Professional Documents
Culture Documents
• one of the problems is that the more we listen to the way people speak, the more different speech sounds
of English we find → the number of different sounds of English is practically infinite → speech sounds
will always differ in different contexts; no two speakers pronounce the same word exactly the same way;
and even the same speaker rarely pronounces the same word precisely the same way
• different speech sounds are used in a language to make different words sound different, so that each
meaning is connected with a different phonetic form
• this place of articulation difference therefore has no contrastive function in English nasals → English,
then, uses the phonetic difference between dental and alveolar fricatives for the differentiation of words but
not the one between dental and alveolar nasals → second and more abstract level on which speech sounds
are represented: on the concrete level, we observe and describe what speech sounds “exist”; on the abstract
level, we only recognize such differences between elements as have contrastive function in the language
• PHONETIC DESCRIPTION: takes stock, with more or less sophisticated scientific means, of what speech
sounds exist, how they are produced and perceived and what their acoustic properties are (deals almost
entirely with the spoken language / the exception is the relationship between sounds and spellings) →
concerns the concrete characteristics (articulatory, acoustics, auditory) of the sounds used in languages →
phonetics is a natural science → as a subject of study is nowadays considered to be part of linguistics →
informs morphology (inflexions), syntax, pragmatics (the way intonation is used)
→ is a leading part in analyses in sociolinguistics, including variations in dialect
• PHONOLOGICAL ANALYSIS: establishes a system of sound distinctions relevant to a particular language and
seeks to determine how the elements of this abstract system behave in actual speech → concerns how
sounds function in a systemic way in a particular language → investigates the regularities that govern the
phonetic realizations of sounds in the words of language → phonology is a branch of the “humanities” →
the traditional approach to it is through phonemics which analyzes the stream of speech into a sequence of
contrastive segments (‘contrastive’ meaning ‘contrasting with other segments which might change the
meaning’) → the phonemic system of a language is relatable to the writing system: the relationship
between the phonemes of a language and the letters used in its writing system is called graphemics → a
phonemic description also makes it easy to describe the combinatory possibilities of the sounds (the
phonotactis)
• PRONUNCIATION AND SPELLING: ‘pronunciation’ covers both phonetics and phonemics → encompasses the
prosody of English (= deals with how words and sentences are accented and how pitch, loudness and length
work to produce rhythm and intonation
• CHANGE AND VARIATION: standard accent of English English (as spoken in England) is known as RP
(Received Pronunciation) → started as the accent of the court of kings and queens in the fifteenth century
then widened to public schools in the nineteenth century and codified as RP in the twentieth century
• LEARNING: large part of language acquisition depends on listening (to understand and to imitate) → in
order to understand, we are more dependent on some contrasts between sounds than on others (come
contrasts carry a higher functional load than others)
→ while a contrast between two sounds or sets of sounds may be indicated in various ways (= this being
part of the redundancy of language), come cues are always more important than others: thus the contrasts
between /p,t,k/ and /b,d,g/ depend on the cues:
i. voicing
ii. aspiration (breathing)
iii. muscle tension
iv. the effect on previous (particularly vowel) sounds
→ but of these cues ii. and iv. are far more important to listeners than are i. or iii. → and of the two, ii. is
more important in syllable-initial position and iv. in syllable-final position
• besides functional load and the relative importance of specific phonetic cues, there are more general
phonetic, grammatical and contextual cues which aid comprehension
• communication does not depend on the perfect production and reception of every single element of
speech
• English as first language (L1): children learning English as an L1 will usually only have their family (and a
wider circle of friends as they grow) to imitate as they learn the sound system of English but a knowledge
of the sorts of difficulty they face may enable adults help all learners and in particular those with some sort
of speech delay → many children learning English as an L1 will have mastered the vowel system by the
age of three but many will take at least until the age of five to master the system of consonants
• English as additional language (L2): learners learning English as an L2 of foreign language were considered to
have only two possible models:
