The Type-Variety Method of Ceramic Classification as an Indicator of Cultural Phenomena

Author(s): James C. Gifford

Source: American Antiquity, Vol. 25, No. 3 (Jan., 1960), pp. 341-347
Published by: Cambridge University Press
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/277517
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 THE TYPE-VARIETY METHOD OF CERAMIC CLASSIFICATION
AS AN INDICATOR OF CULTURAL PHENOMENA*

JAMES C. GIFFORD

ABSTRACT
configuration, has a definable areal distribution
This discussion deals with the theoretical reasoning and temporal significance. When the analyst
that underlies the type-variety method of ceramic analy- has set down a pottery type description, then
sis. Not only do pottery "types" and "varieties" embody the taxonomic device, or pottery type name, he
sets of recognizably distinct attributes and impart particu- attaches to the described ceramic entity, comes
lar cultural, areal, and temporal connotations, but they to stand for the entire set of recognizably distinct
are also meaningful entities of cultural interpretation.
attributes plus a particular cultural affiliation,
1. "Varieties" that have been tested by continued
areal distribution, and temporal connotation.
close study and by increases in knowledge concerning
their nature and range of variation are close approxima-
In addition anthropological schemes of classi-
tions and reliable indicators of original ceramic mani-
fication such as this should be means to define
and
festations due to individual or small social group variation weigh Ithe relative importance of variation
in a society. and regularity in human society. Most classi-
2. Ceramic "types" represent the combining of a fications used in anthropology find their ra-
number of attributes into abstract conceptions which, tionale in that part of the scientific method
when executed in clay by potters, are acceptable to themwhich subscribes to the basic assumption that
and a majority of others within their cultural configura- out of what may appear to be a mass of varia-
tion. Types are summations of individual or small social
tion, regularities or laws of (cultural) process
group variation consistent with boundaries imposed by
the interaction of individuals on a societal level and
may be discerned, delineated, and described.
A scheme of ceramic classification has been
determined by the operative value system present in
any society. Pottery types are therefore representative proposed
of in three recent papers that is geared
cultural phenomena. especially to the analysis of material aspects
3. Ceramic types are cultural derivatives and can of
be human culture and that also provides a
foundation upon which theoretical cultural
related one to another through space and time. Rela-
tionships of this kind are recognized as "ceramic systems"
considerations can be based. These three papers
and "ceramic sequences." outline and define what is called the "type-
variety concept" (variety, Wheat, Gifford, and
O NE OF THE primary reasons why the ar- Wasley 1958; type, Phillips 1958; type-variety
chaeologist finds it advantageous to anal- concept, Smith, Willey, and Gifford 1960). In
yze pottery in terms of typological concepts theisfollowing discussion whenever the term
that a pottery type, once recognized and "type" de- is used, it is intended strictly as defined
scribed, will inevitably repay the analyst by byPhillips. His usage corresponds to the "type
providing him with certain information other- cluster" in the Wheat-Gifford-Wasley nomen-
wise unavailable or only available in part. Over clature. For present purposes the terms "type,"
thirty years ago Vaillant (1930: 9) observed "variety," and "type-variety concept" are words
"that the backbone of most of the New World with a special meaning not to be construed in
chronologies is variation in pottery typessettings and other than those set forth in the three
that the arrangement of a tribal ceramic into interpretations cited.
chronological divisions is not only very techni- Within the context of the type-variety con-
cal but also highly interpretive and impression- cept, variation as a recognizable reality can be
istic." The minimum elemental information thought of as the product of the individual or
now held to be usually bound up in a type is of relatively small social groups in human soci-
that the ceramic entity, such as Benque Viejo ety. "Individual and small social group varia-
Polychrome, a type, is a specific kind of pottery tion" is meant to encompass not only (at a min-
embodying a unique combination of recogniza- imum) actual individual variation, but also
bly distinct attributes, and that this pottery, as variation due to the activities of potters in a
well as being the product of a certain cultural village segment, a village, a group of small vil-

*This paper was presented at the 24th Annual Meeting lages, a community, or a series of communities
of the Society for American Archaeology, May 1, 1959, (at a maximum). When entire cultural con-
Salt Lake City, Utah. figurations are taken into account certain regu-
341

