Journal of Consumer Marketing

Decision making process of community organic food consumers: an exploratory study

Leila Hamzaoui Essoussi Mehdi Zahaf
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Leila Hamzaoui Essoussi Mehdi Zahaf, (2008),"Decision making process of community organic food consumers: an exploratory
study", Journal of Consumer Marketing, Vol. 25 Iss 2 pp. 95 - 104
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Susanne Padel, Carolyn Foster, (2005),"Exploring the gap between attitudes and behaviour: Understanding why consumers buy
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Joris Aertsens, Wim Verbeke, Koen Mondelaers, Guido Van Huylenbroeck, (2009),"Personal determinants of organic food
consumption: a review", British Food Journal, Vol. 111 Iss 10 pp. 1140-1167 http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/00070700910992961
Athanasios Krystallis, George Chryssohoidis, (2005),"Consumers' willingness to pay for organic food: Factors
that affect it and variation per organic product type", British Food Journal, Vol. 107 Iss 5 pp. 320-343 http://
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 Decision making process of community organic
food consumers: an exploratory study
Leila Hamzaoui Essoussi
Telfer School of Management, University of Ottawa, Ottawa, Canada, and
Mehdi Zahaf
Faculty of Business Administration, Lakehead University, Thunder Bay, Canada

Abstract
Purpose – Substantial changes in the organic food sector and recent studies on the Canadian organic food market are showing promising trends.
However, community organic food markets are different from organic food mainstream markets. In a domain growing in theoretical and practical
importance, the main objective of this paper is to develop an understanding and analysis of “community organic food market”.
Design/methodology/approach – Focus groups were conducted and data collected were analyzed using content analysis.
Findings – Five main themes emerged and brought contributions in terms of: organic food definition and recognition, organic food consumers’
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motivations, trust with regard to organic food, labeling and certification process, organic food distribution channels, and the proposition of a conceptual
model of decision making with regard to organic food consumers in small communities.
Research limitations/implications – Data collection was conducted in only one small community location and should be extended to other small
communities as well as urban city centers.
Practical implications – This study provides some insights to managers in terms of the market mix and target marketing of organic food niche
markets.
Originality/value – The paper explores the difference between an organic food mainstream market and an organic food niche/community market
using a consumer behaviour perspective.

Keywords Consumer behaviour, Organic foods, Trust, Canada

Paper type Research paper

An executive summary for managers and executive
readers can be found at the end of this article.
Introduction
The last two decades were driven by two major trends in the
agriculture industry:
1 an increase in food-related diseases such as mad-cow
disease and bird flu; and
2 an increase in the use of genetically modified food.
The organic farming “industry” eliminates a number of
concerns that consumers hold towards conventional food
production. This industry integrates all aspect of a
pesticide-fertilizer free production process using specific
standards and is subject to a rigorous certification system.
Moreover, this industry is one of the fastest growing areas
of the food market in Europe, the USA and Australia.
Many countries show growth rates of 20 to 30 percent
annually (Lampkin, 1999). Levels of growth have important
implications for this specific market in terms of certification
procedures, the reforming of the whole supply chain and
The current issue and full text archive of this journal is available at
www.emeraldinsight.com/0736-3761.htm
the need for deep organic consumer knowledge (Kristallis
and Chryssohoidis, 2005).
The traditional marketing approach and specifically
consumer marketing theory are not sufficiently prepared to
handle the advent of new types of consumers such as organic
food (OF) consumers. These consumers are looking for more
than a product, i.e. they are looking for different added values
linked to the product (Baker, 2003). Moreover, the literature
to date is of great interest but offers little insight into the
influence of the development stage of an organic food market
(and its characteristics) on the ranking of motives to buy
organic food. Organic food consumers could thus be studied
under two perspectives:
1 big cities where organic products are available and where
trust is based mainly on consumers’ knowledge of the
certification process; and
2 community setting where trust is based on the relationship
between the farmer and the consumer.
This new market reality is here carefully explored.
The paper starts with a discussion of the literature
surrounding the organic food consumers and the factors
that affect organic food purchases. The methodology
section describes the data collection and analysis
procedures used. The results are then presented, followed
by a discussion underlining the major findings. Last, a

Journal of Consumer Marketing

25/2 (2008) 95– 104 Research supported by the Regional Research Fund (Lakehead
q Emerald Group Publishing Limited [ISSN 0736-3761] University). The authors acknowledge James Anderson for help as
[DOI 10.1108/07363760810858837] research assistant for data collection.

95
 Decision making process of community organic food consumers
Leila Hamzaoui Essoussi and Mehdi Zahaf
conclusion presents the majors points and the limits of this
exploratory study.
Conceptual background
Organic versus natural and environmetal
Organic food products have become popular in the last few
years throughout the world. In order to explore the organic
market, organic first needs to be differentiated from natural.
The term “organic” is rooted in “bio” from Greek “bios”
meaning life or way of living while there is no clear definition
and standard regarding “natural food”. Natural product
consumers are somehow seen as – and not always –
vegetarians or even vegans. According to Agriculture Canada,
organic is seen as a “segment” of the natural food industry.
