, mean-professioned,
became the beloved sons of our Tenth Father. They rose to Generalships in
the army of the Khalsa. Thrones and honors kissed them. Without
fantasizing, we are declaring in the midst of history that our gurus loved the
meta-poetry (bani) of those divine souls drenched with a passion for the

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Dalit brotherhood. The gurus bestowed the highest honors on them and
included their (bani) along with their own in the Guru Granth Sahib. The
spirit of the Dalits and their pain are aspects of our own anguish. We are
touched by the warmth of their door. There is hardly any Agro Industry in
the Punjab. Heavy industry is totally non-existent. We want to keep our
capital safe for our development, but you are exploiting us as if we are your
colony.
You have not spared an effort to hurt our culture. By damaging our
heritage you want to keep us in a miserable psychological state so that we
may feel embarrassed over our language, culture and proud history. Your
strategy is to destroy us from "within" and reduce us to your slaves so that
you may keep on sucking our blood without any protests.
You want us to adopt your rootless culture of razzle dazzle as our
way of life. You want to uproot our culture and take away our source of life.
You think our history is not worthy of any significance.
But now we keep track of your every step. Still a vital blood flows
in our veins. We will structure our way of life according to our originality
and history. Every one knows that without getting political power it is not
possible for any nation to guard its culture. It is not possible for us to keep
our cultural and national identity intact without establishing a Sovereign
Khalistan. We are offering our heads for achieving our goal; Our True Guru
has granted a sovereign State to us, we have won his blessing by offering our
heads.
Now we beg to address our Khalsa Panth. The way of the Khalsa is
very trying. It is sharper than the edge of a Dagger, the Khanda, and subtler
than a strand of hair. The Khalsa panth at all cost has to preserve the original
and pure form of its great struggle. The struggle is a diving journey inspired
by a transcendental consciousness. During these moments of struggle, the
Khalsa is to remain continuously absorbed into the Guru Granth Sahib, no
matter how many cruelties are inflicted and provocation is given, the Khalsa
has to keep its cool and discipline in the horrible and barbaric situations. The
Khalsa has to preserve its traditions established by the valiant Sikhs through
martyrdom.
In comparison with the violence of the enemy, the violence of the
Khalsa abounds in divine qualities and spiritual blessings. The Khalsa has
to give such a divine form and beauty to its struggle that it may even burden
the conscience of the enemy with the realization of its own sin. Such a moral
miracle will be possible only if the concentration on the guru of the Khalsa

