Professional Documents
Culture Documents
G A RY E . M c P H E R S O N
U N I V E R S I T Y O F N E W S O U T H WA L E S , S Y D N E Y
For research in any discipline there are many questions to be answered, but
often these can be distilled into just a few fundamental, but extremely impor-
tant issues. For researchers interested in the beginning stages of learning
a musical instrument, two of the most basic concern the extent to which
musical progress is sequenced and orderly, and why some children’s progress
appears to be effortless in contrast to others who struggle.
sempre :
In order to shed light on these two issues, this article reports on a longitu-
dinal study involving young musicians across the first three years of learning
a musical instrument. The major purpose of the study was to clarify the
quality of mental strategies the children adopted when performing and the
quantity of practice they had accumulated as a means of examining how
these mental and physical aspects of skill acquisition impacted on their overall
music performance development.
coordinate their ears, eyes and hands. This is consistent with a variety of
long-standing teaching methodologies that emphasize the need to ‘proceed
from sound to symbol, not from symbol to sound’ (Mainwaring, 1951a: 12),
even though this principle is often not incorporated into actual teaching
practice (McPherson and Gabrielsson, 2002).
SAMPLE
Before commencing the study, the researcher gained formal ethics clearance
through his university and also the state department of education. Contacts
were made with music teachers from eight schools, to recruit children who
were about to start learning an instrument. The researcher organized infor-
mation sessions to talk about the study and to distribute information so that
parents and their children could make an informed decision about whether or
not to participate. As a result of these sessions and the information supplied,
157 children and their parents agreed to take part.
At the beginning of the study, the children were all in school grades 3 and
4, and aged between 7 and 9 years. The participating schools represented
a range of inner city and suburban primary schools and differing socio-
economic regions within Sydney, Australia. Instruction on the ensemble
instruments for the eight schools normally involved one or two music
ensemble rehearsals each week plus a small group or individual lesson on the
instrument. All eight schools taught the children using popular method
books such as Standard of Excellence (Kjos Music Company) and Essential
Elements (Hal Leonard Corporation) and this material was supplemented
by additional technical and solo repertoire that was covered during the indi-
vidual or small group lessons on the instrument.
Most of the children (76%) started learning clarinet, trumpet, flute or
saxophone (see Table 1). The drum and percussion students (8%) participated
in all interviews but were not included in the performance measures. The
sample consisted of 87(55%) girls and 70(45%) boys.
TA B L E 1 Instruments studied
Instrument N %
Clarinet 35 22
Trumpet 33 21
Flute 28 18
Saxophone 24 15
Baritone and French horn 14 9
Drums and percussion 13 8
Trombone 9 6
Tuba 1 1
By the end of the first school year, 131(84%) of the children were continu-
ing to learn their instrument, and this declined to 109(69%) by the end of the
second school year and tailed off to 107(68%) by the end of the third school
year (see Table 2).
TA B L E 2 Distribution of children across the three years who continued, ceased or moved
or woodwind instruments (6%), while one child had received formal singing
lessons. Very few (4%) had learned more than one other instrument, and for
these children it was either recorder or another woodwind instrument such
as the flute as a second instrument to the piano. There was a significant dif-
ference (F(1, 72) = 21.15, p = .001) in the number of months of musical
involvement with the previous instrument between those who had learned
but ceased prior to commencing their new instrument and those who con-
tinued playing while taking up the ensemble instrument as a second instru-
ment. Children who ceased their instrument before taking up the new
instrument had averaged 12 months of learning (SD = 7.70), whereas
children who continued playing had been playing for an average of 21.81
(SD = 10.66) months.
TA B L E 3 Distribution of novice players, with children who had previous musical experience
N % N % N %
81 52 43 27 33 21
Procedure
DEVELOPMENT OF THE MEASURES
The philosophy underpinning the study was an unease with conceptions of
musical achievement that focus on children’s ability to perform repertoire
from notation which they have practised at home. The problem with this
conception is that it is possible to learn a piece of music through mindless
drill and practice with little or no understanding of the task (Lehmann and
Davidson, 2002); what Schleuter (1997) refers to as ‘button-pushing’
students ‘to whom notation indicates only what fingers to put down rather
than what sounds are desired’ (p. 48).