Second, organic products and natural products are usually
sold together. These products are commonly viewed as
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encouraging a healthier lifestyle described by the acronym
Lifestyles of Health and Sustainability (LOHAS). Natural
health and personal care are indeed focus points for both
types of products. Lastly, the major focus is on the production
process per se. In this regard, Green Earth Organics provides
a clear definition of what an organic food product is; hence,
“organic foods are minimally processed to maintain the
integrity of the food without artificial ingredients,
preservatives or irradiation”.
Studies dealing with the concept of environmentally
friendly products represent a mature research field covering
different aspects of the marketing process namely, consumer
behaviour, marketing mix, and marketing strategies. It is clear
that organic food purchases preclude an environmental
dimension. It is also interesting to shed the light on
similarities and differences between green products and
organic food products. The issue of psychographic and
personal variables in consumer behaviour dealing with
environmental or green products has been dealt with by
many researchers (Balderjahn, 1988; Ellen et al., 1991; Berger
and Corbin, 1992; Amyx et al., 1994). Hence, some of the
variables that might shape the buying behaviour of organic
food products are:
.
Perceived consumer effectiveness: consumers’ believe that
the efforts of an individual can make a difference in the
solution to environmental problems (Balderjahn, 1988;
Ellen et al., 1991; Berger and Corbin, 1992).
.
Ecological concern: consumers’ level of ecological
concern is related to their willingness to purchase green
products (Amyx et al., 1994).
.
Locus of control: refers to a consumer’s perception about
the underlying main causes of events in his/her behaviour
(Schwepker and Cornwell, 1991; Shamdasani et al.,
1993).
.
Faith in others (Berger and Corbin, 1992).
The organic consumer
Reasons for buying organic food
A review of the literature on organic food consumption shows
that several attempts have been made to examine consumers’
perception of organic food, factors that have facilitated or
prevented the organic food choice, consumers’ attitudes, as
well as reasons for purchase/non-purchase. Consumers
purchase organic food mainly for the following reasons:
organic food is seen as healthier, more nutritious and safer, no
chemicals are used, organic farming is kinder to the
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Journal of Consumer Marketing
Volume 25 · Number 2 · 2008 · 95 –104
environment, and tastes better than conventional food
(Fotopoulos and Krystallis, 2002; Wier and Calverly, 2002;
Larue et al., 2004). Conversely, the main reasons that prevent
consumers from buying organic food are: too expensive,
limited availability, unsatisfactory quality, satisfaction with
current purchases, lack of trust, limited choice, lack of
perceived value and lack of misunderstanding of organic ways
of production (Fotopoulos and Krystallis, 2002; Wier and
Calverly, 2002; Larue et al., 2004; Verdurme et al., 2002;
Worner and Meier-Ploeger, 1999). Overall, the most
important reason for purchasing and consuming organic
food appears to be health concerns (Hutchins and
Greenhalgh, 1997; Squires et al., 2001), whereas research
conducted on consumers’ environmental concerns as a reason
for consuming organic food are mixed (Kristensen and
Grunert, 1991).
Profiling organic food consumers
The issue of profiling organic food consumers and
determining the underlying values of their purchases is
rather a mature field in Europe with a well-established
literature (e.g. Makatouni, 2002; Verdurme et al., 2002, Baker
et al., 2004; Zanoli and Naspetti, 2002). Several studies have
indeed segmented organic food consumers on the basis of:
attitudes toward organic food and purchase intentions,
demographic factors, food-related lifestyles, and frequency
of purchase. Based on these segmentations, scholars have
profiled organic buyers to describe who they are and what
their purchase intentions are (see Davis et al., 1995;
Fotopoulos and Krystallis, 2002; Baker et al., 2002;
Solomon et al., 1999). Several studies agreed on the socio-
demographic profile of organic food buyers: they are mainly
women, buying in larger quantities and more frequently then
men. Although age is not an important factor, younger
consumers show a higher willingness to buy due to their
greater environmental concerns but cannot always afford it.
Moreover, Hamzaoui and Zahaf (2006) propose not only a
new definition of “organic” but also provide a general profile
of what they call typical organic products consumers
(TOPC). These consumers are somehow vegetarian/vegans,
care about the environment, are health conscious, buy OF to
support local farmers, do not trust big corporations, and are
willing to pay a premium price to purchase OF products.
Further, cultural differences seem to cause consumers from
different countries to have different values, and most of all
different means of achieving those values when making
purchasing decisions. More widespread consumption of
organic food over a longer period of time in some countries
versus others could result in more familiarity, which can
explain that German consumers provide richer hierarchical
value maps (Baker et al., 2004). People everywhere possess
the same values, but to different degrees. Although values are
important, they have not been widely applied to direct
examination of consumer behaviour vis-à-vis organic products
(with the exception of studies conducted in European
countries by Baker et al., 2004; Zanoli and Naspetti, 2002;
Makatouni, 2002). Since values drive much of consumer
behaviour, many types of consumer research are related to the
identification and measurement of values.