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and rhythm of the Guru Granth Sahib remain fully connected and intact.
The Guru Granth Sahib is the main source of our life-stream and spiritual
power. It is also the chief spring of our inspiration to advance towards the
destination of Khalistan.
If concentration on the guru and the internal rhythm of the Guru
Granth Sahib are the main lifestream of the Khalsa, then it is also necessary
to say a few words to the militants who are intensely in love with the stream.
In this terrible crisis of history, the concentration on the guru and the rhythm
of the Guru Granth Sahib are the only armed brigades. The army of the
Timeless, and they are the guardians of the pure consciousness of the
Khalsa. We too had the honor of having been the humble parts of these
forces.
It is true that we are confronting a vast material State that has at its
command all the worldly resources, horrifying scientific inventions, a
capacity to attack and disable the intellect and praxis. The state can also
weaken us through penetration and strategies of its intelligence. It can also
develop shocking plans and more than everything else it can assemble huge
armies. But so what? The Khalsa can send shivers into the spine of the
enemy and shake its State with its spiritual might. It is not the bodies alone
that fight. It was only a miracle of the Khalsa spiritual strength that even
with its tiny number the Khalsa subdued the 10 lakh army of the Mughals at
the Castle of Chamkaur.
During the last decade we have overwhelmed this State of
Brahmanical prejudices with martyrdom. We have been hailed in all
corners. Now the matter is not restricted to the possible creation of
Khalistan alone. Several oppressed nations of India have come out in the
open to fight for their freedom. The Dalit brothers, specially are liberating
themselves from the destructive influence of Brahmanism. The so-called
hue and cry made for "unity and integrity" does not touch them any more.
They have well understood the cunning of Brahmanical rulers veiled behind
this hue and cry. Although these are magnificent accomplishments of our
movement still we are not free from big mistakes and inadequacies.
Sometimes, during our struggle we do commit something that is
neither morally unique nor pious. Although we are marching towards our
goal of achieving Khalistan with determination yet still we have not fully
learnt how to go through this difficult terrain. The understanding and
experience of our struggle are still diluted and surfacial. We have still to
develop a large vision that crosses decades and centuries.
We still keep doing something that gives our enemy an opportunity
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to question our proud and glorious history. Several times our arms have
wrecked the joys, blossom and aspirations of those who had never directly
hurt our movement.
It appears sometimes as if we were trying to strike terror among the
people although our commitment to the ninth Guru is nether to terrify nor to
get terrified.
Oh valiant brethren! Why are not our actions and deeds firing many
colors and proliferating unusual effects of life? Why to give the people an
excuse that a wide gap has appeared between our mind, word and action.
When we sin we become drunk with victory of fault and when we lose we do
not investigate its reasons. As a result a chain of losses begins. In such a
situation we do not urge to re-integrate ourselves with the transcendental
consciousness of the Khalsa, nor do we seek the blessing of the guru's
abode.
We are becoming martyrs, going to jails, bearing every attack of the
enemy, but still in our basic thought, the gratitude to the Lord, patience and
commitment have not fully penetrated. Sometimes, the glory of the material
status, its power and shine captivate us, as a result we fall prey to material
values and miracles. During such moments we do not passionately pray
before the Guru Granth Sahib to keep our unique character by heroism and
spirituality higher and untouched by narrow ends.
Several times we suffer from indecision. To free ourselves from
this state instead of getting close to the guru we rather choose distance. We
are forgetting that during disagreement among us, the resolution of the
entire Khalsa adopted at the Akal Takhat can cement and guide us. Oh Brave
brethren drenched with the divine love of the sixth guru, Hargobind Sahib!
Why don't you flock towards the Akal Takhat for guidance? Our guru
spreading his arms awaits us.
At times, our baseless suspicions divide us into groups. We then
patronize our group, and to protect it we unnecessarily accuse the other
groups of crossing all limits. Our sword proudly falls on their necks. The
militants of the Khalsa Panth have to meet this serious challenge of the
moment with determination and love, with a prayer for the enhancement of
wisdom and humility of the mind. Will you follow this path our brethren
after we are gone?
Oh militant comrades of the procession of those walking with their
heads on the palms for sacrifice! You carry on your shoulders the historic
responsibility of recognizing the mail lifestream and original form of the

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Khalsa and also the responsibility of identifying the deadly current of
ignorance and temptation. This current, to obtain power, has fallen to act on
Brahmanical practices. Please understand the narrow motives concealed
behind this current that on surface appears to be proSikh. Wage a war
against it. Its divisive tendencies are to be strongly resisted. The people
associated with this current have lost their faith in the higher struggle. They
have been tempted by the Brahmanical reflexes and its allied power
hierarchies. They have begun to like evanescent colors. Their actions do not
reflect the message of Guru Nanak's transcendental journey: Nor do they
flash any divine experience. Their state mirrors a schism between the mind
and word. Declare that these people are false and they have disowned our
panth. If they want to be owned by the Khalsa and they feel that there is still
in them a secret of truth enunciated by Guru Nanak let them advance
straight towards Khalistan otherwise they will be thrown into the dustpan of
history.
Respected President Ji! After these few words with our nation we
again address you. When we bid farewell to the world it will be a strange
meeting of numerous contradictions. If we look at the world insightfully,
the while world is in turmoil, a powerful turmoil. With an alien eye it may
look to be a destructive development. It feels as if human peace and action
were going through acute disturbance, but the people with intuition can see
all this from a difference angle altogether.
The humankind's aspiration for freedom cannot be controlled in
any system. Any effort to destroy this aspiration gets selfdefeated in history.
We are witnessing the same happening in our times also.
The same passion for freedom burning like a flame in the depths of
humankind gave birth to the great French Revolution. And then in the
beginning of this century, we are watching the tumbling of the Tsarist
regime that had become a symbol of terror and tyranny.
But whatever systems have been built up on the ruins of Tsarism,
have not succeeded in fully preserving and understanding the rush and
aspiration of human freedom. All these massive artifices are showing
cracks. What an irony of our times that the same people who had raised our
ancestors' flag of freedom became the murderers of freedom.
We are saying this with deep sorrow that the same lands where
lakhs of people laid down their lives fighting the Nazis, toda are providing
shelter to the murderers of the Sikhs. Wee mean the country of the great
Tolstoy and Lenin, the Soviet Union and its East European allies, where the