More than 60 years ago, Mainwaring (1941) argued for a broader view of
musicianship that included not only being able to perform from notation, but
also being able to play by ear and improvise, while more recent work
(McPherson, 1993, 1995a; McPherson et al., 1997) has resulted in the
defining of five aspects of music performance relevant to understanding
children’s abilities to perform music:
● Perform rehearsed music: Using notation to provide a faithful reproduction
of a pre-existing piece of music that has been practised over multiple
rehearsals.
● Sight-read: Accurately reproducing music from notation that has not
been previously seen or heard.
● Play from memory: Providing a faithful reproduction of a pre-existing
piece of music that was learned from notation but performed without
notation.
● Play by ear: Reproducing a pre-existing piece of music that was learned
aurally without the aid of notation.
● Improvise: Creating music aurally without the aid of notation.
For children to become competent musicians, they need to be able to develop
their capacity to ‘think in sound’ by being able to aurally represent in their
minds what they see, hear or wish to create on their instrument (McPherson,
1995b; Schleuter, 1997). One way to test whether they are developing these
capacities is to examine how well they are able to perform in the five ways
detailed above, so that different dimensions of their abilities to coordinate
their eyes and ears with the fingerings necessary to perform on their instru-
ment can be examined.
In order to adapt the techniques used in previous investigations for begin-
ning instrumentalists, revised measures from the researcher’s earlier studies
(McPherson, 1993, 1995a, McPherson et al., 1997) were piloted with a
group of 18 beginning instrumentalists in school grades 3 and 4 who were
attending a school music camp. Because the new measures were to be used
with children at the end of their first school year, nine months after starting,
as well as at the end of school years 2 and 3, the researcher trialled a number
of tasks considered appropriate for this range of ability levels. Results for the
children’s performances were analysed and discussed with two other
colleagues before selection of the final tasks for each of the measures used in
the main study.
MAIN STUDY
Data were collected from individual interviews and administration of the
musical tasks with the learners, in addition to structured interviews with the
children’s mothers. The children were interviewed immediately before
commencing instruction and then completed additional interviews and the
performance measures at the end of their first, second and third school years
(i.e. after 9, 21 and 33 months of learning). During the individual sessions
with the researcher at the end of each year, all performances were recorded
digitally using a minidisk recorder attached to a professional quality micro-
phone.
Each mother was interviewed around the time her child was given an
instrument and then another nine times during the following three years.
The interviews with the children and their mothers covered a broad range of
topics, and were typically conducted on an individual basis for the children
and on the telephone for the mothers.
Estimates of accumulated practice were calculated in hours for each year
of the study, based on the mother’s reports of her child’s practice across the
year. This involved a series of questions during the phone interviews that
sought information on how many days a week each child typically practised
and for how long. Using this information the researcher was able to compile
monthly records of how much practice had been accumulated, which were
then summed to provide an estimate for each twelve-month period.
PERFORMANCE MEASURES
A series of tasks were designed to assess the children’s ability to perform in
five ways.
Sight-reading
The Watkins-Farnum Performance Scale (WFPS) (Watkins and Farnum,
1954) was used to assess sight-reading ability. This standardized measure
was given to each child using the two available equivalent forms. Form A was
administered after the first school year, Form B at the end of the second
school year and Form A again at the end of the third school year.
Using the WFPS, the evaluator follows the music as the student performs a
series of increasingly difficult short pieces, and places a cross in each measure
in which the musician makes an error. An important reason for choosing the
WFPS was the scoring method that focuses the evaluator’s attention on read-
ing ability to the exclusion of other factors (such as those used to assess the
children’s ability to perform rehearsed music). Assessment is based on accu-
racy of performance in the categories of pitch, rhythm, slurring/articulation,
tempo, observation of notated expression markings, pause/fermata and
repeats.
Playing by ear
For the four playing by ear tasks, the children were told the starting note of a
melody they heard performed four times from a CD recording, after which
they were asked to perform the piece twice exactly as sounded on the record-
ing. This task examined the children’s ability to transfer the mental image of
the melody they had just heard into the instrumental fingerings necessary to
perform this back by ear. As for the previous measure, the scoring method for
the four test items included separate scores for consistency and accuracy of
pitch and rhythm, scored from 0 to 10, which were summed to provide a total
score for each task.