Findings from these previous researches underline the need
to uncover the differing mindset of consumers in countries
where organic consumption is promising and enjoying rapid
growth, but is likely not driven by the same consumer values,
 Decision making process of community organic food consumers
Leila Hamzaoui Essoussi and Mehdi Zahaf
as in Canada. Three studies conducted in European
countries, i.e. Baker et al. (2004), Zanoli and Naspetti
(2002), and Makatouni (2002), highlighted life values that fall
into three main broad categories: values centered on the
human being, on the environment, and on the well-being of
animals. Although similarities emerged with respect to main
values between the three studies, the dominant perceptual
orientations of UK, German, and Italian organic food
consumers differ widely. German consumers’ dominant
perceptual orientations are centered on health and
enjoyment through taste and quality, followed by belief in
nature, whereas UK consumers do not show a perceptual
orientation connected with nature or the environment (Baker
et al., 2004). Conversely life values related to animals are the
second most frequently mentioned value (Makatouni, 2002).
Interestingly, regular Italian consumers show transcendental
values like ecology, harmony with the universe and are
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interested in a sustainable future, even though health and
wellbeing are their most important motivators coupled with
value states like hedonism, pleasure and achievement (Zanoli
and Naspetti, 2002). Last, a study conducted by Lumbers
et al. (2003) showed that Greek consumers are less confident
about their food supply and more fearful of pesticide residues
compared to the British consumers. All these results are in
accordance with Beharrell and MacFie (1991) study stating
that differences in the intensity and the ranking of the main
motives to buy organic products appear to be country specific.
Moreover, a longitudinal study conducted by Davis et al.
(1995) showed how the priority of motives to buy organic
food changed over time, highlighting an increasing concern
for the environment.
The Canadian market
In Canada, the organic food industry and the farming
industry are not yet as advanced as those in the USA and
several European nations (MacRae et al., 2002). One of the
few studies conducted on the Canadian market proposed a
segmentation of OF consumers (Cunningham, 2001). They
are usually defined as true naturals, new green mainstream,
affluent healers, and young recyclers. Moreover, only British
Columbia has undertaken market research studies to provide
more insights on the market size and potentials (Macey,
2003). In the province of Ontario, according to agriculture
and Agri-food Canada, there are 3,317 certified farmers
totalizing 966,482 acreages in production. As far as organic
food production is concerned, the leading crops in the
province are vegetables, herbs, fruit and nut, grains and
oilseeds, wild rice lakes, pasture, and Forages.
More generally, the development stage of an organic food
market is stated by Lampkin (1992) as possibly influencing
the ranking of motives to buy organic food. Moreover, the
market life cycle concept (Keegan, 1989) may also influence
consumers’ attitudes; and finally research has shown that
market characteristics like the distribution coverage, the type
of outlets, the range and availability of products, the level of
sales affect consumers’ attitudes toward organic food (Squires
et al., 2001). Differences on these market characteristics also
appear to exist within a country like Canada and lead to one
main question addressed here: Are there differences in
consumers’ motives priorities leading to consumption of
organic food product due to market characteristics between
consumers in urban city centers and in community settings?
This research explores community organic food markets and
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Journal of Consumer Marketing
Volume 25 · Number 2 · 2008 · 95 –104
proposes a comprehensive analysis of the organic market in
this area.
Objectives
We aim to dig into the breaches of the actual literature and
seek to develop an understanding of “community organic
food markets”. Our purpose in this study is threefold:
1 To explore the drives, motives and values of community
organic food consumers.
2 To analyze consumers’ point of purchase preferences in
community organic food markets.
3 To understand community organic food consumer trust
with regard to organic food products, organic labelling,
and the companies marketing those products.
The ultimate objective is to develop a model that will help to
analyze these consumers’ motives for buying OF. This is
based on our understanding of the link between consumers’
values and motivations and their consumption patterns.
Methodology
Sample
The study employs a qualitative research design. A total of six
focus groups were conducted in autumn 2006 in a community
market in the province of Ontario. The objective was to
investigate consumer’s perceptions, values and motivations
with regard to OF in community organic food markets. More
specifically, focus groups attempted to explore three main
themes related to:
1 general knowledge with regard to OF;
2 motivations and buyer behaviour; and
3 labelling and certification.
These themes revolved around several issues like what is the
meaning of “organic”, reasons for buying and consuming
organic products, consumers main sources of information,
ethical concerns and social values related to OF, perceived
advantages and disadvantages of OF, willingness to pay a
“premium” price, selection of organic products, ease in
identifying organic products, and availability of organic
products.
We used a screening questionnaire for participants’
selection to ensure that all participants met the defined
criteria of this research. We profiled consumers as follows:
.
Knowledge. Organic food knowledge is a prerequisite for
participants’ selection as well as being in charge of
household grocery/food purchases.
.
Purchase habits. Participants had to be regular, occasional
or irregular.
.
Products. Had to consume at least two out of six named
OF products in the screening questionnaire including:
fruits, vegetables, meat, dairy, breads, and prepared food.
Respondents were recruited from organic specialized stores,
conventional grocery stores, and open markets carrying OFs.
Age and gender were not criteria of selection.
Most of respondents belong to the 19-35 age bracket with
an even representation of males and females. Further half of
the respondents are regular users, 44 percent are occasional
users, and finally, 6 percent are irregular users. Basically, 94
percent of the respondents have already tried at least two
organic food products. It is also important to note that all
occasional consumers are students. A total of 43 percent of
 Decision making process of community organic food consumers
Leila Hamzaoui Essoussi and Mehdi Zahaf
them buy – not exclusively – OF from specialty stores while
85 percent have already bought OF from superstores.
