War and Collapse World War I and the Ottoman State edited by M. Hakan Yavuz with Feroz Ahmad Utah Series in Middle East Studies ‘THE UNIVERSITY OF UTAH PRESS Salt Lake CityCopyright © 2016 by The University of Utah Press. All rights reserved. Utah Series in Middle East Studies M. Hakan Yavuz, series editor “The Defiance House Man colophon ia regisusred trademark of the University of Utah Press, Iris based on a four-foot-tall Ancient Pueblo piccograph (late PIII) near Glen Canyon, Utah. “20 19 18 17 16 12345 LIBRARY OF CONGRESS CATALOGING-IN-PUBLIGATION DATA ‘War and collapse : World War I and the Ottoman State Jedited by MM. Hakan Yavuz wich Feroz Ahmad, pages em. — (Utah series in Middle East studies) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-1-60781-461-0 (cloth : alk, paper) — ISBN 978-1-60781-462-7 (ebook) 1, World Wat, 19141918 ~ Turkey. 2. Tarkey— Politics and government—1909~1918. 3, Turkey — History ~ Orcoman Empire, 1288-1918. L Yavuz, M. Hakan, II, Ahmad, Feroz. DRs881W57 2015 9403'56—deas 2015015508Gallipoli Bovent Ecevit : “What land were you torn away from, . : what makes you so sad having come here?” asked Mehmet the soldier from Anatolia, addressing the Anzac lying near. “From the uttermost ends of the world I come, so it is written on my tombstone,” answered the youthful Anzak, “and here am buried in a land that I did not even know” “Do not be disheartened, mate,” Mehmet told him tenderly, “you share with us the same fare in the bosom of our country.” “You are not a stranger anymore, you have become a Mehmet just like me.”Contents Illustrations xiii ANote on Transliteration xv Acknowledgments xvii Introduction I M. Hakan Yavuz and Feroz Ahmad Part I. THE OriGrns oF WorLD War | AND THE OTTOMAN Roap To WaR 1. Inside the Doomsday Machine: The Great Powers on theEveofi914 47 Sean McMeekin . The Dilemmas of Young Turk Policy, 1914~r1918 66 Feroz Ahmad 2 . The Policies of the Entente Powers toward the Ottoman Empire 84 Altay Cengizer ‘The Black Sea Raid of October 29, 1914, as a Foreign Policy Decision: Collusion ot Necessity? 13, Giin Kut ~ Part II. Ineas, IpzoLogres, anD HUMAN AGENCY 5. Young Turks, Old State: The Ontological (In)Securty ofthe State and the Continuity of Otcomanism BS Serbun Al . Nationalism in Function: “Rebellions” in the Ottoman Empire and Narratives in Its Absence 161 Ramazan Hakki Oztan . Revisiting Dominant Paradigms on a Young Turk Leader: AhmedRwa 203 Erdem Sinmezviii CONTENTS 8. Orttomanism and the Orroman Vatan (1908-1918) 223 Behlitl Ozkan 9. Ambiguities of Turkism: Cultural and Intellectual Manifestations of ‘Turkish National Thought. 245 Unnut User 10. Beyond Jihad: Alexander Helphand-Parvus, Musa Kazim, and Celal Nution the Ottoman-German Alliance 263 York Norman Ll. “Landscapes of Modernity and Order”: War and Propaganda in Ortoman Writing during World Warl 282 Eyal Ginio Parr UL THe War AND THE OTTOMAN Home FRONT 12. Greeks, Jews, and Armenians: A Comparative Analysis of Non-Muslim Communities and Nascent Nationalisms in the Late Ottoman Empire through World War I 301 : Pamela Dorn Sezgin i 13, The Exodus of Thracian Greeks to Greece in the Post~Balkan. WarEra 330 : Abmet Efiloglu i L > _A Last Toehold in Europe: The Making of Turkish Thrace, s1912~1923 3 7E Ryan Gingeras Call to the Rescue: World War I through the Eyes of Women 405 Serpil Atamaz 16. Ottoman Muslim Women and Work during World Warl 427 Nicole A.N.M. van Os is. 17. ‘Trading in the Shadow of Wars in aDoomed Empire 458 Aliye FE. Mataract 18. When a Military Problem Became a Social Issue: Ottoman Desertions and Deserters in World War I 480 Mehmet Besikgi 19. ‘The Military Origins of the Teskilat-1 Mahsusa: ‘The IMRO and the Ottoman Special Forces on the Eve of World War I 492 Tetsuya Sahara oeCONTENTS bx o.. The Teskilat-a Mahsusa and World Warl 518 Yiscel Yigit rt IV. ARMENIAN-KURDISH AND OTTOMAN-RUSSIAN RELATIONS 1, "A Topography of Positions in the ‘Turkish-Armenian Debate 541 M. Hakan Yavuz Russian Military Mobilization in the Caucasus before World War 1 569 Mustafa Tanrwerdi Reclaiming the Homeland: The Caucasus-Oriented Activities of Ottoman Circassians during and after World Warl 588 Georgy Chochiew ‘The Armenian Question or the Eastern Question? 633 evtap Demirci A Last Attempt to Solve the Armenian Question: ‘The Reform of 1914 656 Abmet Seyhun ‘The Bitlis Uprising before World War 681 Tibet Abak ‘The Eastern Vilayets, 1909-1914: ARE-CUP Collusion, Russian itratagems, and the Kurdish Menace 705 rarabet K. Moumdjian 800 ‘orced Migration of Otcoman Armenians during World War I: How Security Concerns Affected Decision Making 816 fodern Counterinsurgency Doctrine and the Otwoman- menian Population Reconcentrations of 1915-1916 836x CONTENTS 32. The Relations beeween the Otzoman State and the Armenian Patriarchate in Istanbul (1914-1918) 850 Ramazan Erhan Gilli 33. The Deportation of the Armenians and the Issue of Abandoned Properties in Kayseri. 869 Oya Gézel Durmaz 34. Getting Away with Murder: Soghomon Tehlirian, ASALA, and the Justice Commandos, 1921-1984 896 Christopher Gunn 35. Beyond Complicity: British Responsibility for the Massacres of Armenians in World WarI 918 Tal Buenos 36, An Assessment of Armenian Claims from the Perspective of International Law 941 Siikrit M, Elekdag 37. Political and Human Landscapes of Anatolia in American Diplomatic Correspondence after World War! 972 Hakan Ozoglu Parr V. THE BALKANS AND WorLp War I 38, From Ottoman to Mediterranean Empite: Italian Colonial * Rule in the Dodecanese Islands and the Second Treaty of Lausanne 997 Valerie McGuire 39. A Reason to Break the Hague Convention?: The Habsburg Occupation Policy toward Balkan Muslims during World Warl 1008 Tamara Scheer 40. Albania: ‘The Struggle for Identity on the Eve of World Warl 1024 Olsi Jazexbi 4), The Jihad Fatwa in Bosnia and Herzegovina 1045 Fikret Karéié 42. ‘The Creation of the Serbian or Yugoslav State: The Historiography of Bosnia and Herzegovina on World Warl 1057 Edin RadusiéCONTENTS Part VI. ARAB PROVINCES OF THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE 43. ‘The Arab Provinces of the Ortoman Empire before, during, and after World War I: From Muslim Empire to Colonial States 1075 . Peter Sluglett : _ Narrating Experiences of World War I: The Formation of Arab Perspectives through Narration in Memoirs 1092 Orgun Can Okan |. Ottoman and German Imperial Objectives in Syria during World War I: Synergies and Stains behind the Front Lines 12 "Hasan Kaya From Oztoman Lebanon to the French Mandate: ‘The End of the “Long Peace”? 