Improvising
Children were asked to play the opening of a given phrase and to continue by
making up a complete melody (i.e. motif item), and also to improvise a piece
on their own that had a beginning, a middle and an end (i.e. complete piece
item). The directions for each task were that the ending of the piece they
improvised should sound finished.
In the first year, improvisational ability was assessed using a global
21-point scale (from 0 to 10 with .5 intervals) for each of the two tasks that
were then summed and, as for the Perform Rehearsed Music scores, establish-
ing ceilings for years 2 and 3 that adequately reflected the increasing skill of
the children. The scores of zero in year 1 were given to two children who
stated that they could not think of anything to play. Paired comparisons of
scores with identical markings were re-heard after marking each year group
so that the marks could be adjusted to ensure consistency across the three
years. As for previous measures developed by the researcher, evaluative
criteria deemed appropriate for assigning a global mark included instrumen-
tal fluency, musical syntax, creativity and overall musical quality (see further,
McPherson, 1995a).
child’s performance on each of the five measures, and separately for each of
the three years, to ensure that he was not influenced by any of the previous
year’s performances nor the children’s performances on any of the other
measures. After having scored all tasks on each of the five measures, he then
prepared a data file that allowed him to sort scores for each task. To ensure
that performances across the three years were equivalent, he then undertook
a paired comparison of performances, so that he could be sure that the same
performance standards in years 1, 2 and 3 were allocated identical scores.
To gauge inter-judge reliability, 50 performances on each task of each
measure were randomly selected from all performances across the three years
and burned onto a CD that was given to an independent evaluator. Inter-
judge reliability coefficients for the five measures were all acceptable. The
highest reliability scores were for sight-reading (.94), followed by performing
rehearsed music (.92), playing by ear (.90), playing from memory (.88) and
improvising (.80). The reliability estimates for the WFPS were consistent with
previously published reliability estimates (Watkins and Farnum, 1954;
Stivers, 1972).
Cronbach alpha indications of internal consistency show acceptable inter-
nal consistency across the three years for the three measures that had more
than one item. For the five tasks on the playing from memory measure, each
performed twice (i.e. 10 items), the alphas were .95, .94, and .94 for adminis-
tration of the test in years 1, 2 and 3 respectively. For playing by ear, which
included four tasks each performed twice (i.e. eight items), the alphas
were .94, .91, and .92 across the three years. The improvisation measure
consisted of two tasks, performed once each. Correlations between these two
tasks were all significant (p < .01) with coefficients of .72 in year 1, .86 in
year 2, and .93 in year 3.
Results
PROGRESS ON THE FIVE PERFORMANCE SKILLS
Descriptive statistics for the five measures are shown in Table 4, and provide
indications of the range of abilities that the children achieved across the
three years of the study. It is important to note that some children had made
very little progress by the end of years 2 and 3, and even failed to achieve the
standard of some of their peers who had received substantially higher scores
at the end of their first nine months of learning. As an indication, 4(4%) of
the year 3 children had not reached the mean score of the year 1 sample
for Perform Rehearsed Music. For the other skills it was 18(19%) for sight-
reading, 8(8%) for playing from memory, 11(11%) for playing by ear, and
19(20%) of the year 3 sample for improvising. A chi square analysis, between
the children who had and had not ceased instruction by the end of the study,
and the top and bottom 50 percent of scores on each of the measures, shows
that the children who scored in the bottom half of the sample in year 1 for
the skills of sight-reading and playing by ear, were significantly more likely
to cease instruction (Sight-read: χ2 = 11.49, d.f. = .1, p < .001; Play by Ear:
χ2 = 5.07, d.f. = 1, p = .02).
The next part of the analysis sought to determine the extent to which the
children’s scores on each of the five measures improved significantly across
the three years. Results for the five ANOVA show that the children’s scores
improved significantly for each measure (Perform Rehearsed Music: F(2,
319) = 99.71, p = .000; Sight-read: F(2, 319) = 46.61, p = .000; Play from
Memory: F(2, 319) = 55.86, p = .000; Play by Ear: F(2, 319) = 37.59,
p = .000; Improvise: F(2, 319) = 27.40, p = .000). Post hoc calculations
using the Bonferonni test show that these scores improved for each measure
from years 1 to 2, and for all skills except improvising from years 2 to 3.