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342 AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [ VOL. 25, No. 3, 1960

larities are discernible that are due to the inter-

of analytical deliberation introduced by an ap-
action of individuals and small social groups
plication of more than one theoretical concep-
within a society, and these are observed as tion upon the ceramic material open up
types.
avenues of greater freedom in our thinking. It
Types in this sense are material manifestations
may thus be possible to bring under one roof
of the regularities of human behavior. Further-
viewpoints and opinions previously thought to
more, theoretical conceptions such as "horizon
style" (Willey 1945), "tradition" (Thompson
incline toward opposite poles and be irrecon-
cilable.
1956; Willey and Phillips 1958: 34-40), "ce-
ramic system" and "ceramic sequence" (Wheat, When conducting a ceramic analysis utilizing
Gifford, and Wasley 1958) are based on the the
type-variety concept, the ceramic units in-
volved in the interim sortings are designated
assumption that on higher levels of societal
integration, currents may be discerned "potential
which varieties." These potential variety
units
represent the very generalized responses of hu- are useful because they are separable on
man groups as determined by recurrentthe basis of attributes which are recognizably
situa-
distinct
tions and pressures of an even higher order of from one another, but at this stage in
regularity in human behavior (Fig. 1). The
classification, these units may or may not be
type-variety concept accepts the premise contrivances
that or artifical constructs of the stu-
"cultural phenomena, by definition, have dent.
otherNevertheless, as any pottery analysis
than a chance distribution" (Kluckhohn proceeds
1958b: and as other studies are conducted
40) and that there is discoverable order involving
in the like materials, knowledge concerning
each variety increases to the extent that those
data. If the behavioral regularities of societies
are documented by means of ceramic and varieties
other which are only artificial constructs can
be discarded
schemes of classification, some of the laws of on the basis that they have no cul-
human behavior which may exist will becometural reality and therefore virtually no further
apparent. Classificatory schemes appliedutility.
to ar- Varieties which survive each addition
chaeological materials are in part useful toasknowledge
a concerning them more and more
means toward this end. closely approximate actual material ceramic
These views come to center in particular manifestations of individual and small social
about the idea that the "type" as an entity is group variation in a society. Consequently one
meaningful from the standpoint of cultural in- may admit that some preliminary variety units
terpretation. In the most general terms and to indeed prove to be creations of the worker, but
varying degrees, this sentiment is adhered to in accord wi'th the underlying premise that
by many others who have conducted and writ- classification for classification's sake alone is not
ten about ceramic analyses. Nevertheless, there justifiable, those variety units which expanded
are competent analysts who do not concur with knowledge does reveal as having been without
this view; they believe it tends too far in the cultural meaning are discarded. The more we
direction of interpretive inference. Most previ- know of varieties and types, the better we are
ous discussions of ceramic data, however, have able to formulate them into units that approxi-
been severely limited because the type was the mate what were meaningful entities in whatever
only accepted unit of analysis. Limitations have cultural context we are endeavoring to illum-
also come about through an insufficiently co- inate.
ordinated use of theoretical conceptions having Types generally include several or many vari-
to do with other factors in the cultural context eties, and as a result are summations of indi-
under investigation. vidual and small social group variation. The
The possession of a more flexible definition basic attributes involved in any type came to-
of the type in conjunction with the variety as gether in the combination of a mental image
well as other ideas such as those embodied plus the motor habits of 'the prehistoric artisans
in the "ceramic system" and the "ceramic se- of a culture in such a way that when executed
quence," makes it possible to add new dimen- in clay, they fulfilled the requirements of the
sions to a discussion which previously of neces-ceramic and stylistic values of that culture. As
sity had to revolve about notions restricted tonoted by Kluckhohn (1958a: 474): "In the
ceramic units of equivalent status. Within the last analysis it is clearly from individual vari-
type-variety concept analysts do not need to ability that new cultural values take their
refer to all entities as types, and the newer levelsorigin." And so it is that "types," having grown