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killers of hundreds of Sikh youth like Buta and Rebiero are taking shelter
under the pretext of holding diplomatic responsibilities. But at the same
time fresh winds of freedom blowing in these countries give us a hope that
these countries will not remain safe shelters for these murderers of
mankind. To us that time is not distant when the people of these countries
will hand over these criminals to us so that the can be given their due in the
court of the Khalsa.
The dark storm of oppression that is blowing over the Khalsa and
the fire of tyranny that is burning it, must have touched at least a little, the
soul of Lincoln, Emerson, Rouseau, Voltaire and Shakespeare because the
people fighting for their freedom and sovereignty have the same blood
flowing in their veins. But permit us to say that among the people of these
great men's lands the urge to push their tradition is dying. Their spiritual
values are drying up, they are unable to see the new sun shining in the land
of Khalistan whose rays will also radiate the universe. We are hoping that
they will accept the reality of Khalistan. We appeal to the United Nations to
recognize the face of Khalistan so that the Khalsa nation can make historic
contribution to the international peace and security according to the UN
Charter, and may also help in building up their relations of tolerance and
goodwill among India and its neighbors.
Honorable President Ji! We are going to look into the eyes of death
because we believe that the flag of life's glory flies even in the face of death.
Not only us, but our entire nation has taken birth from the art of keeping its
head on its palm. The guns of evil will never frighten us.
In this era of betrayals we are going to meet our beloved in full faith
and wholesomely. Our martyrdom will radiate only integration. We are
feeling that martyrdom is a transcendence of all fears, greeds and obscene
physical desires. The consciousness of the Khalsa is the most pure and
luminous during the moments of martyrdom.
We have chosen the path of martyrdom so that the ever fresh face of
the Khalsa and its unique glory can come into its own once again, and
enlighten the whole world. In their eternal joy and grace the Gurus blessed
us with a spark of their love. With that spark we are on full blossom. Our
love for freedom has taken us to the state of cosmic equilibrium sahaja.
We have met our True Guru. The fairies of the eternal symphony
have arrived to congratulate us with all their families at this momentous
hour of meeting.
Martyrdom has a unique relish of its own. How wonderful is it