Even though a majority of children improved across the three years, it had
become apparent in the research sessions that some had not been able to keep
up with their peers – a finding consistent with observations made from the
analysis of Table 4. Consequently, to provide information on individual differ-
ences over time (i.e. rates of improvement or deterioration) the children’s
scores were converted to a percentage based on the range from the lowest to
highest score across the three years on each of the measures. To gauge the
extent of these differences, year 1 results for each skill were subtracted from
year 2, and year 2 from year 3 results, so that the mean percentage change
between years could be calculated.
As is evident in Tables 5 and 6, the mean percentage increase from years 1
to 2 ranged from 9.4 percent to 14.88 percent, and for years 2 to 3 from 2.63
percent to 10.78 percent. The mean differences between the five skills were
significant for both year groups (Years 1 to 2: F(4, 511) = 2.72, p = .029;
Years 2 to 3: F(4, 490) = 5.24, p = .000), with the greatest improvements
occurring for the skill of playing from memory across years 1 to 2, and play-
ing rehearsed music across years 2 to 3, and the least improvement occurring
in both year groups for the skill of improvising.
Tables 5 and 6 also indicate the percentage of children whose scores
decreased, remained the same or deteriorated from years 1 to 2 and years 2 to
3. The most marked improvement occurred for the skill of performing
rehearsed music, where only 1 percent of the sample in year 2 received the
same scores as in year 1, and only 1 percent of the children deteriorated in
skill from years 2 to 3. This result is in contrast to the other four skills, where
the pattern of improvement was distinctly different. For example, 8 percent of
the children in year 2 actually received lower sight-reading scores than their
Differences
between year 2 Largest Largest
minus year 1 decrease increase Decreased Same Increased
Mean SD (%) (%) (%) (%) (%)
Differences
between year 3 Largest Largest
minus year 2 decrease increase Decreased Same Increased
Mean SD (%) (%) (%) (%) (%)
** p < .01
Organizational strategies
1. Keeping track of what is to be learned: in terms of whether the child actively
uses a practice diary to take notes about what needs to be practised and
how to practise. This issue was considered important based on evidence
that self-regulated learners are more likely to monitor and control their
learning (Zimmerman, 1994, 1998, 2000), especially through the use of
notes and diary entries (Hong and Milgram, 2000). In the end of year
interviews, the children were asked at separate times in their interview to
explain how they kept track of any new pieces they were required to
learn, whether they had a practice diary, and whether they actively kept a
record in their diary of what they were learning and the problems they
were experiencing with their learning. As a cross check, the researcher
asked to see the children’s diary, so that he could see for himself whether
the children were using it to write in comments themselves about what
they had to learn, as well as any issues that they needed to keep in mind
as they practised. Responses to these questions were coded in terms of
two separate categories. The first related to children who had a practice
diary and used this diary to actively keep track of what they were learn-
ing. The second category related to whether the child had a diary but did
not normally take notes about what needed to be practised.
2. Order of practice. Evidence by Hong and Milgram (2000) suggests that the
order in which students complete their homework is influenced by their
personal interests and own individualized working style. Two character-
istic working styles were hypothesized to emerge: (a) a more strategic
style, where students focus on the repertoire they need to practise first in
order to improve before moving on to pieces they enjoy playing, and (b) a
less strategic style, where students focus on pieces they can already play
and enjoy most, rather than repertoire that has been assigned by the
teacher which they need to learn. It was anticipated that the more strate-
gic style would be associated with a faster rate of skill acquisition. For this
strategy, the children were asked to explain to the researcher what they
spend most of their time practising, what they believed to be the most
important thing to do when practising, as well as how they structure
their practice in terms of new literature they have to learn for the next
lesson as compared to pieces that they may already know and enjoy con-
tinuing to play. Analysis of the responses resulted in the identification of
two categories according to whether the children tended to start their
practice by focusing on the pieces they were asked to learn for the next
lesson before moving on to pieces they enjoyed playing, or started with
literature they enjoyed playing before moving on to pieces they needed to
learn.