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GIFFORD ] TYPE-VARIETY METHOD AND CULTURAL PHENOMENA 343

dent
out of a blending of individual variation, by their number and variety. At the same
both
reflect cultural values and are determined
time, by
habit channeling, together with the nature
of the complex nucleus, will tend significantly
them. A type is regarded as being the material
to that
outcome of a set of fundamental attributes delimit the forms of embellishment that are
coalesced, consciously or unconsciously, likely
as a to take place" (Rands and Riley 1958:
ceramic idea or "esthetic ideal" the bound- 276). Applying the first of these remarks ito
aries of which were imposed through theprehistoric
value pottery, the "ceramic variety" rep-
system operative in the society by virtue ofresents
in- elaboration and embellishment, whereas
dividual interaction on a societal level. These the second statement refers to that which re-
ceramic ideas occurred in the brains of the sults in a combination of abstracted elements
potters who made the ceramic fabric that that con-in pottery is represented by the "ceramic
stitutes a type, and they are not by any meanstype."
creations of an analyst. It is plain that a pottery type has a cultural
The distinction of one variety from another basis because the implicit values inherent in the
within a type rests upon differences having cultural
to configuration as a whole cast serious
do with one or several minor characteristics. limitations upon what in the realm of ceramic
In contrast with those particulars which dis- products will be acceptable to the participants
tinguish one type from another, such minor in that cultural configuration. At the same
time the cluster of values also imposes serious
ceramic differences were the result of work pro-
duced within the confines of relatively small strictures upon the ceramic mental images that
social groups or by individual potters who thein- potters will draw upon. The potters respond
dulged preferences as to the locale where tem-to value-sanctioned, culturally-defined images
per or clay must be gathered or who were able and not to others that could be encompassed by
their abilities or imagination because most
to give vent to artistic flairs and so on. As such,
varieties cannot be held as representing any people, due to economic necessity and for rea-
cultural configuration in its entirety. Varieties
sons of greater psychological comfort having to
are apt to reflect "individual and small socialdo with reduction of social stress, tend to con-
group variation" rather ithan whole-culture phe-
form to the demands of a majority of the norms
nomena, while the type portrays a combination
that are a part of their culture at a particular
of a number of pottery traits that were accept-
time in history. "To speak of 'values' is one way
able not only to the potter but to most others of saying that human behavior is neither ran-
adhering to a given culture pattern (Fig. dom 1). nor solely 'instinctual' . . . the individual
Here we approach certain important observa- gets abstract, perduring standards primarily
tional points that bear upon the reasons why from the culture or sub-culture as mediated by
types do represent cultural phenomena. parents and other persons from whom he
There are psychological causes or mental conditionslearns"
- (Kluckhohn 1958a: 474). Types, there-
generally considered physiological - which might also fore, equate themselves with the crystallization
be called "tendencies." Such are the tendency to fatigue,
of conscious or unconscious ceramic esthetic
the tendency to form habits, the tendency toward imita-
images conditioned by values. In this regard, the
tion by suggestion, and others. These exist nearly identi-
cally in all men, whatever their degree of civilizationscheme
.... of classification discussed approaches a
The tendencies of which we have spoken are at the root definition of the ceramic value system which
of all anthropological phenomena (Kroeber 1952: 18).
pertains to any given archaeological culture. In
The "tendency to form habits" and "the tend-other words, when recognizing and defining
types,
ency toward imitation by suggestion" are inti- the analyst is describing the material
manifestations "of preferred paths of behavior
mately connected with the basic causal factors
that take their direction from varying concepts
intertwined in the cultural validity of the type.
In the words of a passage contained inofa the desirable" (Kluckhohn 1958a: 473).
theoretically oriented study by Rands and Riley In speaking of artifacts Leslie White says,
can be found a pertinent statement of this "We do not customarily call these things human
behavior, but they are the embodiments of hu-
validity. Cultural phenomena and processes
can be documented in the identification of vari-
man behavior; the difference between a nodule
eties and types because "culture growth often
of flint and a stone axe is the factor of human
involves a great deal of elaboration those labor. An axe, bowl, crucifix - or a haircut -
embellishments which so often impress the stu-is congealed human labor." White maintains

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 BUT TYPES THAT
WHICH ARE THEORET
AT THE (UNITS
SAME TIME REPRESEN
PATTERNED DIFFE
AND
CONDITIONED VERY GENERALIZED
BY THE AS
VALUE BY RECURRENT SI
ORIENTATION OF AN EV
HELD TO THAN THOSE W
BY A MAJORITY FOR THE T
OF THE (R
PARTICIPANTS A
WITHIN A
CULTURAL "C
CONFIGURATION "CER
(RECOGNIZED "CERA
ANALYTICALLY
AS "TYPES" "HOR
THAT INCLUDE "POTTE
ONE OR MORE
"VARIETIES") "DES