34 Francesco Mazaucotelli . anand World Wart 1x62 ‘Erie Hooglund ant VIL. Memorizs AND Lecacies or Wortp War I 48: “The “Young Turk Zeitgeist” in the Middle Eastern Uprisings ithe Aftermath of World War 1 1181 ‘Alp'Venen (9. “Erernal Sunshine of an Obscure Mind”: World War I, the Imperial Collapse, and Trauma Management in the New Turkish Republic 1217 Mehmet Arian |. Haunting Memories of the Great War: The Gallipoli Victory Commemorations in Turkey 12.40 Gencer Ozcan and Oziim Arzik Istanbul in the Early 19208 in White Russian Memoirs and Russian Sources 1258 Kezban Acar ‘The Ottoman Question at the Paris Peace Conference (1919-1920) 1283 Francesco Caccamoxii CONTENTS 53. Fragmentation and Unification of the Body in World War 1315 | Senadin Musabegovit ; Chronology 1335 | Bibliography 1341 i: Contributors 1431 Index 143532 ‘The Relations between the Ottoman State and the Armenian Patriarchate in Istanbul (1914-1918) Ramazan Erhan Gilli ‘The Armenian Patriarchate of Istanbul, which is generally considered to have been established in 1461, has functioned as an administrative and political center of the Armenian millet due to its proximity co the capital of the Ottoman state, even though ic was not at the top of the religious hierarchy within the Armenian religious administration. The Erchiniadzin catholicos, known as the supreme patriarch and catholicos of all Armenians, had superior ecclesiastical jurisdiction over the mem- bers of the Aimenian Apostolic Church. The Patriarchate of Istanbul was fifth in the spiritual ranking of the Armenian churches, coming af- ter Etchmiadzin, Ahtamar, Sis, and Jerusalem, respectively. Yet due to its representative role the Istanbul patriarchate functioned throughout the rule of the Otcoman state as the political headquarters of the Armenian millet under the spiritual authority of the Catholicosate of Etchmiadzin. ‘The Istanbul Patriarchate enjoyed the legal privileges that were granted. by the Ottoman government, and irs religious and civil administrative units constantly functioned until the demise of the state. ‘The Armenian Miller Nizamnamesi (charter) of 1863, and the subse- quent foundation of the Armenian General Assembly (Meclis-i Umumi), gave a certaisi autonomy to members of the Armenian millet in governing their internal affaiis.' Ever since its introduction the autonomous status of the Armenian millet had catised fierce and heated controversies involy- ing the Ottoman bureaucrats and the Unionists who were at the helm of the state during World War L In the face of the Armenian autonomy in the administration. of their internal affairs, che Committee of Union and Progress enacted constitutional amendments during World War I to 850‘The Ottoman State and the Armenian Patriarchate (1914-1918) 851 repeal the regulations that functioned as the basis of the privileges of the Armenian community and thus attempted to reconfigure the adminis- trative structure of the Armenian millet. This chapter examines the new Nizamname that was enacted by the Ottoman government during World War I in an effort to change the administrative structure of the Arme- nian Patriarchate of Istanbul. Analysis of these changes undertaken by the CUP cadres in regard to the religious institutions in the Ottoman Empire also sheds light on the CUP’s mentality in dealing with various minority groups. What lay at the heart of the CUP’s policies toward the Armenian Patriarchate was concern over the privileges granted to the pa- triarchare in earlier decades. In general terms the CUP did not look fa- yorably upon such extensive rights and authority embedded in the millet system, which functioned independently of the general state authority. Before World War I the CUP’s policies attempted to abolish these privi- leges, which continued uninterrupted during the war. “The governance of Muslims and Christians under separate jurisdictions, even though they enjoyed the same citizenship, was interpreted by the CUP as an out-of- date policy.” These policies were not a mere breach of the general notion of equality regardless of creed and language. The patriarchate that came to represent these privileges developed as a political center. The CUP’s desire to reconfigure the institutions that enjoyed these long-held privi- leges became clearer after 1913. The measures that the CUP cadres spear- headed during World War I tried to abolish these privileges and instead introduce total equality across the Octoman society. THE ATTITUDE OF THE CUP TOWARD THE ISTANBUL PATRIARCHATE ‘Two fundamental issues shaped the Ottoman government's attitude to- ward the Istanbul Patriarchate of the Armenian millet before World War I. First, the CUP had reservations about the influence of contentious po- litical organizations in the decision-making processes of the patriarch- ate, derived from the privileges granted to the Armenian millet since the early nineteenth century. Second, the CUP identified an intimate relationship between the Iscanbul Patriarchate and the Catholicosate of Etchmiadzin, which was located within the territories of the Ottomans’ greatest rival, tsarist Russia. The Ottoman government came to recognize that the Istanbul Patriarchate was not only in dialogue with Armenian political organizations but was actually serving the political interests of these organizations. The Ottomans found that the religious institution852 RAMAZAN ERHAN GULLU of the patriarchate had become politicized and that the patriarchs were in practice agents of the Armenian political agenda. The Ottoman goy- ernment also sought to limic the Etchmiadzin Catholicosate’s influence ‘on the Armenian millet and hence to contain the Russian influence. The suspicions cultivated among the Ottoman ruling elite toward the Etch- miadzin Catholicosate were indeed confirmed by its political alliance with Russia during World War I, but its political stance was visible even before the war, when it played a role in triggering public unrest among the Armenian community. In the midst of the political maneuverings that set the stage for World War I, Catholicos Gevork V met with the Russian tsar Nicholas I] and stared that “the emancipation of the Ozoman Armenians is only possible ifan Armenian state is established under the tutelage of tsarist Russia.”? In other words the institution that had long functioned as the highest religious authoricy in the Armenian community explicitly declared its pro-Russian stance on the eve of World War L. In this regard tsarist Russia ensured Armenian support in the possible Russian schemes of invasion of eastern Anatolia. Russia would have leverage to trigger the Armenian rebellions against the Ortoman authorities in the region." In the mean- time the Armenian Revolutionary Federation (Dashnaktsutyun) started mobilizing he Armenian communities in eastern Anatolia and recruited Armenians into voluntary units to fight alongside the Russian army against the Ottoman forces, ‘Thus it was a matter of course that the sup- porters of the ARF would welcome the outbreak of the war with much excitement and anticipation.* THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE ARMENIAN PATRIARCHATE OF ISTANBUL AND THE CATHOLICOSATE OF ETCHMIADZIN According to the Ottoman ruling elite, the Armenian Patriarchate of Istanbul was absolutely in support of the collaboration between the Catholicosate of Erchmiadzin and the Russian army. Some of the patti- archate’s correspondence that was intercepted reinforced this dominant belief. For instance, it became clear that the correspondence between the patriarchate and the catholicosate, often forwarded via embassies in Istanbul, had coded segments that provided information to the Russian side. Furthermore, the Armenian komitadjis increased their reach over the Armenian churches across Anatolia: Armenian priests who did notThe Ottoman State and the Armenian Patriarchate (1914-1918) 853 support the komitadjis were removed from their posts. Such activities be- gan co turn the general Armenian population against the Ottoman state.” In addition the Ottoman government took notice of such collaborations and grew concerned by the mobilizations. The religious institutions acted in ways similar to the Armenian revolutionary committees that joined forces with the Russian army. Be that as it may, the Armenian patriarch of Istanbul, Zaven Efendi, stated quite the opposite. He claimed that the patriarchate gave utmost importance to preventing the recruitment of Armenians into the Rus- sian army. But the Ottoman government remained unconvinced. The CUP elite perceived the Armenian threat as mainly being derived from the demands of the Armenian communities to enact political reforms in eastern Anatolia under the tutelage of the major European powers. The CUP government gradually came to view the Armeniaf millet as the main inspiration for persistent antigovernment activities and therefore concluded that the Armenians would side with the Russians once war broke out? Patriarch Zaven Efendi distinguished between Russian and Ottoman. Armenians, arguing that it was the former and not the latter who sought to fight against the Ottoman government before and during World War I. It was his intention to assure the Ottoman government that the Arme- nian communities, and especially the Istanbul Patriarchate, were well aware of the possible repercussions of allying with tsarist Russia. To this end the patriarch assigned special envoys to Tbilisi and Eechmiadzin to convey his concerns about the possible detrimental effects of theseparat- isc movements,’° By that point, however, the patciarch’s credibility level among govern- ment officials had fallen. The CUP government could no longer put trust in his statements, Moreover, the Armenian Patriarchate of Istanbul was regarded as a disloyal entity that allied with the Russian Armenians and the Armenian revolutionary committees. The top Ottoman leaders— Enver Paga, Cemal Pasa, and Talat Paga—also accused the patriarch of mobilizing separatist movements against the Ottoman government. Ce- mal Pasa, who was one of the vocal critics of the patriarchate, stated that “Zaven Efendi’s policies are always detrimental to the Tarks.”* According to multiple eyewitness accounts of the era, the war min- ister of the CUP government, Enver Paga, summoned Zaven Efendi to share his concerns in light of the state documents about the Armenian at- tacks on Ottoman villages and che murders of Ottoman police officers in854 RAMAZAN ERHAN GULLD eastern Anatolia, Enver Pasa asked the patriarch to contain the Armenian rebellions and to ensure the absolute loyalty of the Armenian community to the state. He explicitly informed the patriarch that military interven- tion would be inevitable if the rebellious activities continued to spread, Zaven Efendi repudiated the allegations, stating that those rebellious ele- ments were organized by the Russian Armenians. He then committed ro attaining the absolute loyalty of the Armenian community to the Ovto- man government.” “The reality on the ground, however, proved that the patriarch was out of touch or insincere. The CUP government took notice of clear in- stances in which Armenian clerks, who were assigned by the patriarchate, were involved in antigovernment rebellions. In one instance, Sogomon ‘Akkelyan, who was relocated to Tripolitania because of his role in trig- geting the rebellions in the Urfa province in 1895, was reinstated in Urfa by the patriarchate immediately after he was teleased by the Ottoman government, thanks to the restoration of the constitution in 1908. Akke- Iyan, who was once allegedly involved with antagonistic separatist move- ments, again triggered public unrest in Usfa in 1915."* The minister of che interior, Talat Pasa, was also critical of the incidents that took place in Urfa: “rebellious movements launched in Urfa were an indicator that the Urfa province was selected as the epicenter of the separatise Armenian seruggles?™ The Atmenian rebellions that erupted in Urfa, Zeytun, Bit- lis, and Van and the subsequent Russian takeover in Van asa result of the Armenian surrender compelled the CUP government to pass the contro- vyersiél law of May 27, 1915, regarding the resettlement and relocation of the local Armenian population. The law was entitled “Temporary Legis: lation on the Measures to Be Taken by the Army for the Defiers of Gov- ernment Authority during Wartime” (“Vakt-i seferde icraée-1 hitkiimere arg: gelenler igin cihet-i askeriyece ittihaz olunacak tedabir hakkinda kanun-u muvakkat”).!? ‘The legislation did not introduce any new regulations specific co the administration of the Istanbul Pattiarchare, yet the relations between the Ottoman government and the patriarchate were severely strained after it was enacted. During the implementation of the legislation, the patri- arch made several complaints to the government, which responded with its own set of justifications. In the course of the execution of the law the patriarch and the internal administration of religious affairs in the patri- archate were kept exempt. The CUP government was to address the is- sues about the structure and administration of the patriarchate with new legislation.’‘The Ottoman State and the Armenian Patriarchate (1914-1918) 855 PREPARATION OF A NEW CHARTER FOR THE ARMENIAN PATRIARCHATE OF ISTANBUL After the CUP government discontinued the relocations of the Arme- nians to Syria, a new charter was prepared oni the status of the Istanbul Patriarchate, in close relation to the ongoing debates on the influence of the Catholicosate of Erchmiadzin over the Armenian population in the Ottoman state, In this regard the new charter could be accepted as a second measure taken to deal with the Orvoman Armenian population after “the law of resettlement and relocation.” The new charter aimed to address the influence of the Catholicosate of Etchmiadzin, which was seen as a factor contributing to the Armenian public unrest in favor of Russian interests.” During the preparations of the charter, the minister of the interior, Talat Pasa, drew utmost attention to the detrimental pol- icies of the Catholicosate of Etchmiadzin, He informed Cemal Pasa, the commander-in-chief of the 4th Army, about the new charter and stated: “The relationship between the Ortoman Armenians and the Catholico- sate of Etchmiadzin is blocked.”"