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beyond the material and ineffable emotions!
Please tell our nation not to be sorrowful. The sweet remembrance
of, Guru Gobind Singh ji, flows like a river in us. Please tell them that the
stream of love of the Tenth Guru has already gushed forth in us. We are
going towards the altar in higher peace and divine poise. We are riding a
unique boat that the currents are unable to sink.
The maker has put together all the wood perfectly, O Nanak my
Lord will not let even lakhs of sea currents sink the boat.
The Khalsa has upheld the belief that whenever death comes,
accept it with joy. For this reason please tell all those warriors of the world
bringing with the fire of freedom not to let go-mellow the challenge thrown
by us. Let their bursting bullets become a lament on our death.
The rope of gallows is dear to us like the embrace our Lover but if
we are condemned to be the prisoners of war, we will wish bullets to kiss the
truth lurking in our breasts so that the sacred ground of Khalistan becomes
more fertile with our warm blood. Long Live Khalistan!!!! We are restless
to drink the pint of martyrdom of Khalistan. - Harjinder Singh- Sukhdev
Singh Enclosure: Atrocities perpetrated on the Sikhs:
Dear Rastrapati ji,
We are giving below the methods of torture, humiliation and
atrocities used by your state against the Sikhs. These have been mentioned
by the humanitarian organizations and individuals who hold prestige in
their respective fields. These organizations and individuals are not seen
directly or emotionally connected with our movement. They have been
forced to write about the extreme violations of human rights of our people.
We wish you to know and witness the continuous repression and atrocities
perpetrated against the Sikhs by your army, paramilitary forces and the
police. We are not presenting all this to you to win your sympathy, nor do we
wish you repent by taking pity on us. In fact by situating you in this picture
we want to have the verdict of the people of the world over the extent you
have violated the UNO's Declaration on Human Rights, the Geneva
Convention, and many other international treaties. We are mentioning
below the violations and atrocities:
- To interrogate the Sikhs, a round log of wood is placed on their
legs, and after putting heavy weight on the log it is rotated on the legs.
--Chillie powder is sprinkled in the eyes and sex organs of the
Sikhs.
- Sikhs are hung upside down from the ceilings till they became
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unconscious.
- The body joints are battered.
- Electric shocks are administered to the genitals making most of
the youth impotent
Sikh women, during interrogation, are hurt in their sex organs.
Filthy abuse is showered on them.
- Violence is inflicted on the parents in presence of their sons and
daughters and vice-versa.
- Brothers are forced to beat sisters and vice versa, violence is
inflicted on adult girls after stripping them naked and their sex organs are
damaged. They are sexually assaulted; pregnancies are terminated of the
expectant females
- Crotchets are pulled apart
- The victims of inhuman violence are made to sit naked in winter,
and under the sun in summer, kept sleepless for days in solitary cells.
- Sikhs are subjected to severe beatings and filthy abuse in the
presence of their village folks.
- Dead bodies of Sikhs killed in fake encounters are not handed over
to their parents to conceal marks of excessive violence.
- The state manipulates tailored post mortem reports from the
doctors, and burns the dead bodies of the Sikhs after falsely declaring them
unclaimed.
- All sorts of excesses are made on the parents of underground Sikh
youths.
- Indiscriminant atrocities are committed on the parents of the
underground youth of the area where some militant action takes place.
- Atrocities are committed without caring for one's age, health life
or death. If some one luckily survives such brutal excesses, it is well and
good but if one dies while under "interrogation", then such a dead body is
taken out, pierced with some bullets, and a news item is sent that a dreaded
terrorist has been shot dead in an encounter.
- Houses of underground Sikh youths are demolished, their
belongings are looted, crops destroyed, their tube well motors are taken
away, and they are prevented from sowing crops.
-Even animals of the families of underground Sikh youth are
subjected to police anger. After summoning the families to the police
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station, villagers are told not to take care of the animals of the families of the
underground youth. Generally the animals starve to death.
-False cases were registered against innocent Sikh youths, later
they were let off by accepting bribes.
Reporters giving true reports are arrested; an undeclared
censorship is imposed on them to stop them from exposing police atrocities.
- Peaceful protests by the Human rights organizations are
prohibited.
- Press is used to launch vicious and false propaganda against the Sikhs.
- Hardened criminals are inducted into Sikh movement to help in
arresting the Sikh revolutionaries and sabotage the movement. Such
criminals are inducted to tarnish the fair name of the Sikh revolutionaries
are now called the "Black Cats" in the Punjab. Under SSP Izhar Alam, such
criminal gangs were named the "Alam Sena." Besides, such police
sponsored bands of criminals also operated under the name of Panthic Tiger
Force and "Red Brigade." The director general of the police himself
admitted about the "Black Cats" bands. In his interview to the India Today
on Sept. 15, 1988, KPS Gill had announced without an iota of shame that the
security forces in Punjab cannot do anything without the help of secret
bands (Black Cats).
- Thousands of innocent pilgrims, children, females, aged people,
who got encircled in the Golden Temple during Operation Bluestar were
made to die through starvation and thirst. The whole of Punjab was
converted into a vast jail by clamping curfew on the entire area. The army
bulletin branded all Amritdhari Sikhs as terrorists.
- Indian army desecrated the Gurdwaras and committed such
atrocities on the Sikhs that even the soul of Ahmed Shah Abdali might have
felt ashamed of.
- The targets of army guns were none else but religious persons,
devotees, pilgrims, ladies, old people, children or some militants whom the
indian government deemed as terrorists.
-No neutral observer was allowed to take stock of the situation.
-The injured during the attack on the Golden Temple were
subjected to extreme partiality. Whereas every assistance and facility was
made available to the injured army personnel, there was no such provision
for the wounded belonging to the other side.