THE TYPE-VARIETY CON

FIG. 1. Chart showing how the analyst can recognize certain cultural phenomena in a colle
classification. (In terms of absolute theory: within a cultural matrix where the individual m
with the ceramic and stylistic values of that culture, all types would tend to be exclusively
determined by participant diversity in skills and so forth; on the other hand, within a cult
or where the value orientation has for some reason been totally shattered, the products of
the number of varieties within a type would be limited only by the number of pottery-produ

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GIFFORD ] TYPE-VARIETY METHOD AND CULTURAL PHENOMENA 345

artifacts are the result of acts which cumula- mentary desire for a measure of both stability or
tively, in this sense, are human behavior andcontinuity (manifested by habits and a clinging
the concern of psychology. "If, however, we to the old) and change (manifested by the
treat them [artifacts] in terms of their rela-desire for something new). The extent to which
tionship to one another, quite apart from theireither of these is satisfied or emphasized is con-
relationship to human organisms, i.e., in an extraditioned by the total value system of the society
somatic, or extraorganismic, context, the things in which the individual finds himself. Some
and events become culture- cultural elements societies emphasize fast moving change accel-
or culture traits." The difference between theerated to such a point as to be constantly dis-
two "derives from the difference between con- turbing to the individual. Others emphasize
texts in which their common subject matter is stability to such a degree as to be almost dor-
treated" (White 1959: 232-3). mant. On his own the individual seems to
Tacit recognition is accorded these well-stated incline toward a fine balance of change and
contextual observations in the implications of stability, and his desires would be met under
the type-variety concept. The situation, how- ideal conditions by a rhythmic pattern of new
ever, is treated not as a dichotomy but as a types within established traditions. Actual sit-
duality (one flowing from the other) in that uations deviate from the ideal in accord with
the "variety" is a reflection of concrete individ- the degree to which stability or change is em-
ual human behavior while a "type" represents phasized within a cultural matrix. In trying to
an abstraction from individual or small social describe and observe the tendency in any given
group behavior that is the ceramic unit most configuration toward one or the other extreme
useful in showing relationships of one kind of we approach an understanding of the underly-
pottery (one ceramic cultural element) to an- ing mechanisms of human nature and the
other. Furthermore when viewed in this light societal values that produce types as observable
the type-variety concept tends to be consonant realities. In describing types and recording the
with the definition of culture by Kroeber and material traditions within a society we are in-
Kluckhohn (1952: 155) who say it "is an ab- dicating the tempo of that society as reflected
straction from concrete human behavior, but in its material culture.
it is not itself behavior." By analyzing pottery Cultural anthropology has consistently drawn
within the framework of the type-variety meth- attention to tendencies of this kind and there
odology we move from a consideration of human has been an effort to delineate them with regard
acts to the consideration of theoretical abstrac- to value orientations. A recent paper (Colby
tions that can be used in various ways to increase 1958: 317-22) pinpoints the problem in the con-
our understanding of cultural processes (Fig. 1). text of an equilibrium theory of behavioral re-
It is an analytical progression from the specific dundancy. In any cultural configuration
to the general, from percepts to concepts, and predictability of tomorrow's events and of what people
in this case from appreciable examples of hu- may do or think is of paramount importance. . . . For
man behavior (in pottery making) to concern predictability to be constantly maintained at a high level
with abstract cultural elements. of efficiency, value systems must be changeable, must
always be in process. . . . But there are other trends in
In the light of the foregoing remarks as they
the opposite direction which temper the dread of the
pertain to innate human tendencies, the archae- unexpected. These are trends toward disorganization,
ologist, in his capacity as a student of material toward the unknown, and toward experimental innova-
culture, seems to come more directly into con- tions. ... By maintaining some sort of equilibrium be-
tact with what may be subsumed under two tween order and disorder or rigidity and fluidity [man]
can stay at peak adjustment. Such is the maturation
particularly fundamental tendencies. These
process in culture and in personality. . . . One may say
two tendencies are to be found as components then that life in general, like language, seeks ... an equi-
of elemental human nature in the form of (1) librium between the new (unexpected) and the old
stability, as expressed by type persistence and (predictable); between disorganization and organization.
continuity through time, a condition essentiallyIn consequence of these underlying tendencies
embodied in the concept of tradition (Thomp- of human behavior as discussed by Colby, there
son 1956; Willey and Phillips 1958: 34-40); and is in any cultural continuum a "process of con-
(2) change, as encompassed by the constant stant reformulation, reassessment, and affirma-
regrouping of artifact attributes into new types. tion of value structure regulated by 'the move-
In each individual craftsman there is a rudi- ment either toward or away from organization."