Improvement strategies
3. Practising to improve: The children were asked how often they play a piece
through that they cannot yet play and are having difficulty learning. This
issue was considered important based on interviews with the teachers
before the commencement of the study suggesting that persistence in the
face of difficulties might be one of the more important indicators of long-
term achievement. It has also been reaffirmed subsequently in case study
analyses of the home practice habits of children involved in this study
(Pitts et al., 2000; McPherson and Renwick, 2001; McPherson and
Zimmerman, 2002). For this question, the coding involved four distinct
categories. The lowest category was an orientation to play hard pieces
just once during each practice session (e.g. ‘I play my pieces through just
once. I want to get them over with’; ‘If I’m going really well I play it a few
times. If it’s bad then I only play it once, except I know it should be the
other way around’). Comments for the second category involved playing
the piece a couple of times with little evidence of any concentrated effort
(e.g. ‘I do each piece about twice, out of habit’). The third category
involved comments indicating that the player would play the piece a few
times until it had improved (e.g. ‘I try to make it better by playing it over
and over’), while the final category comments came from children who
displayed a more concentrated ability to refine their playing (e.g. ‘First I
play it once and see how good I am, then I practise it again and again
until it’s at a standard that I can take to my tutor’).
4. Self-correction strategies: A final series of questions sought to determine
what the children reported doing when they made a mistake. The chil-
dren were asked closed and open-ended questions related to this issue, in
order to categorize them along a continuum going from a tendency to
ignore errors, to trial and error practice without a clear goal for correct-
ing the performance, to more sophisticated strategies such as playing
slower and gradually building up speed or stopping to think about how
the music should go before strategically trying to apply this knowledge in
order to correct the problem. Comments from children who were asked to
explain what they do when they make a mistake were coded into four cat-
egories. The first included comments that displayed a sense of hopeless-
ness or lack of persistence (e.g. ‘I usually give up and keep going’; ‘I don’t
try to fix it, I go through everything once’); the second consisted of refer-
ences to superficial trial and error practice (e.g. ‘If I get it right I move on,
otherwise I’ll play the mistake over once or twice’); the third, a more
concerted effort to correct the problem (e.g. I go through the section and
find the trouble spots, and I go over them really slowly and then speed
them up’); and the final category, showing evidence of a more developed
capacity to think strategically and reflectively together with a more
deliberate attempt to refine the playing (e.g. ‘I try to think about how my
teacher played it, then go back over it slowly and then speed it up’; ‘I play
slowly, play the section with different rhythms and think about it before I
play it again’).
The final combined strategy use scale used for the skill of performing
rehearsed music consisted of the four traits, equally weighted and added
together to form a summed total.
on this measure, but this piece was unexpectedly covered immediately before
they began playing so that they could be asked to describe what they were
thinking in the seconds before they commenced their performance. A content
analysis of the children’s comments resulted in the identification of five
strategies that were deemed important for efficient sight-reading. These
included studying the first measure of the music to gain a sense of how the
piece commenced, actively searching to find the key- and time-signatures,
establishing an appropriate tempo by thinking about how the piece should
sound, and scanning the entire work to identify possible obstacles, so that the
piece could be played in an appropriate style and tempo that would help facili-
tate an accurate performance. The sight-reading strategy scale consisted of
allocating a mark when a child reported any of the five strategies and then
summing these to form a total score.
Table 8 shows the percentage of students across the three years who
reported each of the five strategies. With the exception of establishing an
appropriate tempo between years 2 and 3, all percentages increase. This may
suggest that this strategy becomes more automatic as students gain profi-
ciency on their instrument. However, it was still deemed appropriate to
include this item in the final strategy scale based on the types of comments
supplied by the children. For example, the children in year 3 who reported
establishing an appropriate tempo before starting tended to be those players
who were more strategic with their preparation (e.g. ‘The last one was really
hard, so I thought about how fast I could play it to get the hard parts in the
second line’).
Conceptual
● Mental strategy 1: Independent of the instrument and how the melody
would sound. Children in this category tended to think about the contour
of the melody and whether it went up or down, or the letter names of
individual notes. For some children this involved trying to ‘take a photo-
graph’ of the musical score. Indicative comments include:
I was trying to write the notes in my mind but it didn’t work so I tried each bar
separately.