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 -The number of prisoners taken was rather small. There is ample
scope for doubt that the Indian army had thought it better to eliminate the
thousands of peopleseized in the Golden Temple instead of taking them
prisoners or having to provide them with medical assistance.
No need was felt to perform religious rites for the dead pilgrims and
devotees.
- Before consigning the dead bodies to flames, no effort was made
to identify them. No relatives were informed.
- No dead bodies were handed over to the next of kin. In such a
situation only the dead or those wishing to be dead could be present at the
last rites.
- All dead bodies were placed in heaps and then consigned to
flames. IT was never insured that among the dead there could also be some
Muslim devotees. To cremate is against the tenets of Islam.
- No need was felt to give a list of the dead to the Red Cross or any
other International Agency.
Despite such atrocities, no commission was appointed to go into
this dark episode. Even the Britishers, the foreign rulers, had cared to
appoint the Hunter commission to inquire into the Jallianwalla Massacre
which was of a much less magnitude on the other hand. The Indian
government, on the other hand, took all steps to hide the excesses of the
army.
The hearing began in the case of General Vaidiya's murder. On Aug.
10th, 1985, Harjinder Singh "Jinda" and Sukhdev Singh "Sukha", gunned
down General Vadiaya after his retirement from the Indian army. General
Vadiya was the Chief of the Indian Army who ordered the attack on the
holiest of the holy shrines at Amritsar and elsewhere in Punjab during 1984
operations. On Oct. 9, 1992, Sukhdev Singh "Sukha" and Harjinder Singh
"Jinda" were hanged until death in Puna Jail.

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 Amnesty International:
The United Progressive Alliance in its Common Minimum
Programme stated that improving the justice sector and addressing the
issues of communal violence was one of its goals. Amnesty International
believes that ending impunity for past abuses is critical to achieving these
objectives.
Amnesty International calls on the Indian authorities to end
impunity for perpetrators of human rights violations carried out in Punjab
state between the mid 1980's and 1990's, including the 1984 riots in Delhi.
During this period a range of human rights violations were perpetrated but
few people have been brought to justice.
"Until justice is delivered to victims and their families the wounds
left by this period remain open," said Amnesty International.
Only a small minority of the police officers responsible for a range
of human rights violations, including torture, deaths in custody, extra-
judicial killings and 'disappearances', were brought to justice in the Punjab
state. There have been a small number of prosecutions but in many cases
impunity has prevailed.
In 1996, the Supreme Court ordered the National Human Rights
Commission (NHRC) to examine the findings of the Central Bureau of
Investigations that 2,097 people had been illegally cremated by police
officials in Amritsar district between 1984 and 1994. In March 2004,
through public notices in newspapers the NHRC encouraged the families of
the victims to file their claims before the Commission.
Background Information
The decade of violent political opposition in Punjab -- which lasted
from the mid-1980s to the mid-1990s -- started when a movement within
the Sikh community in Punjab turned to violence to achieve an independent
state for the Sikhs in the early 1980s.
To deal with the violence in the state, Indira Gandhi, then Prime
Minister of India, authorized an army assault on the Golden Temple, the
centre of the Sikh religion, in June 1984. Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale, the
leader of Akali Dal, the largest Sikh political party demanding official
recognition of the Sikh faith and greater political autonomy, together with
many of his supporters, were killed in an assault on the Golden Temple,
known as Operation Blue Star.
Indira Gandhi was assassinated on 31 October 1984 in retaliation.