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346 AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [~ VOL. 25, No. 3, 1960

It is this inlteresting aspect of human nature that

recognized by the analyst through the medium
provides a considerable explanation of the of theoretical conceptions such as "ceramic
"why" and the cause of dynamics in cultural systems" and "ceramic sequences" (ceramic
process. The archaeologist sees and documentsmicro-traditions).
it when he describes gradual change within a Ideas, mental images, are the "genes" of cul-
cultural or artifact "tradition." The ceramic ture. These ideas or mental images, and in par-
analyst has observed similar circumstances when ticular ceramic ideas or mental images, while
he elucidates a "ceramic sequence." being in no way biologically related to other
The fact cannot be overemphasized that itmentalis images, can be and often are related
due to the results of the combined value forces within cultures and cross-culturally within a
of the total cultural configuration (indeed thecultural frame of reference (see Osgood 1951:
inherent cultural bias) that particular kinds 202-14). Therefore, anthropological classifica-
(types) of pottery become widely acceptable and tions having to do with ideas or mental images
are striven for as desired norms in ceramic
as recognized in objects of material culture find
manufacture. Awareness must be exercised
their basis and justification within the processes
of first
that any normal "human act, even in its culture itself. Such classifications as these
should not in any sense be viewed as biological
expression in the person of a single individual,
is a group product to begin with" (White classifications.
1959: They are cultural classifications.
244). The individual craftsman is neverAs a result, even though man is a biological
really
"free" to "create" the entity recognizedorganism,
as a the "type-variety" methodological ap-
proach
variety or type because although he may be free is a cultural classification because it is
to produce an entity of some sort, his produc-
concerned with the analysis of man's nonbiolog-
tion may either be accepted or rejected ical
by culture
the products.
culture in response to its particular bias.AnAnd
interesting point has been raised by Kluck-
since the individual did not by himself hohn Ito the effect that classifications which are
create
to be of use to anthropology should be typo-
the bias, the cultural acceptance of his product
is beyond his immediate control. The results
logies. He defines a typology as
of his work may, in terms of the culture, amerely
classification that has an intent, that is, has a direction.
go down as experiment, thereby resultingThe only
ways one may classify things are limitless and there-
fore
in one or a few expressions of individual any number of classifications may be conceived,
varia-
but a typology has an explicit theoretical basis and the
tion, or it may "catch on," that is, be compatible
typologist is interested in using a given classification in
with the bias of a major portion of the order
culture
to shed light upon the reasons beneath the oc-
and thus have an appeal which is pleasing or of some observable phenomena. ... A classi-
currence
advantageous in one way or another tofication
a ma-is no more than a set (or sets) of empirical
groupings
jority of the participants in the culture. And established for convenience. A typology, how-
ever, is a theoretically oriented classification that is di-
of course, due to the mechanisms of culture
rected toward the solution of some problem or problems
change through time, the cultural bias(Kluckhohn,
shifts in press).
with time and what will please at one time
may not please at another - so it is Following
that a this distinction I view the 'type-variety
methodological
type is a true indicator of time and a complex of scheme as a typology. In addi-
tion, when an analyst subjects a collection to
types (a ceramic complex) is a valid delineation
of the ceramic content of a phase. study by means of the type-variety concept, I
believe he accomplishes both what Rouse
To repeat the substance of many an earlier
(1960) calls "analytic classification" and "tax-
discourse, a potsherd is surely not a biological
entity and therefore cannot in a biologicalonomic
senseclassification."
be related to or evolve into another kindInof conclusion, let us review the query, should
potsherd. But let me reiterate my view an that
anthropological typology be an end in itself?
Absolutely not. Any classification of use to
pottery types are manifestations of ceramic
anthropology,
ideas, ceramic images, held originally in the whatever the medium, must be
but
minds of human beings. The ideas are human a means whereby cultural processes are de-
scribed
concepts and as such can be and are indeed re- and elucidated. Within such a frame
of reference
lated to one another areally and do indeed, as cultural classifications (anthropo-
logical typologies) are some of the instruments
ideas or conceptions develop one into another
which
through time. Relationships of this order anthropologists must use if they are to
are