Conversely all regular consumers are either buying OF from
a specialty store or from local markets.
Research procedure
Before commencing the focus groups, care was taken to create
a relaxed environment. Each subject was assured that there
are no right or wrong answers, and that the purpose of the
study was to know more about their perceptions and opinions
about OF. Participants also were asked to give their opinion
regarding the different types of OF products available in the
market and to express their concern with regard to these
products. This gave an insight on how and why they adapted
their food habits and changed their food choice behaviour.
Sources of information and their respective reliability were
also discussed, as well as the influence of media on consumers
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in general and on parents in particular. To conclude,
participants were asked to express what they considered the
most important characteristic in OF, what improvements in
OF they would like to see, and finally, they where invited to
share any comments or suggestions about the discussion.
Analysis
Sample results based were obtained by analysis of verbatim
transcripts of the audio-taped interviews. Even though it is
not necessary to transcribe the interviews, this does allow for
more in-depth analysis of subtle themes. All focus groups
were indeed recorded and transcribed to capture, with
minimal bias, the perceptions, benefits and values underlying
decision-making process with regard to OF. Data collected in
the focus groups were analyzed using content analysis. Hence,
data were organized around particular themes, on a
judgmental basis, that were coded and categorized in order
to facilitate their interpretation. Content analysis and coding
of the data was performed according to the relevant literature
(Kassarjian, 1977). Two separate judges coded the data (see
Table I).
Results
Focus groups interviews were analyzed using content analysis.
This technique, i.e. content analysis, allows the researcher to
include large amounts of textual information, methodically
identify its properties by detecting the more important
structures of its content, and determines the frequencies of
most used keywords. Hence, we started by analyzing the
content of the five themes defined in Table I.
Table I Themes classification
Theme
What is organic? Organic
Organic/natural
Recognition Sources of information
Identification
Motivations Why to buy
Trust Labelling/certification
Control
Where to find what? Distribution
Product
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Journal of Consumer Marketing
Volume 25 · Number 2 · 2008 · 95 –104
What is organic?
Based on our coding scheme and on the findings from focus
groups, we started to define a first profile of the OF
consumer. Combining consumers’ categories used in the
screening process (i.e. regular, occasional, and irregular) to
our findings allows us to consider two main types of
consumers. We shall, from now on consider only two main
categories of consumers: regular consumers (RC) and non-
regular consumers (non-RC). This latter category of
consumers is composed of occasional and irregular
consumers. Our classification leads to an even
representation of both categories.
All respondents were able to define what is organic but
there was a difference when they were asked to answer a
question regarding characterizing what is organic.
Respondents defined OFs as products that contain no
fertilizer, no chemical, no pesticides, no antibiotics, no
hormones, no GMO; and is not processed, not packaged, no
injection/no harm for animals, natural, tasty, nutritious,
colourful, fresh/stay longer, and is labour intensive. This
brings a new dimension to the definition of what is organic. It
also gives us a partial idea about RC and non-RC knowledge
with regard to OF. To address the issue of consumers’
knowledge with regard to OF, we explored their perceptions
of the difference between OF and natural food. The two
concepts, i.e. organic versus natural, were described into
details above in the literature review. Most non-RC think that
organic is natural while most RC see a clear difference
between both categories of products. Some non-RC said
“organic is natural food, just a new term to create some
buzz“. Moreover, consumers differentiating between natural
and organic think that one of the differences is related to the
fact that OF is “mass distributed” compared to natural
products. It is also worth noticing that about a quarter of all
respondents think that organic is a reinvention of natural; it is
a buzz word, a new marketing device. In fact, “it is just so
popular now, it is a profitable market. . . organic is a trend, so
it is a marketable thing to put on the label of your food”. This
leads us to the issue of how consumers recognize OF
products.
Recognition of organic food
Even though most respondents – RC and non-RC –
described very well what organic is, they stated that it is
difficult to identify OF while only a few are able to identify
those products. This is clearly linked to the labelling and
certification issues, and to the distribution system. A third of
all respondents think that it is difficult to buy OF due to the
Definition
OF products’ most important attributes
Difference between organic and natural
Main sources of information
Easiness of identifying OF
Reasons for purchasing OF
Trust issues related to labelling and certification
Organizations having to control certification
Main store categories where OF product are usually sold
Available and preferred variety of OF
 Decision making process of community organic food consumers
Leila Hamzaoui Essoussi and Mehdi Zahaf
lack of specialty stores. Moreover, RC consider that it is easy
to identify OF in local markets and some specialty stores
because “it comes right out of the grown”. These consumers,
i.e. RC, are reluctant to buy OF from grocery stores even
when they find a certified labelling because they don’t know
what is behind the label organic; “. . .but you really do not
know. It can say not pesticides and fertilizers, but you never
know if that stuff is still in the ground when it is produced”.
Once more, the organic dimension is broader that the one
described in the current literature. It includes all aspects of
the production and distribution processes. This influences the
trust level of consumers with regard to companies selling OF
in the market (see Hamzaoui and Zahaf (2006) for more
details).
Hence, there are two opposite behaviours. Since non-RC
buy mainly their products from grocery stores, they argue that
“you cannot trust an organization or corporation that says this
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product is organic. Unless you can go home and research
what organic food is and if that product is organic.”