i. the British one (Received Pronunciation, RP)
ii. the American one (General American, GA)
→ RP has become less homogenous and much more variation within RP has been allowed and discussed
→ in many countries around the world English is used as the lingua franca → firstly there is also
Amalgam English which does not sound like any particular native-speaker variety but incorporates the
more easily learnable characteristics of various Englishes which additionally incorporates features which
are common to particular sub-continental varieties → and secondly there is International English which
reduces even further the consonant and (particularly) the vowel inventory to something even more easily
learnable
• DISTINCTIVE FEATURES: we have so on obtained an inventory of phonemes for English which is no more
than a set of relationships or oppositions → distinctive features of a language were stated in articulatory
terms using a basis the phonetic classification of consonants → for example, the distinctive feature of /r/
are voiceless, labial and plosive and this are three dimensions of variation: voicing, place and manner
• later developments in the theory of DF have involved explaining all the contrasts of a language in terms
of BINARY distinctive features and suggesting that there is a set of binary features (involving around 12 or
13 distinctions) which will account for all languages → three-term distinction: labial vs alveolar vs velar is
turned into two features → coronal is “made with the blade of the tongue raised above the neutral position
→ anterior is “made in front of the hard plate
• ALLOPHONES: no two realizations of a phoneme are the same, even if a same word is repeated twice: there
are always slight phonetic variations → but variants of the same phoneme will frequently show consistent
phonetic differences → such constants variants are called allophones (but they are not involved in change
of meaning)
• it is possible to predict in a given language which allophones of a phoneme will occur in any particular
context or situation: they are said to be in conditioned variation or COMPLEMENTARY DISTRIBUTION → it does
not take into account those variant realizations of the same phoneme in the same situation which may
constitute the difference between two utterances of the same word → when the same speaker produces
noticeably different pronunciations of the same word, the different realizations of the phonemes are said to
be in FREE VARIATION
• it is usually the case that there is phonetic similarity between the allophones of a phoneme → it
sometimes happens that two sounds occur in complementary distribution
but are not treated as allophones of the same phoneme because of their total phonetic dissimilarity: [h] and
[ŋ] in English, they are never significantly opposed since [h] occurs typically in initial positions in the
syllable word and [ŋ] in final positions
→ the ordinary native speaker is often unaware of the allophonic variations of his phonemes and will, for
instance, say that the various allophones of /l/ are the “same” sound → but [h] and [ŋ] will always consider
to be “different” sounds
• NEUTRALIZATION: sometimes happens that a sound may appear to belong to either of two phonemes: in
English we can find them in the plosive series → the contrast between /p,t,k/ and /b,d,g/ is shown in word-
initial position by pairs like pin/bin, team/deem, come/gum → following /s/ there is no such contrast:
words beginning /sp-, st-, sk-/ are not contrasted with words beginning /sb-, sd, sg-/ → we can say that the
contrast between voiceless and voiced plosives is neutralized following /s/ in word-initial position →
another case concerns the allophones of /m/ and /n/ before /f/ or /v/ in words like symphony and infant: the
two are not opposed so that the sound could be allocated to either the /m/ or the /n/ phoneme
• PHONEMIC SYSTEMS: statements concerning phonemic categories and allophonic variants can be made in
respect of only one variety of one language: it does not follow, because [l] and [ɫ] are not contrastive in
English and belong to the same phoneme, that is so in other languages
→ like /ŋ/ has not always had phonemic status: nowadays might be considered an allophone of /n/ before
/k/ and /g/ as in sink and finger
• speakers of different dialects may distribute their phonemes differently → a phonemic analysis of a
number of varieties of one language is likely to reveal: different phonemic systems; different realizations of
phonemes; different distribution of phonemes in words
a. closed glottis: no air can pass in between → GLOTTAL STOP (sometimes heard in English
preceding a forcefully pronounced vowel; Out!)
b. narrow glottis: only a narrow gap is left for the air stream to pass through and the passage
of air makes them vibrate → the resulting sounds waves characterize VOICED SOUNDS of
speech → al vowel sounds are voiced, as sounds like [m], [l], [v], [b] etc.
c. open glottis: state of normal breathing and the production of VOICELESS SOUNDS (vocal folds
are spread and do not vibrate) → [st] stone, [k] kill etc.