I was just looking at it to see what notes were where. I was saying things like:
‘The bars are different, there are two that are not crotchets.’
I picture them in my mind. I take a photograph and keep it in my mind. That’s
what my mum told me to do with phone numbers.
● Mental strategy 2: Independent of the instrument but involving the
chanting of rhythm or letter names of the notes. A typical response was
for the child to demonstrate what he or she was doing by chanting out
aloud the approximate rhythm of the piece. Alternatively, the child might
read or say the notes to him- or herself, for example:
I was trying to say it and get it stuck in my mind. I keep looking at it and saying
the names of the notes over and over.
● Mental strategy 3: Trying to sing the melody but not explicitly linking this
with instrumental fingerings. Often this involved chanting the rhythm or
pitch with a rough contour and breaking the music down into individual
segments (often as a single measure rather than a phrase). For example:
I was humming it to myself and trying to remember the notes. My singing
wasn’t very accurate.
Kinaesthetic
● Mental strategy 4: Trying to chant the rhythm or pitch with rough con-
tour while fingering the melody through on the instrument, either in sec-
tions or from beginning to end. This strategy became obvious each time a
child demonstrated to the researcher what she or he was doing. For
example, one boy said:
I was just going through it like this [then chants the rhythm of the melody
while demonstrating how it would be fingered on the instrument].
Musical
● Mental strategy 5: These children demonstrated their ability to link the
sound of the melody to instrumental fingerings by mentally rehearsing
PLAYING BY EAR
As for the playing from memory strategies, and based on previous research
(McPherson, 1993, 1997), a content analyses of the children’s responses to
the question ‘Can you tell me exactly how you prepared to play that melody;
what did you do in your mind as you listened to the recording?’ after they had
performed the last task on the measure, resulted in five strategies for playing
by ear that could be grouped according to three conceptual, kinaesthetic and
musical categories.
Conceptual
● Mental strategy 1: Children in this category employed a ‘visual’ approach
by thinking independently of their instrument and how the melody
would sound. Often this involved them thinking about the contour of the
melody and whether it went up or down, or even how it might look if it
was notated on the page. Examples of children’s comments include:
I was thinking how many notes up and down it goes and saying to myself, it
goes up, then up again, then down.
I was listening to the notes and trying to work out the names of the notes as
they look in music.
I was trying to think what notes they were and thinking how they go up and
down and how they would look in music.
● Mental strategy 2: Independent of the instrument but involving the
chanting of the rhythm, or singing while trying to decide what notes
these pitches might be. For example:
In the gap I was doing this [then chants the rhythm of the melody with very
rough melodic contour].
Kinaesthetic
● Mental strategy 3: Trying to think about how the notes might be related to
fingerings on the instrument. This was often not fluent fingering but
either working in sections or groups of notes and, if there was time, piec-
ing these together. One child remarked:
I tried to play the first part of the piece in the gap and when I heard it again I
tried to add the next part. I was thinking about how the notes would be
fingered on my clarinet.
Musical
● Mental strategy 5: These children had a sense of how the notes could be
reproduced on their instrument and could demonstrate how they men-
tally rehearsed the music either by playing along with the recording or in
the gaps between performances. They displayed the most highly devel-
oped capacity to coordinate ear and hand, as evidenced by comments
such as:
I was singing and playing it on my instrument like this [child demonstrates
accurate singing while showing how she fingered it on her flute]. I did it over
and over.
Discussion
The aim of this study was to clarify the extent to which the children’s learn-
ing was sequenced and orderly, and to investigate why some struggled in
comparison to others who made rapid progress. The context involved a
sample of children of similar ages who were all beginning instruments at the
same time in eight different school instrumental programmes.
The first part of the analysis shows that the children’s progression was in
many ways smooth, with most improving, however gradually, across the
initial years of their learning. This result was consistent for all five skills from
years 1 to 2, and for all skills except improvising from years 2 to 3. The level-
ling off on the skill of improvising was not unexpected since the children
were not normally being taught to improvise during their lessons. Never-
theless, many of the children were able to create interesting melodies, with a
small number reporting doodling and improvising during their daily practice.