Conversely RC argue that “it is easy to identify it, because
genetically modified foods all look pretty and shiny. Where
with the organic store they look different, and look dull. Also,
non-organic has no tastes, because there are no nutrients”. It
is then obvious that recognition signs used by RC and non-
RC are different. Some consumers draw another line; they say
that it is easy to recognize some products and not others.
Fruits, vegetable, and food not sold in cans or not wrapped
are easily recognizable. Moreover, RC and some non-RC
make the difference between OF and conventional food
because of shape, color, form, and taste. Finally, almost half
of the respondents recognize OFs because of their higher
price.
Motivation to buy organic food
Now that we characterized the typical organic food
consumers, namely regular consumers or RC, and analyzed
how they recognize and identify OF, we need to explore all
hidden motives that help these consumers consume OF on a
regular basis. It is important to note that in other studies
typical organic food consumers have a vegetarian lifestyle. In
the present study, regular consumers present a different
profile. They are indeed very concerned about their health.
One third of all respondents ranked “health” as the main
reason of buying OF. According to these consumers OF make
them “feel really motivated and energetic”. Some of them
argued that the value of buying OF outweighs the cost of
purchasing those products. Value is traditionally discussed in
marketing classes as the ratio of benefits to costs (Kotler et al.,
2005). Consumers listed several benefits associated with OF,
e.g. environmentally friendly, make them feel better, and very
interestingly, support local farmers. Conversely, the two main
costs associated with OF are their high price; and the cost of
looking for those products. The listed benefits lead RC to be
non-price sensitive. For them “You cannot put a price on ones
health.“ Moreover some said “So it may be twice as
expensive, but it is more than twice as good.”
Even though environmental motives ranked fourth, around
a quarter of the respondents think it is an important motive
when buying OF while the same percentage of respondents
argued that they do not know if OF are environmentally
friendly. The “Environment” is present in respondents’
arguments and reasons under different names and forms. In
fact, these respondents ranked organic gardening as an
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Journal of Consumer Marketing
Volume 25 · Number 2 · 2008 · 95 –104
important reason for buying organic because “to get the
vegetables right out of the garden keeps it fresh. It is better
than sitting on a truck from California for a week.” This
relates to the food security argument. The next reason for
buying OF is related to supporting local farmers. This
element has been introduced by Hamzaoui and Zahaf (2006)
in a study they conducted in Ottawa. There are two
dimensions that push consumers to buy OF:
1 sustainability argument rooted in supporting local
communities: “I think organic foods should be produced
on a more community level with roof top gardens and
such, where families can grow their food and everyone
works together”, and
2 minimizing the distribution distance: “I really wish for our
society to move away from corporations and industry, and
support healthier and local eating”.
It seems also that the organic lifestyle is based on trust
between consumers and producers. Many respondents argued
indeed that there should be a close relationship between
farmers and consumers. Since these farmers are not profit
driven then they will not mass produce. This leads us to an
important dimension that OF consumers consider being
crucial: trust with regard to companies and OF products in
the market.
Trust
Consumers’ trust towards what is offered on the market is
mainly expressed in the interviews through their concerns
about the labels, the certification process that products have
to go through, who is defining and controlling this process,
and the use of standards. Label importance is highlighted by
regular consumers, expressing the fact that when seeing a
label (certified sticker) on a product, they consider it “a lot
better” and they “feel a lot safer”. For a few RC, even if they
see a certified logo, still “it depends on who certifies it” and
what was the process of certification the product went
through. This pinpoints the level of trust they have towards
who is deciding whether a product can be considered as
organic or not, and following what procedure.
In terms of certification, the majority of consumers do not
know the exact process farmers have to go through to get their
products certified, the steps needed to make a product
organic, with the exception of a couple of RC. They
mentioned in detail the fact that “you cannot have fertilizer
used in your soil for a number or years”, “how long farmers
have been feeding cows with chemicals like 2 to 3 generations
ago”, which highlights the existence of barriers to
certification. Non-regular consumers were thus not able to
identify and name who is defining and controlling the
certification process, but recognized the need “to have laws in
place to make sure it is done right”. RC generally named the
government as the main certification body. Trusting the
certification process is more important for consumers as they
note the rapid growth of big distribution channels in the
organic market, and they definitely do not trust big
companies. Consumers cite with high regards the European
example (and even California) for their labelling and
certification processes, and regulations controlling the OF
industry. Having a uniform logo on organic products is a
likeable idea although about half of the consumers think it is
difficult to implement at an international level, many nations
having their own policies, whereas only few of them think that
 Decision making process of community organic food consumers
Leila Hamzaoui Essoussi and Mehdi Zahaf
it should be established at the provincial level. More precisely,
one of the issues here is about imported products as what is
defined as being organic in one country might not be
considered that way in another one, and most RC are
concerned about whether those products are allowed to cross
the border. This leads to discuss the next theme related to
what is then the variety of organic products offered to
consumers and were are they made available to them.
Where to find what?