3. the airstream is directed to the oral or nasal cavity by
oro-nasal process (from velum-pharynx-oro/nasal cavity):
the VELUM (its end is the UVOLA) that can be manipulated
a. raised velum: raised and pressed against the back of the pharynx, prevents the entry of air
into the nasal cavity → ORAL SOUNDS like [v], [f], [l] etc. → can be further blocked in the
mouth also the oral cavity, the result are sounds like [p], [t], [k] etc.
b. lowered velum: not raised against the back of the pharynx, the airstream has access to the
nasal cavity → NASAL SOUNDS like [m] and [n] (might, night) → French vowels,
nasalized oral sounds
• articulation of consonants:
→ they can be PULMONIC/NON-PULMONIC → EGRESSIVE/INGRESSIVE → VOICED/VOICELESS →
ORAL/NASAL/NASALIZED
1. bilabial: lips are brought together → pie, buy, my
2. labiodental: lower lips is raised against the upper incisors → fat, vat
3. dental: tip of the tongue is raised against the upper incisors , or inserted in between incisors → thigh,
thy
4. alveolar: tip of the tongue is raised against the alveolar ridge → nigh, lie, tie, die, sue, zoo
5. post-alveolar: the tip of the tongue articulates with the rear part of the alveolar ridge → red
6. retroflex: the tip of the tongue is curled back to articulate the part of the hard palate immediately
behind the alveolar ridge → red (South-West British)
7. palato-alveolar: front of the tongue is raised towards the back of the ridge and the front of the palate →
she, leisure
8. palatal: front of the tongue is raised towards the palate → you
9. velar: back of the tongue is raised towards the velum → cool, back, bag, bang
10. uvular: the back of the tongue articulates with the uvula → rouge (French)
11. glottal: an obstruction, or a narrowing causing friction but not vibration, between the vocal folds →
English [h]
→ there is a place of PRIMARY ARTICULATION (greatest stricture, that which gives rise to the greatest
obstruction to the airflow); SECONDARY ARTICULATION (exhibits a stricture of lesser rank); DOUBLE
ARTICULATION (where the two co-extensive strictures of equal rank)
→ the active articulator is automatically the one directly below the passive articulator
→ for pronunciation of [r] in some English accents, the active articulator is displaced along the horizontal:
this is called RETROFLEX (this kind of [r] in terms of its location can be characterized broadly as a post-
alveolar retroflex consonant)
→ the difference between [i] and [u] is one of BACKNESS: [i] is a front vowel (produced with the front of the
tongue raised), [u] a back one (back of the tongue raised)
→ we denote the front vowel with extreme opening of the mouth as [a] → it is similar to the vowel [ɑ] and
they have in common that they are produced with a maximally open mouth, therefore with maximal
distance between the tongue and the roof of the mouth (this is called difference in HEIGHT, referring to the
position of the tongue in the vertical dimension) → [i] and [u] are high vowels, [a] and [ɑ] are low vowels
→ this four sounds represent the extreme points of the principal dimensions of vowel articulation: height
and backness, the two principal parameters of vowel articulation
→ the diagram is a very much simplified representation of the oral cavity: each of the four corners
represents an extreme point of articulation
→ correspondence of opposite vowels by running through [i]-[u], [e]-[o], [ɛ]-[ɔ], [a]-[ɑ]
→ the additional parameter is the one of LIP ROUNDING → system of eight vowels (1-4 are unrounded, 5-8
are rounded) → this is a subject to considerable accent variation
→ the system of reference vowels is known as the CARDINAL VOWEL (CV) SCALE
→ cases of vowel quality that changes during the pronunciation of the vowel, like in words now, boy and