* He also pointed out that the Armenian Catholicosate as an institution had traditionally been the spiritual and ad- ministrative headquarters of the Armenian Church. Therefore the CUP government's efforts to reconfigure all the Armenian churches under the spiritual and administrative leadership of the Sis Catholicosate would un- dermine the authority of the Catholicosate of Etchmiadzin over the Ar- menian population in the Otcoman state. Furthermore, the duties of the patriarchatd were meant to be assigned only to one spiritual leader. With this aim the Armenian Patriarchate of Istanbul recognized the primacy of the Catholicosate of Sis. Hence spiritual leadership was transferred from Istanbul to Sis, where the new catholicos was to reside as well.” The CUP government then changed its plans, however, and transferred the cathol- icosate to Jerusalem for two reasons. First, most of the Armenians at that juncture had already been relocated to towns close to Jerusalem. Second, because Jerusalem is a holy place for Christians, its prominence for Ar- menians was a matter of course, As a result of the reconfiguration in the location of the catholicosate, the detrimental influence of the politicized Catholicosate of Etchmiadzin over the rest of the Armenian churches and Armenian communities was severely undermined.” In order to execute the new Nizamname regarding the change in the status of the Armenian Patriarchate, the CUP government needed to choose a clerk who would be sufficiently well qualified to function as the catholicos of all Armenians. To make sure that the Ottoman Armenians856 RAMAZAN ERHAN GULLU were removed from the religious and political influences of the Catholi- cosate of Etchmiadzin, che Ottoman state needed to instate a man of the cloth equal in tank to him. The most appropriate person for this critical position was Sahak Efendi, who was the catholicos of Sis at that time. Ce- smal Pasa was exclusively assigned bj "Talat Pasa to secure Sahak Efendi’s approval of his new title, Cemal Paga also stated his opinion on the previ- ous situation: “The Patriarchate of Jerusalem did not have tangible power but rather was mostly dependent on the Istanbul Patriarchate”™ ‘After receiving Talae Paya’ telegram,?* Cemal Paga met with Sahak Efendi in Jerusalem to discuss the new Nizamname that would bring about significant changes in the administration of Armenian churches, Sahak Efendi expressed his reservations about the division of the new Catholicosate of Jerusalem and the Calicosate of Etchmiadzin but ac- cepted his role in the new seructure.” It should be noted that Cemal Paga himself thought that the former patriarch, Maghakia Ormanian Efendi, who also resided in Jerusalem, was more appropriate for the position than Sahak Efendi. He did relate his personal view on the issue to ‘Talat Pasa before his meeting with Sahak Efendi. Ormanian Efendi had the status of patriarch, however, and the new head of the catholicosate was required to be a catholicos, so Cemal Pasa had to reconsider his own position.” But he did appeal to the government for clarifications on the patriarch’s duties regarding the Armenians in the region.”* : THE NEW ADMINISTRATIVE STRUCTURE OF ‘THE PATRIARCHATE AFTER THE AMENDMENT Following the preliminary negotiations about its feasibility, the Nizam: name was enacted on August 10, 1916, issued in che Takvim-i Vekayi.”* Consequently Patriarch Zaven Efendi was removed from his office and sent out of Istanbul. He then went to Baghdad and Mosul, respectively.” According to article 1 of the preface to the Nizamname on the “Ar- menian Catholicosate and Patriarchate,’ the Catholicosate of Sis and Ahtamar and the Patriarchate of Jerusalem and Istanbul were merged into a unitary body under the primacy of the Catholicosate of Jerusalem. Hence all the Gregorian Armenians became subject to a catholicosate, which consolidated the spiritual and administrative leadership. In addi- tion the influence of the Catholicosate of Etchmiadzin over the Otto- man Armenians was completely inhibited. The Mar-Yakub Monastery in Jerusalem was the new official residence of the spiritual leader, who was going to execute the tasks of both patriarch and catholicos.”* His spiritualThe Ottoman State and the Armenian Patriarchate (tg14-1918) 857 authority was confined within the territories of the Otcoman state, Fur- thermore, it held that the position of che patriarch required the following key-credentials: previous service as a bishop; positive reputation among, the Armenians and the state elite; no criminal record; experience of pre- viously governing an officially authorized organization for more than five years; and being at least forty years old.” The patriarch was given the status of a government official and held responsible for implementing the government's orders and carrying out his duties, which were identified in the new Nizamname.”° The patriarch was subject to the Ministry of Religious Affairs (Mezahib Nezareti) and could only appeal to it for issues regarding religion.” ‘The amendment removed the Armenian General Assembly, viewed by the Ottoman elite as a potential source of political conflict, and re- placed it with two new institutions composed of joint (ymubtelit) and spiritual (rzhazzi) assemblies. The spiritual assembly had twelve members, half of whom were government appointees (berdt-s alt sahibi murab- baslar) and the other half bishops. The president of the assembly was the pattiatch, and members were to serve for two years. The spiritual as- sembly had the following tasks: to supervise the religious affairs of the Armenian community; to preserve the religious values of the church; to ensure that the employees of churches maintained a proper work ethic; to educate newly qualified clergies; and to investigate complaints against church officials.” ‘The joint assembly consisted of twelve members: four members from the spiritual assembly and eight laymen from the Armenian community, “The patriarch was designated to be the chair of the assembly, along with another member who was assigned to preside over certain meetings in the assembly, The members of the spititual assembly were elected, while the civil members in the joint assembly were mostly recruited through autho- tized churches from the different provinces. No more than one member could come from any of the provinces, with one member to be selected by the Patriarchate of Jerusalem. The members were selected either from the community of their electoral districts or from the community located around the headquarters of the patriarchate and were expected to serve in the assembly for two years. The objectives of the joint assembly involved handling the economic affairs of the patriarchate and dealing with the expenditures of the churches and monasteries affiliated with the patri- archate and the institutions founded by the Armenian community.” ‘The patriarch had to maintain equal distance from both of the as- semblies without favoring one over the’ other. The-meimbers had to858 RAMAZAN ERHAN GULLU reciprocate his impartial and equal attitude.”* Thus both of the assem- blies and the patriarch would work together in harmony and each as- sembly would have some knowledge of the decisions made in the other assembly. Te would be illegal for the assemblies to convene without the presence of the patriarch or a deputy assigned by the pacriarch, Hence any law en- acted within a meeting not chaired by the patriarch would be regarded as null and void. If members violated the Nizamname's code of behavior, the patriarch had the tight first co admonish them orally and then to dismiss them, based on the decision reached by the majority in both assemblies. Dismissed members could not join any of the assemblies again. If mem- bers of the assemblies pursued political goals beyond the agreed-upon set of religious responsibilities and engaged in activities such as mobilizing other Armenians for a political cause, then the Ministry of Religious AF fairs had the right to dismiss members or change their status and duties.”