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Her assassination was followed by a period of violence known as the anti-
Sikh riots.
>From the early 1980s, armed opposition groups targeted and
killed police officers, elected representatives and civil servants. The
security forces resorted to unlawful and indiscriminate arrests, torture and
extra-judicial executions. Thousands of civilians were the victims of abuses
committed by both sides.
Armed opposition ended in Punjab just over a decade ago, resulting
in a marked decrease of human rights violations in the state. However,
thousands of families are still waiting to see justice or know the fate of their
relatives who "disappeared" that period.
In its 2003 report, India: Break the cycle of impunity and torture in
Punjab, Amnesty International linked the continuation of serious human
rights violations in the Punjab to the culture of impunity developed during
the period of militancy and reinforced by subsequent inaction. The
organization found that regular incidents of torture and custodial violence
in the Punjab occur even today.

HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH

India: Prosecute Killers of Sikhs End Two Decades of Impunity
On the twentieth anniversary of the mass killings of Sikhs, the new
Congress-led government should launch fresh investigations into and make
a public commitment to prosecute the planners and implementers of the
violence, Human Rights Watch said today.
In 1984, in retaliation for the assassination of Prime Minister Indira
Gandhi by her Sikh bodyguards on October 31, angry mobs, some allegedly
organized by members of the Congress party, attacked and killed thousands
of Sikhs. From November 1 to November 4, gangs attacked the symbols and
structures of the Sikh faith, the properties of Sikhs, and killed whole
families by burning them alive. The residences and properties of Sikhs were
identified through government-issued voter lists.
Victim groups, lawyers and activists have long alleged state
complicity in the violence. For three days the police failed to act, as gangs
carrying weapons and kerosene roamed the streets, exhorting non-Sikhs to
kill Sikhs and loot and burn their properties.
"Seven government-appointed commissions have investigated
these attacks," said Brad Adams, Asia director of Human Rights Watch.

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"But the commissions were all either whitewashes or they were met with
official stonewalling and obstruction."
The report of the latest commission, the Nanavati Commission,
was due November 1, but has been delayed for another two months.
"The time for commissions that do not lead to prosecutions is over,"
said Adams. "After two decades, the prosecutors and police should act.
There is more than enough evidence to do so now."
Human Rights Watch called for an end to political protection for
organizers of the violence. Some of those allegedly involved in the pogrom
currently occupy posts in the government or are members of parliament.
Both the judiciary and administrative inquiry commissions have failed to
hold these perpetrators accountable.
"For two decades high-ranking members of the Congress party
have enjoyed political impunity for this violence," said Adams. "The fact
that many of the alleged planners of the violence were and are members of
the Congress party should not be a barrier to justice for the victims."
Human Rights Watch commended ENSAAF (www.ensaaf.org), an
organization dedicated to fighting impunity in India, for its 150-page report,
Twenty Years of Impunity, analyzing the patterns of the pogroms and the
attitudes and practices of impunity revealed by previously unpublished
government documents and other materials.
"With many connected to the violence now enjoying prominent
positions in public life, the ENSAAF report makes it clear that India
continues to ignore this dark chapter of its modern history at its own risk,"
said Adams. "Only a conscious exercise of political will on the part of the
new government of Prime Minister Singh can bring about justice for the
Sikhs."
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BOLE SO NIHAAL SAT SRI AKAL
(Whosoever speaks it loudly that almighty timeless God (Akal Purakh)
is true, shall be blessed).

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