buy: we use the term DIPHTHONG (vowels of constant unchanging quality are called MONOPHTHONGS)
• APPROXIMANTS: certain consonants (rye, lie, you, woo), as well as vowels, can be considered part of this
group → but, what is the difference between them? → the place of articulation makes a necessary
distinction
→ the consonant in [l] lie differs from the others in terms of manner of articulation: the tongue contact does
not produce closure of the oral cavity, and when the tongue is raised without touching any molar on both
sides, the air can go through → this are called LATERALS → [l] is a LATERAL APPROXIMANT because the air
stream escapes without friction → all the others are called CENTRAL (or NONLATERAL)
→ the consonant in rye in many accents has the retroflex posture of the tongue and it is subject to
considerable variation
→ difference between consonants and vowels in you and in woo, are similar one to another → in woo both
have a narrowing in the bilabial and velar areas and the obstruction of the air stream produces neither
closure or friction so they are both approximants (the same as rye)
→ plosives have complete closure; fricatives have narrowing with friction; approximants less narrowing
without friction → the height scale of vowels reflects different degrees of frictionless approximation: high
vowels and approximant consonants have about the same degree of narrowing of the oral cavity while low
vowels have less narrowing than any consonants have
→ the phonetic distinction for differentiate vowels and consonants does not work on approximant
consonants: like vowels, these have no audible obstruction → NONPHONETIC CRITERION
→ vowels are syllabic while any nonsyllabic sound is a consonant (a vowel must constitute the peak of a
syllable, while any sounds that occurs in the margin of a syllable is a consonant)
• LEFT-TO-RIGHT VOICING ASSIMILATION (morphemes -ed/-s): most of the consonantal assimilations in English
derivational morphology occur from right to left, but in English inflectional morphology, the directionality
of change is from LEFT to RIGHT
→ considering the difference between racks and rags: in the second one, the consonant that precedes <-s>
s a voiced consonant [g] and its voicing creates a different allomorph of the plural morpheme [-z] → the
assimilation progresses from left to right, from [g] to [z] and the same happens for the verbs taking the
third person singular present tense inflection -s
→ another case, which voices [s] to [z] across an inserted vowel, is the pronunciation of the plural and the
third person singular inflexions as a separate syllable, [-ɪz] or [-əz] → the syllabic allomorph appears after
alveolar and palatal fricatives and affricates [s,z,š,ž,č,j̆ = ledges]
→ the assimilation from left to right also affects the morpheme that represents past tense -ed: racked ends
with [-kt] and bragged with [-gd] and the orthographic vowel must be kept <-ed> but can be only
pronounced after the alveolar stops [t,d] like wanted, corroded
→ the realization of the vowel in the articulation of –es and –ed is not motivate by ease, as in labial and
voicing assimilation: the vowel in [-ɪz] or [-əz] or [-ɪd] or [-əd] is a response to the need for transparency;
without the intervening vowel the sequence [s+s], [z+z], [t+t], [d+d] would not be heard well
→ the checkmark in front of the morpheme gen simply means “this is a morpheme” although the common
mathematical meaning of it is “root” we use “√” for all the morphemes, roots and affixes both
→ the square brackets indicate pronunciation and they are used for phonetic writing, also known as
PHONETIC TRANSCRIPTION → the angle brackets mean “this is a letter of the alphabet traditionally used to
spell this sound in this word”
• properties of morphemes: how they differ from other linguistic units like syllables, words etc.