* Having set the patriarch as the sole representative of the Armenian community, the charter also established the balance of power between the assembly and the patriarchate in order to prevent the patriarch from exploiting his powers. The patriarchate did not fully control the assem- blies, which in turn give them partial independence from the patriarch. Furthermore, members of either assembly had the sight to object to the decisions of the patriarchate, Objections were first to be delivered to the assembly that was relevant to the member in question. Then members could demand a written response from the patriarch on behalf of the pacticular assembly if a majority consensus was reached. ‘The patriarch had co respond to the formal objections within fifteen days. If the par- ticular assembly was not satisfied by the response of the patriarch, it had the right to apply co the Court of the House to call both assemblies for an emergency meeting, If the court formally acknowledged the demand for an emergency meeting, the assemblies had to be convened to discuss the matter under the presidency of the bishops with the highest status. ‘When the majority in each assembly stated opinions in opposition to the patriarch and came to a decision accordingly, the patriatch had to resign within twenty-four hours. If the emergency meeting was concluded in favor of the patriarch, however, then the member who had proposed the formal objection had to resign promptly.”¢ In the case of a patriarch who was disloyal to the government in breach of the Nizamname the Court of the House could send an initial warning to the patriarch, If the alleged behavior recurred, the court was to refer the matter to Bab-1 Ali. In this case the patriarch could be‘The Ottoman State and the Armenian Patriarchate (1914-1918) 859 removed from the office by order of the sultan (irdde-i seniyye) or by a decision from the Assembly of Deputies (Meclis-i Viikela). After the re- moval of the patriarch, che Court of the House had to call each assembly for the election of a “proxy governor of the patriarchy” (Patrik Kay- makamt), who was to execute the whole process regarding the election of the new patriarch. Any terms that called for the removal of the patriarch also bound ail members, bishops, and clerks.” As far as che internal affairs of the patriarchate were concerned, regu- lations designated the patriarch as the community's primarily responsible figure. The Nizamname’s jurisdiction was also extended to the lower di- visions (murahhasliklar) to regulate their administrative structure.** The lower offices were organized in a way that made them responsible for at least 15,000 Atmenians, Jerusalem was designated as the headquarters of the Armenian community, so a delegate was to be assigned to the Istan- bul Patriarchate as a bishop in the role of deputy to the patriarch. The ap- pointed delegate was equal to other delegates (rurabhaslar) in terms of title, status, and duties, Delegations (msrabhaslik merkealert) consisted of two consultative committees, clerical and civil. Yet neither of the com- mittees would have any legal liability; they would serve a consultative fanction in regard to the appointed delegate. They could only act as a consultative body upon a formal request. Every delegation office (mura- hassalik) had its own budget and particular duties.” | THE NIZAMNAME IN PRACTICE With the new law having set the new regulations, the constitution of the Armenian millet enacted in 1863 was fully repealed." When the new Nizamname was enacted, Sahak Efendi, whose approval had been se- cured beforehand, was officially notified about his new position."t Sahak Efendi approved his new status as the catholicos of all Armenians and announced his loyalty to the new role and ta the Ottoman government.” His salary was raised to ten thousand kurug as a reward for this new title.” ‘The deputy of the Istanbul Patriarchate continued to perform his pre- vious responsibilities in the province of Istanbul and in the assemblies of Uskiidar and Beyoflu. The spiritual leader of the Istanbul Patriarchate had to attend the city council meetings in person, however, unlike the chief rabbi or the Greek patriarch’s privilege to designate a metropolitan bishop to attend the meetings. The duties of the deputy to the Istanbul patriarch were carried out by Yervant Efendi, who served as a deputy pa~ triarch in the term of Zaven Efendi during the armistice."*860 RAMAZAN ERHAN GULLU Toward the end of 1917 British troops advanced into Jerusalem. The city was on the brink of invasion. In the face of the British advance the Ottoman government thought that che catholicosate would not be able to perform its duties in the region in the long run. Upon the request of the Ottoman government the headquarters of the catholicosate and the patriarchate were transferred to Damascus. Accordingly Sahak Bfendi came to Damascus, and other officials of che patriarchate also started to perform their duties there with the help of the local committees.” Jeru- salem was invaded by the British troops in December 1917, a few months after the transfer of the patriarchate. As a result of this development Sahak Efendi and other officials expressed concerns about their health because of the toll of traveling in their old age and the humid climate of Damascus, These concerns later turned into an actual health crisis for the officials, The patriarch requested that the Ministry of Religious AE fairs transfer theix base to the Sis monastery, the province of Adana, or any other place that the governmene would find appropriate."* Based on the decision of the General Assembly, the catholicos, the patriarch, and the other officials were given permission to transfer to the northern parts of Syria. Due to the security concerns of the patriarchy, however, Sahak Efendi refused to move there and continued to reside in Damascus.” POLITICAL AND JUDICIAL REASONS FOR THE AMENDMENT On ‘the day the Nizamname came into force Janin newspaper published ic along with an article in the column “Siyasiyyat” regarding the govern- ment’ push fora new amendment. “The new administrative structure within the Armenian Patriarchate aims to address the concerns of the Ottoman government and the Armenian community for the benefit of both Armenians and the Ottoman government.” The article included a section on the main objectives of the Ottoman government in the par- ticular amendment: first, to limit the influence of the Catholicosate of Etchmiadzin over the Armenian community in the Octoman states sec- ond, to remove the General Assembly of the Patriarchate. According to the Otcoman government, “(p]atriarchs previously lost their authority over their subjects and execution of the internal affairs of the patriarchate because of the influence of the revolutionary committees and their sup- porters through the patriarchate assembly.”