In terms of distribution, the overall feeling is that it is not
really easy to buy organic food in small communities but “you
figure it out over time”, compared to big cities where
consumers can find a wider number of stores offering organic
food, which is an expected result. Only few of the interviewed
consumers shop just at a superstore, with the remaining
majority of consumers going to specialty stores, local markets
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and superstores (with the exception of just one RC buying
only from specialty stores). When shopping in superstores,
even within the store, identifying where organic products are
located (except for vegetables that are in a separate section) is
not always easy and some consumers spend more or less time
depending on what they are looking to buy as “products are
mixed up”, whereas in cities like “Halifax and Toronto they
have organic foods all in one area”. Variety of organic
products doesn’t seem to be really wide and “the selection is
thus limited” in comparison with other places. This might be
directly linked to the RC preference to buy directly from
farmers or from places they trust more than regular
superstores.
Finally, the availability of products seems to be a real barrier
to organic consumption if we compare what they know to be
available organic products compared to what they actually can
find in their area. It is also worthwhile listing what consumers
mention as being their favorite organic food: vegetables and
fruits, meat, dairy products, bread, eggs and finally prepared
food such as cereals, jam, chocolate, cookies, pastas, pasta
sauce, drinks. Whereas RC mainly buy the first five product
categories, non-RC do also mention some of the first ones but
do also buy prepared food, which might be similar to what
they used to eat before starting to make changes in their food
choices.
Conceptual model of OF decision making
In order to provide an integrative understanding of the
decision marking process of community OF consumers, we
propose a conceptual model (see Figure 1) integrating
different dimensions. Schematically, it integrates:
1 Information about organic food captured by six sub-
themes: source of information, identification, what is
organic, motivations to buy, knowledge, and the
difference between organic and natural. If consumers
lack information/knowledge with regard to OF, they will
not be able to:
.
identify those products;
.
know what organic is; and
.
differentiate between organic and natural.
2 Contextual factors (type of retailers, easiness to identify
the products, etc.) moderate OF consumers’ behaviours
and hence strengthen/weaken their attitudes about
fostering organic purchases. This influences consumers’
trust level and hence their perceptions of the certifications
process and products’ labelling. More specifically, those
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Journal of Consumer Marketing
Volume 25 · Number 2 · 2008 · 95 –104
factors will shape consumers’ decision process in terms of
products and stores choice.
3 Lastly, the proposed model reflects some important
elements of previous works on green products. In fact, if
consumers believe they can change things, i.e. high
consumer perceived effectiveness (PCE), this will
strengthen their motivations to buy OF. Conversely, if
consumers are not environmentally conscious, i.e, high
level of faith in others (FIO), then they will buy OF for
other reason like “health”.
The model depicted in Figure 1 provides an outlook of the
results outlined above. Basically, consumers are driven by
several cues and motives to buy organic food products. These
motivations are rooted in their knowledge of what organic is,
and the influence of the different sources of information, i.e.
internet, family, friends, books, etc. Before making any
purchase decision, this information is processed and
combined to another set of data related to labelling and
certification, hence to trust. This leads to three main pre-
purchase conditionings:
1 how consumers perceive OF;
2 how they identify those products; and
3 how they differentiate OF with regard to natural products.
This constitutes the basis of consumers’ trust orientations.
Once this preliminary search-analyses-choice phase is
finished, consumers choose not only what they are going to
buy but also where they are going to buy OF. Hence, the pre-
purchase conditionings are translated into product/channel
choice in terms of product and point of purchase preferences,
labelling and certification of the product.
Discussion
This study provides mainly theoretical implications. It
contributes to the actual body of literature by providing an
in-depth understanding on how organic food consumers in
small communities behave, and proposing a conceptual model
of decision making with regard to OF. A discussion about
what is organic, OF identification, motivation, trust, and
distribution issues follows.
This study reveals that the standard definition of OF has to
be revisited and it should read:
OF is a product that has been produced without using pesticides, fertilizers,
chemicals, or GMOs. Further, compared to regular products, OF products
are tastier, more nutritious, colorful, look fresh and not uniform, and lastly it
is not only produced locally but also not mass produced. OFs are marketed
using the shortest channel hence favoring local products over national/
international products. This helps sustaining local communities and local
farmers.
This is mainly rooted in consumers’ attitudes, motivations,
and knowledge with regard to OF. First of all RC and non-RC
have two different recognition schemes. These schemes are
based on point of purchase differentiation, i.e. specialty stores
versus conventional groceries stores, and product categories,
i.e. non-packaged food versus canned or wrapped food.
Second, issues related to knowledge clearly influence the way
consumers buy. For instance, non-RC professing their
willingness to buy OF may actually not do so because of
price differentials and valued benefits in OF consumption.
Moreover, RC argue that the value of consuming OF
outweighs the cost of buying them hence taking over price
sensitivity.
 Decision making process of community organic food consumers
Leila Hamzaoui Essoussi and Mehdi Zahaf
Figure 1 Proposed conceptual model
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The study also reveals that both RC and non-RC consumers
consider health as the most important reason for buying OF.
Having said that, there is an important sustainability
consciousness argument that drives consumers’ choice. This
is more specifically in line with the idea of supporting local
community, which did not appear in previous studies (Roddy
et al., 1994; Baker et al., 2002; Fotopoulos and Krystallis,
2002; Zanoli and Naspetti, 2002). Compared to Hamzaoui
and Zahaf (2006) this study also shows clearly that the city
size moderates the effect of some variables. Small
communities tend to favor more their local economy and
hence support local OF products. This is also explained with
the low penetration rate of OF product in major superstore
shelves in small communities; the OF channels structure is
too short, i.e. it is a direct channel: OF marketed directly to
consumers; and the low level of trust toward superstores and
big companies versus farmers.