• types of morphemes: ROOTS → not all morphemes are equally central to the formation of a word: they can be
two types, ROOTS and AFFIXES → every word has at least one root as roots are the center of word-
derivational processes: they carry the basic meaning from which the rest of the sense of the word can be
derived
→ morphemes such as chair, green, ballet, father, cardigan, America, Mississippi are roots and also
happen to be FREE ROOT MORPHEMES (independent words) → but more often, roots are like seg in segment
or gen in genetics and these cannot stand alone as words: they are BOUND ROOT MORPHEMES
→ most bound roots found in the language today are of classical origin: they were borrowed into English
from Latin or Greek during the Renaissance, or tough French, and once they could be free roots but their
transition to bound ones has occurred on English soils → roots borrowed from classical sources are nearly
always bound roots although the historical processes are not recoverable without the aid of specialized
dictionaries: for the ordinary speaker of English feck-, hap(p)-, ruth- etc are bound roots
→ to be completed, bound roots morphemes require that another morpheme be attached to them: this
additional morpheme may be another root or an affix → if it is another root, then the result is a COMPOUND
like hydrogen, phonograph, polymath
→ all morphemes that are not roots are affixes, and they differ in three ways:
1. they do not form words by themselves (they have to be added on to a stem)
2. their meaning, in many instances, is not as clear and specific as is the meaning of roots, and
many of them are almost completely meaningless
3. compared with the total number of roots, which is very large, the number of affixes is
relatively small
→ in English, all the productive affixes (= that they do a lot of work) are either attached at the end of the
stem, SUFFIXES, or at the front of the stem, PREFIXES
→ all affixes, by definition, are bound morphemes and historically it is quite normal for free morphemes to
lose their independence and become “bound” → the opposite development, whereby a bound morpheme
escapes into the list of free morphemes, is unusual (this is even more true of affixes than it is of roots),
although there has been a recent trend in the language to detach affixes and elevate them to the status of
roots like anti, pro, hyper, mini or maxi → in any case, the status of there items is still in flux and their
occasional encroachment into the realm of free roots does not change the basic norm that affixes are bound
forms whish must be attached to stems
→ one of their functions is to participate in the formation of new words: this are called DERIVATIONAL
AFFIXES → we can think of the root as the NUCLEUS of the derivation and the affixes are like satellites,
furthermore they have to circle around it at different distances → for example, consider the word
uninhabitableness in which the stem is habit and the last added morpheme is un- in front of the formation
because after we added –able, we had finally created and adjective (it is one of the properties of un- that it
normally attaches only to adjectives → it is also true that we cannot attach un- to any adjective
→ there are also affixes that do not participate in word formation, and they are called INFLECTIONAL
AFFIXES, of which English has only a very small number and are part of syntax → in most languages, they
serve to indicate which word is the subject of the sentence or which word is the object of the verb
→ they can also be both as the present and past participle -ing and -ed can be “They were building a new
house.” and “They painted the wall.” or “The building on the corner is old.” and “Those walls are painted.”
• SYLLABLES: speech sounds are grouped into syllables and those turn in into higher-order rhythmic units
are called “stress feet” or simply FEET: they are indisputable facts of phonetic representations and are larger
than segment phonetic units → segments, syllables and feet are not only PHONETIC UNITS but also
PHONOLOGICAL UNITS → they form (part of) PHONOLOGICAL STRUCTURE of the language, which as a whole
serves as a framework for the expression of phonological generalizations
→ there are a few English words that may have variable pronunciation with different numbers of syllables
→ PHONETICS OF THE SYLLABLE: note that the pulmonic air stream required for the production of speech
does not flow at a constant rate, but it occurs in a series of pulses → “PULSE THEORY” of the syllable: each
→ consider a monosyllabic word such as clamp – phonemic representation /klamp/: according to the
sonority scale, /k/ is less sonorous than /l/, which is less sonorous than /a/ → this is more sonorous than
/m/, which in turn is less sonorous than the final /p/ → the graphic representation clearly shows only one
sonority peak
→ the SONORITY HIERARCHY: some sounds stand out as more prominent or sonorous than others → by
judging the sonority of a sound, we need to imagine its “carrying power”: a vowel like [a] clearly has more
carrying power than a consonant like [z] (a plosive has virtually no sonority at all unless followed by a
vowel) → sounds below a certain level on the hierarchy cannot constitute peaks (from FRICATIVES down)
OPEN VOWELS
CLOSE VOWELS
GLIDES /j,w/ ↘︎
(subdivision of “approximants”, are short
movements away from a vowel-like position)
LIQUIDS /l,r/ ↘︎
(subdivision of “approximants”, they cover sounds which have
narrowing without friction but are not relatable to vowel sounds)
NASALS
FRICATIVES
AFFRICATES
PLOSIVES
→ intermediate vowels are appropriately placed between OPEN and CLOSE → voiced sounds are more
sonorous than voiceless sounds
→ the sonority theory gives us a general understanding of what syllables are: they are associated with
peaks in sonority in such a way that in a given string of phonemes, every syllable corresponds to a single
sonority peak → but there are some exception that cannot be explained!