** “fhe Ottoman elite saw the Armenian General Assembly of the Pa- triarchate as a source of problems during the rule of Abdiilhamid IL and‘The Ottoman State and the Armenian Patriarchate (1924-1918) 861 believed chat it should be removed to ensute the authority of the govern- ment. This view was stated in the article as follows: ‘The Armenian “national assembly” [zeclis-i milli, which is re- ferred to as a “supreme council general” [meclis-i uzmum-i] within the circles of the patriarchate, is acting as if it is a chamber of deputies (meclis-i mebusan). In this regard the institution, which has enjoyed considerable autonomy on an unprecedented scale, should be removed. In the heyday of che Ottoman state the government benev- olently gave concessions to non-Muslims for the sake of the dis- semination of liberal ideas. The concession granted to the Greek Patriarchate is one of most crucial ones, yet their autonomy only involves certain liberties in the execution of their own religious rules and the procedures to implement those rules. The Greek Pa- triarchate consists of two committees. The committee called the “synod” is composed of only clergymen; the other committee is a civil assembly composed of eight members, Half ate elected ftom the synod and the other half from the laymen. The synod deals only with religious affairs, and the civil committee is occupied with the administration of the foundations and institutions affili- ated with the church. In addition, along with the two committees, the Armenian Patriarchate has an assembly in which the patriarch himself elects 120 members out of 140. The third assembly in away acts as an Armenian national assembly. This privilege was given to the Armenian Patriarchate by the grand vezir in 12.79 (1863): Un= der the current conditions, however, the Ottoman government can no longer allow the patriarchate to enjoy the same rights, be- cause the current autonomy of the patriarchate embodies an inde- pendent state within a state, Furthermore, the Armenian national assembly since its foundation has acted as a political organization by triggering public unrest and mobilizing the nationalist senti- ments among Armenians. Some of those political factions of the Armenian Patriarchate have organized political activities aspiring to the removal of the government and hence allied with the Russians and the British to realize their nationalist ideals. Within thar political environment the patriarch and the assemblies within the patriarchate pursued a political agenda rather than administering spiritual affairs by com- promising with the political factions for the sake of protecting862 RAMAZAN ERHAN GULLU their status, It was still in public memory how the fiftieth anniver- sary of the “Armenian national assembly” was celebrated. ‘Needless to say, there can be no assembly like this in any part of the world. Taking the consequences of the privileges into ac- count, the rights chat are enjoyed by the Armenian Patriarchate benefit neither the state nor the Armenian millet. After the Rus- sians and the British got in touch with the political dissidents within the patriarchate a nationalist-oriented revolutionary or- ganization emerged, which was mediated by the patriarchate. Consequently the patriarchate fell into the hands of cruel and am- bitious politicians. Those traitors first elected clerics inclined to create public unrest then collaboratively worked for the removal ofthe government. Here are the consequences of those policies: fifty years ago the Armenian community was given concessions on a wide scale in reciprocation for their loyalry to the state. The political factions that exist within the patriarchate, however, actempted to trigger a public unrest that is detrimental to both the Ortoman state and Armenians. That confirms that the Ottoman government's concession granted to the Armenians fifty years ago was highly redundant. Thus there was no need for further consideration, and the government should act accordingly. It should be certainly stated thar the new administrative structure of the patriarchate within the new Nizamname would take into consideration not daly the government but also the Armenians. Hence as long as the patriarchate remained in the hands of the political factions it damaged not only the spiritual but also the worldly affairs of the Armenians.” Similar concerns were also raised in the newspaper Terciiman-t Haki- kat by the famous nationalist of the era Ahmet Agaoglu, He mainly drew attention to the autonomy of the supreme council general of the patri- archate and to the influence of the Catholicosate of Etchmiadzin over the Ottoman Armenians. According to him, the inter-religious conflict reached its peak during the era of Abdiilhamid IL While it was extremely difficule for Muslims to come together to discuss any kind of political matter during his authoritarian rule, the sultan failed to prevent the politicization of the Armenian Patriarchate. In the end it was the Mus- lims, whose concerns were left unheard, who suffered the most from po- litical repression, According to Agaoglu, the new amendment aimed atThe Ottoman State and the Armenian Patriarchate (1914-1918) 863 reconfiguring the relations between the state and the Armenian millet along the lines of the Ottoman constitution, by ensuring that all the sub- jects of che Ottoman state remained equal.°* Based on public opinion on the politicization of the Armenian Pa- riarchare and the various reasons discussed above the CUP government did not implement the Nizamname solely due to the war conditions, Indeed World War I and the Armenian sebellions acted as a catalyst for the CUP government to come up with a new amendment on the admin- iserative structure of the Armenian Patriarchate. But the CUP govern- ment’s critical view of the patriarchate stemmed from its resentment of the ‘Tanzimat reforms, which aimed to address intersectarian relations. During the CUP government’s convention in 1916, it was agreed that all the courts would be reorganized under the authority of the Ministry of Justice, The debates on centralizing the judiciary also severely criticized the patriarchate’s autonomous structure in the administration of its own judicial matters. The CUP government's critical view of the Tanzimat reforms regarding the Armenian Patriarchate was especially vivid when three articles were published consecutively in the Magazine of Islam (slam Mecmuasi): Prior to the Tanzimat era, embassies and patriarchates were enjoy- ing certain privileges related to the judiciary; in other words, they were exercising state functions. Hence the CUP was not really re- sponsible for the establishment of these arrangements. Even if the CUP intellectuals did not establish these arrangements, however, they continued to view the institutions as legitimate and applied them to the Muslim millet. In other words they did not struggle for the removal of these institutions; rather they sought to retain them. To have a full grasp of the political mind-set [azariyat-t idar- iyesi] of the Tanzimat elite it is essential to analyze the Tanzimat rulers’ two key terms that pertain to the reformation of the admin- istration [zstalAhat-s idariye]. The terms are community [cemaat], and religious affairs [wmur-2 mezhebiye]. Within Ottoman circles the Ottoman state is the conglomeration of the various religious communities rather than individuals. They imagined-a Confed- eration of Communities (Cemaatler Konfederasyonu), in which Muslim and..non-Muslim communities: would coexist under the spiritual leadership of the Ottoman