In marked contrast, there were also learners who found it difficult to impro-
vise even a simple response for the two tasks of completing a phrase and
creating a long extended melody.
It might be expected that children who had previous experience learning
another instrument and who therefore had been exposed to more musical
training would progress more rapidly on their new instrument as compared
with novice learners. However, this was not the case for the skills of perform-
ing rehearsed music, sight-reading and improvising. For the aural skills of
playing from memory and playing by ear, however, children who where
continuing to learn another instrument such as piano in addition to their
new school wind instrument, were significantly better at these skills when
compared to novice learners. This finding, consistent with other evidence
(Elliot and May, 1980; McPherson, 1993), suggests that having lessons on
two instruments enhances a student’s development on the aspect of learning
where the two instruments overlap; that is, aural skill development.
The results also show that by the end of year 3, some of the children had
not attained the standard of the average of the sample’s year 1 results:
around 4 percent on the skill of performing rehearsed music to a high of 20
percent of the children for the skill of improvising. Thus, significant incre-
mental improvement in attainment was evident from one year to the next,
but this was accompanied by large within-group differences on each of the
five performance skills. Consequently, by the end of the first three years there
were extremely wide differences between the children’s performance abilities
across the five performance skills – a finding that is even more alarming given
that some of the poor learners had already ceased instruction before the end
of the study.
Importantly, early difficulties in learning to read notation, as evaluated by
the children’s sight-reading results, and their ear-to-hand coordination skills,
as demonstrated by their ability to play by ear, were associated with dropouts.
Children who scored in the bottom half of the sample on these two measures
in year 1 were more likely to cease instruction. Additional findings show that
the children tended to retain their position on all five measures relative to
their peers across the three years. In general terms the children who had
fallen behind on any of the measures in their first year of learning were those
who were typically still struggling on these measures in year 3, or had ceased
learning altogether.
Such wide individual differences provide indications of how challenging
learning an instrument can be for some children, and how this results in the
‘survival of the fittest’. Most importantly, these results reinforce the need for
researchers to better understand the problems encountered when commenc-
ing music instruction, and what teachers can do to help children learn more
efficiently and with less frustration, especially when they are experiencing
difficulties or problems.
percent of practice time was spent simply playing through a piece from begin-
ning to end, without adopting a specific strategy to improve the performance.
Barry and Hallam (2002) suggest that this is because beginners are not
always aware of where they are going wrong, and have not developed appro-
priate internal aural schemata to identify and correct their own mistakes.
Conclusions
The findings of this study extend previous research on skill acquisition by
proposing that conceptions based on the amount of practice undertaken or
that focus exclusively on children’s ability to reproduce rehearsed music from
notation are inadequate to understanding their overall development. It is
proposed that a more coherent explanation of learning to perform on an
instrument comes from understanding what children are thinking as they
process music visually and aurally, and that the sophistication of their
mental strategies provides an important means of understanding why some
progress effortlessly in contrast to others who struggle and fail.
The most important finding is that those children who applied musically
appropriate mental strategies very early in their learning were more likely to
succeed in comparison with their peers. A major concern for all who are
interested in effective learning therefore, is the number of children who failed
to apply musically appropriate strategies in the early months of their learn-
ing, and whose learning was seriously affected, to the extent that they fell far
behind in their learning compared to their more successful peers or even
ceased learning altogether. Again, these results lead to the proposition that
there is much more to the making of a musician, and to explaining musical
development, than just hearing how well a child can reproduce music from
notation that has been rehearsed over multiple practice sessions.
Finally, the major implications arising from the study are that improve-
ments in instruction which help children struggling with their learning, can
be attained by placing more emphasis in music on teaching (a) what are
appropriate musical strategies, (b) how musical strategies can be used, (c)
where and in what situations certain types of musical strategies are best
employed, and (d) why each type of musical strategy aids one’s performance.
Very little research is currently available that helps clarify how this might
best be achieved and so a high priority for future research should be to focus
more attention on this area of musical thinking and learning.
AC K N OW L E D G E M E N T
The author is grateful to James Renwick and Emery Schubert who each provided very
helpful suggestions and insightful comments on an earlier version of this article. This
research was supported by a large Australian Research Council grant (No.
A79700682).
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