→ consider the two phrases hidden aims and hid names, both are identically represented as /hɪdnemz/ but
the first has three syllables and the second two → this demonstrates a general property of the rules that
govern the way which strings are divided into syllables: these rules (rules of SYLLABIFICATION) take
into account the boundaries between words → the domain syllabification is the single word, because words
are syllabified individually and then put together into phrases and sentences
→ the second problem that the sonority theory does not answer concerns the position of syllable
boundaries within words: where do the syllable boundaries fall? → most speakers would agree on the
following syllabification (boundaries marked by dots) a.ro.ma, pho.no.lo.gy → the sonority theory
identifies the troughs between syllable peaks, but it does not predict what appears to be a quite simple
regularity: the consonant that constitutes such a trough is in each case part of the following rather than the
preceding syllable (no one syllabifies like phon.ol.og.y) → usually the center of a syllable is a vowel
→ the appendixed /s/ can cause us problems as does not constitute a syllable
→ align syllable boundaries with morpheme boundaries (the MORPHEMIC PRINCIPLE); align syllable
boundaries to parallel syllable codas and onsets at the ends and beginnings of words (the PHONOTACTIC
PRINCIPLE); align syllable boundaries to best predict allophonic variation; assign consonants to onsets
wherever possible (the MAXIMAL ONSET PRINCIPLE)
→ the third problem is how many phonemes can a syllable contain and what phonemes can occur next to
each other in a syllable? → no English syllable can contain a large number of phonemes
→ why is /klamp/ permissible but /knamp/ not? → there are rules for the permissible number of phonemes
in a syllable and for the ways in which phonemes cluster: /kn/ is forbidden in English even though it does
constitute the upward sonority slope at the beginning of a syllable requires
→ this rules are not in contradiction to the sonority theory, they are amendments to this rather loose theory
of the syllable
→ the structure of MONOSYLLABIC (only one syllable) WORDS: the segmental composition – units that
comprise more than one segment but are smaller than a whole syllable
→ we shall refer to the SYLLABIC segment, the peak of the sonority curve, simply, as the PEAK of the
syllable; the peak may be preceded by one or more consonants; we shall call this part of the syllable the
ONSET (this generally involve increasing sonority up to the peak) → following the peak may be more
consonants, referred to as the CODA; and perhaps most importantly, we shall group the peak and the coda
together and call the resulting unit the RHYME of the syllable
• when we pronounce most vowel sounds, the tongue tip lies behind the lower teeth → it can be stated in
articulatory terms, that some vowel sounds require the raising of the front of the tongue, while others are
articulated with typical “hump” at the back
• short vowels
/ɪ/ - hid, fill, bid, except
/e/ - head, fell, bed
/æ/ - had, bad
/ɒ/
/ʊ/
/ʌ/
/ə/
→ LINKING /r/: RP (is present in nonrohtic accents) introduces word-final post-vocalic /r/ as a linking form
when the following word begins with a vowel → the vowel endings to which an /r/ link may be added
are /ɑː,ɔː/ and those single or complex vowels containing final /ə/ (/ə,ɜː,ɪə,eə,ʊə/) → far off, four aces,
answer it, fur inside, near it, wear out, secure everything → it appears only in syllables onsets: it fails to
occur in hear /hɪə/ but it is present in hearing /hɪəriŋ/
→ many examples of linking /r/ occur where there is no /r/ in the spelling: INTRUSIVE /r/ → such /r/’s are to
be heard particularly in the case of [ə] endings → Russia and China /rʌʃər ən' tʃaɪnə/ → are in the same
contexts as those in which linking /r/ is found, but in words where there is no historic /r/ (and,
consequently, no /r/ in rhotic accents)
→ general tendency among RP speakers is to use /r/ links, even (unconsciously) among those who object
most strongly → the comparative rarity of potential contexts for “intrusive” /r/’s following /ɑː,ɔː/ tends to
make speakers more aware of the “correct” forms; thus I saw it /aɪ sɔːr ɪt/ and similar are generally
disapproved of, though those who avoid such pronunciations have to make a conscious effort to do so
→ sometimes speakers tend to make a pause or a glottal stop or even a glide between the abutting vowels
to avoid the “intrusive” /r/ → they also abandon the other linking /r/s → they make a distinction: they form