Distribution, certification and labelling are all somehow
linked to consumers’ confidence and level of trust when
consuming OFs. Consumers emphasize the importance of
certification standards, even though they still do not know to
what degree the Canadian certification process is controlled,
and would like to know more about it. This also explains the
close and direct link between farmers and consumers at the
community level.
Finally, we propose a conceptual model that summarizes
our findings and position our study in the current literature.
We have shown that OF consumers’ decision-making process
is partly based on elements pertaining to green consumer
behaviour models. The model has an integrative and complex
structure because it integrates consumer behaviour variables
as well as macro-variables. The decision-making process of
OF consumers is not only rooted in how, what and why
consumers buy/don’t buy OF but also in more macro-
environmental forces such as support for local farmer which
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Journal of Consumer Marketing
Volume 25 · Number 2 · 2008 · 95 –104
lead to sustainable communities. This might be even a more
pronounced or noticeable tendency in smaller cities.
Conclusion
In conclusion, given the increasing demand for organic food,
analyzing and understanding the behaviour of community
market OF consumers is no longer a marginal issue. This
research adds new components to the definition of what an
OF product is, as perceived by these consumers.
Nevertheless, results indicate that consumers lack deeper
knowledge with regards to OF products. Conducting in-depth
interviews through focus groups led us to the major
contributions of this study namely, OF consumers’ main
motivations, attitudes towards the OF industry and trust with
regard to OF products, labelling and certification process in
community markets. The findings of our research underlines
that cultural values cause consumers to give priority to
different values and means of achieving those values when
making the decision to buy organic food. The study also
enables us to develop a deeper understanding of consumers’
motivations and attitudes that can help marketers define and
adjust their positioning, distribution and communication of
organic food offer which seems to differ from community
markets to urban markets.
One important limitation of this research is the data
collection that was conducted in one location not taking into
account the situation in other provinces (except an urban city
in a previous study), thus highlighting the necessity to extend
this research to other small communities and major urban city
centers in different provinces. This study being exploratory,
the results are only a spring-board for future research in an
area growing in theoretical and practical importance.
Deepening the understanding of organic consumers’
decision making process on one hand, and on the other
hand addressing implications of the consumption food
 Decision making process of community organic food consumers
Leila Hamzaoui Essoussi and Mehdi Zahaf
behaviour for the marketing practitioner and public policies
should be addressed by conducting conclusive studies using
quantitative approaches.
Managerial implications and applications
It is clear that the organic industry is moving from a niche
market industry to a mainstream industry. Several distribution
and pricing issues still need to be addressed. Our study
provides insights to marketers and managers on how to
market organic food products in a new emerging market
identified as community organic food market. Moreover,
community organic food consumers have specific needs and
behave differently from standard organic food consumers.
These consumers care less about price when it comes to
buying locally produced food. Further they look for the
shortest channel of distribution for two main reasons, they
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want to:
1 buy directly from farmers to strengthen their trust
relationship; and
2 minimize the food mileage problem.
It is clear that the traditional marketing approach can not
handle the advent of new types of consumers such as
community organic food consumers.
For marketers, as well as for organic food producers and
retailers, there is here an explanation of major barriers/
motives that limit/enhance the demand for organic food in
community markets; a description of the structure of the
community organic food markets; and a proposition of a
decision making model for small community OF consumers
that depicts the major steps involved in OF purchases.
Further, this deeper understanding of community organic
food consumers, their perceptions, attitudes, and knowledge
will help marketers define a more specific strategy for
positioning, communication, pricing and distribution of
organic food within the food chain, and to develop activities
that focus on capitalizing on the strength of the linkages
between organic food attributes and relevant personal and
psychographic characteristics. This will in turn help to
understand the implications of the consumer food
consumption behaviour theory on issues like trust in the
source of organic foods.
Finally, this will also have direct implications at the
provincial and federal levels in terms not only of certification
and labelling but also in terms of sustainable community
development, i.e. help local farmers and producers competing
in the actual market.
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About the authors
Leila Hamzaoui is Assistant Professor of Marketing at the
Telfer School of Management, University of Ottawa, Canada.
Her research areas are international marketing and consumer
behaviour, country of origin, brand equity, and organic
product consumption. Leila Hamzaoui is the corresponding
author and can be contacted at: hamzaoui@management.
uottawa.ca
Mehdi Zahaf is Assistant Professor at the Faculty of
Business Administration, Lakehead University, Canada. His
research interests include environmental economics,
environmental modeling, environmental marketing and
game theory. Dr Zahaf is intensively working on several
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aspect of sustainable marketing. He is also member of the
Food Security Research Network.
Executive summary and implications for
managers and executives
This summary has been provided to allow managers and executives
a rapid appreciation of the content of this article. Those with a
particular interest in the topic covered may then read the article in
toto to take advantage of the more comprehensive description of the
research undertaken and its results to get the full benefits of the
material present.
Organic food (OF) is one of the most rapidly growing
industries in the USA, Europe and Australia. Annual growth
in some countries is between 20 and 30 percent, helping to
propel the organic sector towards mainstream industry status.
Why organic?