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GIFFORD ] TYPE-VARIETY METHOD AND CULTURAL PHENOMENA 347

chart reliably the actualized and potential di- PHILIP

PHILLIPS,
mensions of human nature through time and 1958 Application of the Wheat-Gifford-Wasley Tax-
space.
onomy to Eastern Ceramics. American Anti-
quity, Vol. 24, No. 2, pp. 117-25. Salt Lake
This is not by any means to say that it isCity.
desirable to adopt blindly any one scheme and
stick to it come what may. It is rather myRANDS,
feel- R. L. AND C. L. RILEY
ing that ultimately a classificatory scheme orDiffusion and Discontinuous Distribution.
1958
group of compatible schemes will be refined American Anthropologist, Vol. 60, No. 2, pp.
274-97. Menasha.
which will accurately reflect the regularities
and irregularities, the similarities and dissimi-
ROUSE, IRVING
larities, of cultural processes, perhaps on a 1960 The Classification of Artifacts in Archaeology.
world-wide basis, and that our present efforts American Antiquity, Vol. 25, No. 3, pp. 313-23.
are but steps in this direction. Salt Lake City.

Acknowledgments. I should like especially to thank SMITH, R. E., G. R. WILLEY, AND J. C. GIFFORD
Clyde Kluckhohn, Philip Phillips, Robert L. Rands, Wat-
1960 The Type-Variety Concept as a Basis for the
son Smith, Gordon R. Willey, and Stephen Williams
for their kind advice and for the numerous lively dis- Analysis of Maya Pottery. American Antiquity,
cussions that have led to a formulation of these thoughts. Vol. 25, No. 3, pp. 330-40. Salt Lake City.
I am also particularly indebted to Irving Rouse in allow-
THOMPSON, R. H. (EDITOR)
ing me to examine drafts of his paper, "The Classification
of Artifacts in Archaeology." 1956 An Archaeological Approach to the Study
of Cultural Stability. In "Seminars in Archaeol-
ogy: 1955," edited by Robert Wauchope, pp.
COLBY, B. N.
31-57. Memoirs of the Society for American
1958 Behavioral Redundancy. Behavioral Science, Archaeology, No. 11. Salt Lake City.
Vol. 3, No. 4, pp. 317-22. Baltimore.
VAILLANT, G. C.
KLUCKHOHN, CLYDE
1958a The Scientific Study of Values and Contem- 1930 Excavations at Zacatenco. Anthropological
porary Civilization. Proceedings of the Amer- Papers of the American Museum of Natural
ican Philosophical Society, Vol. 102, No. 5, pp. History, Vol. 32, Part I. New York.
469-76. Philadelphia.
WHEAT, J. B., J. C. GIFFORD, AND W. W. WASLEY
1958b The Scientific Study of Values. University of
Toronto Installation Lectures, 1958, pp. 25-54, 1958 Ceramic Variety, Type Cluster, and Ceramic
System in Southwestern Pottery Analysis. Amer-
University of Toronto Press, Toronto.
ican Antiquity, Vol. 24, No. 1, pp. 34-47. Salt
In press The Use of Typology in Anthropological
Lake City.
Theory. In Selected Papers from the Proceed-
ings of the Vth International Congress of An- WHITE, L. A.
thropological and Ethnological Sciences, edited
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sylvania Press, Philadelphia. pologist, Vol. 61, No. 2, pp. 227-51. Menasha.

KROEBER, A. L. WILLEY, G. R.
1952 The Nature of Culture. University of Chicago 1945 Horizon Styles and Pottery Traditions in Peru-
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No. 1, pp. 49-56. Menasha.
KROEBER, A. L. AND CLYDE KLUCKHOHN
1952 Culture: A Critical Review of Concepts and WILLEY, G. R. AND PHILIP PHILLIPS
Definitions. Papers of the Peabody Museum, 1958 Method and Theory in American Archaeology.
Harvard University, Vol. 47, No. 1. Cambridge. University of Chicago Press, Chicago.
OSGOOD, CORNELIUS
HARVARD UNIVERSITY
1951 Culture: Its Empirical and Non-Empirical
Character. Southwestern Journal of Anthropol- Cambridge, Mass.
ogy, Vol. 7, No. 2, pp. 202-14. Albuquerque. May, 1959

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