a natural class in that all of them are high vowels, or at least surface diphthongs with high second elements,
while the vowels that attract /r/ are nonhigh
• CONSONANTS AND VOWEL CHANGES: the English CONSONANTS have been subject to fewer changes than
have the vowels → consonantal articulation usually involves a contact which can be felt and such an
articulation tends to be more stable → one example is the change of the OE palatal plosives [c,ɟ] to PresE
[ʧ,dʒ] as in OE cirice > PresE church and OE brycg > PresE bridge, involving the combinative change of
palatal plosive to palate-alveolar affricate before a front vowel → more common is the type of chanfe
involving the conferment of phonemic status on an existing sound
→ a modification of VOWEL quality results from very slight changes of tongue or lip position and there
may be a series of imperceptible gradations before an appreciable quality change is evident (or is capable
of being expressed by means of the Latin vowel letter) → one example are the modern homophones meet
and meat had in ME different vowel forms: approximately of the value of [eː] and [ɛː]
• certain types of regional pronunciation are, however, firmly established as alternative standards, like
STANDARD SCOTTISH ENGLISH (SSE); others that are used in large towns, are still often
characterized as ugly (Liverpool or Birmingham) or strange (Newcastle) → most RP speakers are aware
that this type of pronunciation is used by only a very small part of the English-speaking world (an
American pronunciation of English, is now familiar in Britain)
• innovation tends to be stigmatized by the RP: conservative forms tend to me most generally accepted
• even with the RP there are some areas and many individual words where alternative pronunciations are
possible → three main types of RP: GENERAL RP, REFINED RP and REGIONAL RP
→REFINED RP: is that type which is commonly considered to be upper-class, and it does indeed seem to
be mainly associated in some way with upper-class families and with professions which have traditionally
recruited from such families (officers of Navy, for example) → speakers of Refined RP have become a
figure of fun
→ REGIONAL RP: reflects regional rather than class variation and will vary according to which region is
involved in “regional” → it describes the type of speech which is basically RP except for the presence of a
few regional characteristics which go unnoticed even by the speakers of RP → some features, although, of
regional accents may still be too stigmatized to be acceptable as RP (Cockney, Northern English) → the
concept of Regional RP reflects the fact that there is nowadays a far greater tolerance of dialectal variation
in all walks of life, although, where RP is the norm, only certain types of regional dilution of RP are
acceptable
• LONDON REGIONAL RP, under the name of “Estaury English” has provoked much discussion in the
press → this names was firstly used because such a pronunciation was thought to have spread outwards
from London along the Thames Estuary into Essex and North Kent → it is competing with the Regional
RPs of cities in which has entered (Bristol, Manchester, Liverpool etc.)
• RP has traditionally been the type of pronunciation taught to learners of English as L2 and that most
commonly described in books on the phonetics of British English → for historical reasons, RP continues to
serve as a model in many parts of the world (the choice is between RP or GA)
• GENERAL AMERICAN (GA): the traditional division of the USA for pronunciation purposes is into Eastern,
Southern and GENERAL → the last one, can be regarded as that form of American which does not have
marked regional characteristic (like RP) and is sometimes referred to as “NETWORK ENGLISH” (like
RP’s “BBC English”)
→ there are two major areas of systemic difference between RP and GA: first, GA lacks the RP diphthongs
/ɪə,eə,ʊə/ which correspond in GA to sequences of short vowels plus /r/ → beard /bɪrd/, fare /fer/
→ in RP, where /r/ occurs only before vowels, GA /r/ an occur before consonants and before pause (GA is
rhotic and RP non-rhotic)
→ second major difference is that, GA has no /ɒ/ → most commonly, those vowels which have /ɒ/ in RP
are pronounced with /ɑː/ in GA → cod, spot, pocket → not only /ɒ/ and /ɑː/ fall together, but /ɔː/ also for
an increasing number of GA speakers
→ the main difference of lexical occurrence concerns words which RP have /ɑː/ while in GA they have /æ/
→ differences of realizations are always numerous