caliphate, referred'to as “Cemaat-i islamiyye” The sultan would be the:“suzerain” of the864 RAMAZAN ERHAN GULLU confederation and envoys, and the patriarchs would be regarded as his vassals, The sultan embodied the caliphate at the same time, so the superiority of the Muslim millet over the non-Muslims was ensured, ‘Tanzimat circles exploited che ambiguities in the definition of sect and gave the title zmur-i mexhebiye to the issues related to judiciary, ethical, and religious matrers, whereas the word “sece” is derived ecymologically from the French word “doctrine.” In this sense the sect attributed to an imam is jurisprudentially a doctrine in essence. What che French called “affaires des cultures” corresponds to our umur-i mehebiye, and “Ministére des Cultes” stands for “Mezhep Nezareti” [Ministry of Justice}. “Culte” is equivalent to worship in French, and hence its appropriate trans- ation would be “ministry of praying” [wmur-t taabbudiye]. As the issues related to praying should be viewed as being a religious affair, the state should ensure liberty in the practice of religion, Yer to guarantee liberty in religious affairs chere was no need to give policical privileges by granting religious institutions a politi- cal status. Ali Pasha did not mind giving political concessions to the Armenian millet, to grant them a national assembly and na- tional legitimacy along with religious liberty. ‘The new amendment rejected the separation of judicial affairs, argued for cheir unification, and reduced the authority of religious institutions to a mere administration of religious affairs, The politicization of the patriarchate was the core issue that the CUP government sought to ad- dress. According to Yusuf Hikmet Bayur, “Ifthe Armenian community had been governed based on the new constitution since 1863, the foreign powers agitation would have been less detrimental, and maybe the disas- ter of rgts would not have taken place.”” CONCLUSION In order to eliminate the administrative issues that were embedded in the institutional structure of the Armenian Patriarchate, the CUP gov- ernment reconfigured it by enacting the new constitution. Yet the new institutional structure that the CUP established could only stay in power until 1918. Due to the short period the CUP government could neither succeed in establishing a stable structure not have time to implement its plans. In the aftermath of World War I and the Armistice of Mudros in 1918, based on the terms of the agreements and the British pressure, theThe Ottoman State and the Armenian Patriarchate (1914-1918) 865 new charter was abrogated. The Armenian Patriarchate of Istanbul was granted che status thar it had enjoyed before the Nizamname. Therefore Istanbul became the Armenian spiritual and political headquarters once again. Patriarch Zaven Efendi, who had been sent away from Istanbul, was assigned to work there again. Thus, starting from the Armistice of Mudros, the administrative structure was restored along the terms of the 1863 Armenian constitution, During the years between the ‘Treaty of Lausanne and the Armistice of Mudros, the Armenian Patriarchate con- tinued to collaborate with the Allies and the Greek Patriarchate. After the Turkish national struggle, Zaven Efendi resigned from his office and had to leave Turkey before the Treaty of Lausanne.” Despite the depar- ture of Zaven as patriarch, the new Turkish government conducted its relations with the Armenian Patriarchate based on the terms of the 1863 constitution. NOTES 1. Fora detailed account on this issue, see Canan Seyleli, fstanbul Ermeni Patvikligi. 2. Feroz Ahmad, ltihat ve Terabhi (1908-1914), 190. 3. Ali Arslan, Evmeni Papalige, 12.4; Sadi Kogas, Tarth Boyunca Ermeniler ve Tirk- Evmeni llishileri, 186, 4, Ali Atslan, Kutsal Evmeni Papaligs: Egmiyazin Kilsesinde Strasejil Savaslar (stane bul: Paraf Yayinlan, 2010), 125, 5. Ovanes Kagaznuni, Tasnak Partisiinin Yapacags Bir Sey Yok, 32~37. Ovanes Kagaz- nuni (Kachaznuni), who was the prime minister of the first Armenian Republic, acknowldged the necessity ofa voluntary army with certain reservations and apely noted that “[£}rom today’s vantage point, itis meaningless to ask whether volun- tary units were necessary at that juncture. Historical events have their own ratio- nality within the context in which chey operated. In the autumn of 1914 Armenian voluntary military units were established and mobilized against the Turks. That was the inevitable outcome of the grievances that the Armenian millet harbored for a quarter-century. The militarization of the Armenians was an output of the psychological grievances that was inevitably mobilized under the appropriate con- ditions. ‘The designated role for the Dashnaktsutyun in this process could only be that of a facilitator, because ies resources were only capable enough to activate an already existing organization that was self: mobilized and self-motivated”: ibid., 33. Askeri Tarih Belgeleri Dergisi 32, no. 83, Belge No. 1901, 33-36. . For example, the Hunchak komitadjis exerted pressure on the Armenian priests in Samsun and Bafra. See Bagbakanlik Osmanh Acsivi/Prime Ministry Ottoman Axchive, Istanbul (hereafter BOA), Dahiliye Nezateti Kalem-i Mahsus Miidiiriyeti (DH.KMS), no. 18/27; 11 Matt i330 (March 24, 1914). “The White Book (Beyaz Kitap), which was published by the Ottoman govern- ment, states that “itis apparent that the Armenian Patriarchate, the revolutionary comunittees, and especially the catholicos were involved in activities to remove the Ottoman governmene, justify the foreign intervention, and establish theit own De866 13. 19. 20. 2. 2 23, 2 RAMAZAN ERHAN GULLU state, The revolutionary commitcees and the patriarchate have intended to realize those aims on the pretexe of demanding reformation” Evmeni Komitelerinin A’mal ve Harehats lhtildliyyesi, 297. Zaven Der Yeghiayan, My Patriarchal Memoirs, 33. Thid., 34. . “Ottoman Armenians, expecially Zaven Efendi, patriarch of Istanbul, are not reluctant to pursue policies that are dectimental to the Turkish people.” Alpay Kabacali, ed., Hateralar, 415. Alpay Kabacal, ed., Tale Pagainsn Anstart, 613 Celal Bayat, Bens de Yazdim, 44. For the inquicy on the Urfa events, see BOA, Hariciye Nezaredi Siyasi Kisim CAR.SYS), no, 2883/4. Kabacaly, Talat Pasa’nin Anslarr, 63, 68-69. For a detailed account of the Urfa rebellions of 1915, see Ereneni Komitelerinin Amal, 338-53. . For an overview on the Ottoman government's view of the legislation and its phases of implementation, see Azmi Siisli, Ermeniler ve rgxs Tebcir Olays, Bilent Bakar, Ermeni Tehciri; Hikmet Ozdemit, Ermeniler: Siizgsin ve Gig (Ankara: TTK, ‘Yayinlar, 2005}; Yusuf Halagoglu, Ermeni Tehciri ve Gergekler (1924-1945) (An- kara: TTK Yayznlan, 2000); and idem, Ermeni Tebciri. Icis significant to note that the implementation of the 1915 legislation is an issue beyond the tealm of this chapter, which seeks to address the administrative rela- tionship between the Ottoman government and the Armenian Patriarchate of istanbul, Furthermore, the reasons behind the implementation of the legislation and the criticisms of whether it was unjust are not part of my research question. ‘This chapter's main concern is to examine what characterizes