Previous studies have indicated that a wealth of factors
motivate the consumption of OF. These include issues related
to: the environment; health; nutrition; taste; farming
methods; and food safety. Furthermore, many consumers
are inspired by the belief that their behaviour and actions can
make a difference. On the contrary, high price; availability
problems; lack of trust; quality; limited choice; and lack of
perceived value are reasons cited by non-purchasers.
Research into consumption behaviour within different
countries concluded that OF buyers are driven by values
belonging to three main categories:
1 the environment;
2 human concerns; and
3 animal welfare.
While these same motives prevail in different nations, the
intensity and ranking appear to be country specific. It has also
been suggested that the development stage of the OF market
may influence the ranking of motives to purchase organic
products. Different studies have, however, revealed that
consumers are increasingly concerned about the environment.
Some studies have segmented OF consumers on the basis of
attitude and purchase intention, demographic factors,
purchase frequency and food-related lifestyles. Several
studies have profiled the typical OF consumer as being a
female who buys in large quantities and shops more
frequently than men. Other research has corroborated these
findings and added that many OF consumers are vegan or
vegetarian, aim to support local farmers, are not price-
conscious and mistrust large corporations. Studies also
suggest that age is not especially relevant but note that
younger consumers embrace green issues and are thus eager
to purchase OF. However, cost is prohibitive to many of them.
In Canada, the OF industry is less developed and research
into market size and potential is limited. The aim of Essoussi
and Zahaf is to investigate OF purchase behaviour within a
community market setting with a specific focus on the
perceptions, values and motivations involved. Consumer
knowledge of OF together with labeling and certification
measures are other aspects explored.
The study involved six focus groups conducted in a
community market within an Ontario province. Participants
were consumers who purchased OF from specialized outlets,
 Decision making process of community organic food consumers
Leila Hamzaoui Essoussi and Mehdi Zahaf
conventional grocery stores or open markets. Most
respondents were aged between 19 and 35 and were
subsequently divided into regular consumers (RC) and non-
regular consumers (NRC). All NRC were students and all RU
purchased from specialty stores or open markets. Those who
partook were asked what they considered to be the most
important characteristics of OF and what they felt needed
improving.
Prior research had indicated a struggle to properly define
OF and that many consumers regarded organic as an
alternative term for natural. The present study revealed that
NRC share that perception while RC are able to differentiate
between the food categories.
Key factors to consider
Availability
A third of respondents believe that a lack of specialty outlets
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makes OF difficult to buy. There was also an overall feeling
that OF was not easy to locate in small communities and
some superstores but was not a problem within a number of
other city stores. There were also complaints about
insufficient variety of OF products in certain cities. Some
participants remarked about finding fewer organic products
than they knew were generally available and the authors
regard this as a considerable barrier to consumption. Fruit
and vegetables, meat, dairy products, bread and eggs are the
OF products that RC mainly buy. NRC also purchase
prepared foods that include cereals, jam, chocolate, pasta and
drinks.
Trust
It is important that trust exists between consumer and
producer. There is reluctance from some RC to purchase OF
from grocery stores even when labels confirm product as
organic. Such consumers doubt the authenticity of this
certification. Accepting products as organic can depend on
who has issued the label and what certification process has
been adopted. Evidence exists that NRC less are aware than
RC about who regulates and controls the certification.
Concerns were also raised that standards may not be
internationally consistent and possible implications for
imports were noted.
Perception and identification
It is believed that the term “organic” also incorporates the
production and distribution process, making it a broader
concept than previously stated. RC claim to identify OF by its
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104
Journal of Consumer Marketing
Volume 25 · Number 2 · 2008 · 95 –104
appearance. Some respondents detect OF by shape, color,
form or taste and half by its higher price.
Benefits
Health is the main reason cited by RC for buying OF. Many
argued that the benefits outweigh the cost of buying and
stated support for local farmers, environmental friendliness
and feeling good as main benefits. Respondents felt that
supporting local farmers helped to sustain the local
community and minimize distribution distance.
Conclusion and recommendations
Essoussi and Zahaf believe that customers lacking in
knowledge and information pertaining to OF will not be
capable of defining organic, differentiating between organic
and natural and identifying products. They also feel that
behaviour of OF consumers in terms of store and product
choice will be moderated by factors such as type of retailer
and the level of trust in the certification process. Distribution,
labeling and certification were all linked to levels of consumer
confidence and trust.
The study showed that small communities tend to favor the
local economy and thus support local OF producers. Low
availability levels of OF in major superstores serving these
small communities provides further testimony to this
preference. Consumer trust is higher for local farmers than
superstores and this also influences choice, as does the direct
marketing of food from local supplier to consumer.
Marketers should appreciate that OF consumers in small
communities have different needs from their big city
counterparts. For instance, price does not influence their
purchase decisions. The authors suggest that marketers
should use the study findings to develop specific strategies
for the positioning, communication, pricing and distribution
of OF products. It is additionally recommended that activities
are created to exploit the links between OF attributes and
relevant character traits and personal preferences.
However, the study is acknowledged as exploratory and a
useful foundation for further research that should be extended
to other small communities and major cities within different
provinces.
(A précis of the article “Decision making process of community
organic food consumers: an exploratory study”. Supplied by
Marketing Consultants for Emerald.)
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