the Ottoman govern- ‘ment’s relationship with the Armenian Pacriarchate during World War I and then provide a descriptive analysis of the governments subsequent regulations regarding the administration of the patriarchate, » Ali Arslan, Kitsal Ermeni Papaligs: Egmiyaztin Kilisesinde Stratejik Savaglar (Istan- bul: Paraf Yayunlari, 2010), 131~325 Zaven Der Yeghiayan, My Patriarchal Memoirs, 19-20, “Memilik-i Osmaniyye Ermenilerinin Rusya'daki Egmiyazin Kaeagigosiaguyla miinasebeti kat’ olunmustur (kesilmistit)” BOA, Dahiliye Nevareti $ifte Kalemi (DH SER), no. 63/136. Ibid, coded zelegram from che minister of foreign affairs, Talat Bey, to the commander-in-chief of the 4th Aemy, dated 17 Nisan 1332 (April 30, 1916). Arslan, Kustsal Eronend Papalige, 33. BOA, DH SER, no. 63/136, coded telegram from the minister of foreign affairs, Talat Bey, to the commander-in-chief of the 4th Army, dated 17 Nisan 1332 (April 30, 1916). In response co the telegram Cemal Pasa stated to. Talat Paga that he would be going to Jerusalem to mect with Saha Efendi in ten to fifteen days. BOA, DH.SFR. no, 518/46, dated 18 Nisan 1332 (May 11916). BOA, DH.SFR, no. 522/59, coded telegeam ftom the commander-in-chiefofthe 4th Army to the minister of the interion, Talat Bey, dated 25 Mayis 1332 (July 7.1936). BOA, DHSER, no, 517/89, coded telegram from the commandet-in-chief of the28. “26. m7. 28. Ba 2. . After che enactment of the Nizamname, the Council of Ministers (Divan-1 3h. 32. 3B 34, 35. 36. x 38. 39. The Ottoman State and the Armenian Patriarchate (1914-1918) 867 ‘4th Army co the miniscer of the interior, Talat Bey, daced 13 Nisan 1352 (April 26, 1916). BOA, DH.SER, no. 527/49, coded telegram from the commander in-chief of the 4th Army to the miniscer of the interior, Talat Bey, dated 25 Temmuz 1532 (August 41916). For the full text of the Nizamname of the Armenian Catholicosate and Patriarch- ate, see Diistur: Tertib-i Sani, vol. 8 (Istanbul: Evkaf Matbaast, 1928), 1240-5 BOA, Dosya Usulii lradeler (LDULT), no. 135/203 BOA, Meclis-i Vitkela Maz batast (MV), no. 244/225 Takvim-i Vekayi, no. 2611, 28 Temmuz 1333 (August 10, 1916); Tanin, no. 2752, 29 Temmuz. 1332 (August 11, 1916). Dee Yeghiayan, My Patriarchal Memoirs, 122. Ibid,, 123. According to the Nizamname, the spititual leader who was designated co be the head of the new Armenian religious administration was titled the patriarch. In the official correspondence, however, he was given the title catholicos-pattiarch, an amalgamation of two religious titles. The patriarch of that period, Zaven Efendi, emphasized thar the new regulation on the title of the spiritual leader was an un- precedented practice throughout the history of the Armenian Church. Nizamname of the Armenian Catholicosate and Patciarchate, m. 1m. 4. Hiimayun) was given the responsibility for Sahak Efendi’s order of appointment (berdt-s lt), See BOA, MY, no, 245/3. Consequently the patriarch appealed to the governor of Jerusalem to accelerate the procedures because of the difficulties in overseeing the daily responsibilities: BOA, DH.SER, no. 544/116, coded tele- gram from the governor of Jerusalem to the Ministry of Internal Affairs, dated 22 Kanun-t Sani 1332. (February 4, 1917). Upon the request of Sahak Efendi, his order of appointment was enacted regacding his title as Armenian catholicos and parri- arch: BOA, Hariciye Nezareti Hukuk Miigavirligi Istisare Odast (HR.HM$.4$0), no. 136/13 lef 4 (13 Rebiiilahir 1335-24 Kanuna Sani 1332~6 Subat 1917). The order of appointment was also submitted to the patriarch himself on the sanie day: BOA, DH.SER. no 73/25, coded telegram from the Court of the House to the governor of Jerusalem, dated 4 Subat 1332 (February 17, 1917). Upon the request of the Councif of Ministers, one copy of the order of appoinement was also sub- mitted to it: BOA, Bab-1 Ali Evrak Odast (BEO), no. 4489/336602, the official document sent to the Council of Ministers dated 25 Tegtin-i Evel 1333 (October 25, 1917). Nizamname of the Armenian Catholicosate and Patriarchate, m. 2. ibid., m. 5, m. 6. Ibid., m. 7m. 8. Ibid., m, 10. Ibid, m. 11, m. 13, m. 33. Tbid., m.14, 1m. 15, m. 16. » Tbid,.m.3,m.32. Ibid,, section 5, m. 17-21 Ibid,, m. 23, m.24, m.26,m.27. Ibid,, m. 37." | 868 RAMAZAN ERWAN GULLU 4 BOA, DHSER, no, 66/202, coded telegram from the minister of the interior, Talat Bey, to the commander-in-chief of the 4th Army, Cemal Paga, dated 28 “Temmuz 1332 (August 10, 1916); BOA, DHL$ER, no, 66/220, coded telegram from Court of House to Cemal Pasa. 42, BOA, DHSER, ar. 529/3,coded telegram sent ftom the commander-in-chief of the ‘ath Army to the minister of the interior, dated 4 Agustos 1332 (August x7, 1916). 43, BOA, MV, no. 203/6, official report mandated by the Assembly of the Deputies; BOA, BEO, no. 4.427/531962, left, official bill sent from the Sadrazamlik to the Court of the House and Treasury Department, dared 8 Agustos 15332 (Augast 21, 1916); BOA, BEO, no, 4427/531962, lef 3, telegram sent by Sahak Efendi to show his gratitude to the Sadrazamlik, dated 20 Agustos 1332 (September 2, 1916); a BOA, MY, no. 245/35. Sahak Efendi’s previous salary for spiritual leadership was 2,500 kurug. Upon the request of the Treasury Department, the increase in his salary was charged in the budget. The mandated bill of the Assembly of Deputies that ordered co pay the monthly wage gap of 7.975 kurug to Sabiale Efendi was a dated 18 Tegtin-i Evvel 1332 (October 1, 1916). 44, BOA, BEO, no. 4518/338821, lef 2, The legislation of che Council of State (Sura-y. Dever Milkiye) and the Ministry of Education (Maarif Dairesi), dated 20 Tesrin-i | Ewel 1333 (October 20, 1917). 45, Tn the process of the transfer of the catholicos-pattiatch and other officials of the patriarchate the secret fund of the gth Army covered the daily expenditures. The necessary foodstuffs were to be sent to the patriarchate by the army officials and one “kiyye” (1,283 grams) was to be priced at one lira, The expenditure for the food would be covered by the Syrian governor, who would be reimbursed by the 4th Asmy. For a more detailed account, see Hikmet Ozdemir, Cemal Pasa ve Evmeni Géjmenler, 123-24. a 46, BOA, BEO, no. 4510/338204, lef 3. The proposal sent by the catholicos-pacriarch ' "co the Court of the House, dated 24 Subat 1334 (February 24, 1918). 7 49. BOA, DHSER, no. 92/197, Ministry of lncernal Affairs request for formal infox- a mation from the governor of Aleppo on the conditions of Sahak Efendi, telegram sent by the Ministry of Internal Affairs to the governor of Aleppo, “Does he emi- grace or still reside in Damascus? dated 21 Testin-i Ewvel 1334 (October a1, 1918), BOA, DH.KMS, no. 49-1/s, in response to that eelegeam sent by the governor of : Aleppo to che Ministry of Internal Affairs, dated 22. Tegrinci Ewvel 334 (October 22, 1918). 48. “The Armenian Patriarchate,” Zanin 2752, August 11, 1916. 49. Ibid. 50. Ahmet Agaoglu, “Exmeni Kilise Teskilats” Terciiman-+ Hakikat 12688, August 12, 1916. Yusuf Hikmet Bayut, Tire Inbslabe Tarihi, vol. 3:4, 462-67. 92, Ibid., vol. 3:3, 59. 53. For a detailed account of chis issue, see Ramazan Ethan Giillii, “Mondros Mitarekesi’nin Ardindan Exmeni ve Rum Patrikhanelerinin Igbirligi (30 Ekim 1918-11 Ekim 1922)?’ 375-605.