Sills David

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HIGHLAND QUICHUAS: DISCOVERING A CULTU RA LL Y
APPR OP RI AT E PASTORAL TRAINING M OD EL
by
Michael David Sills
B.A., Belhaven College, 1988

M.Div., New Orleans Baptist Theological Seminary, 1991
D.Miss., Reformed Theological Seminary, 1997
A DISSERTATION
Su bmitted to the Faculty

in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN INTERCULTURAL STUDIES
at Reformed Theo log ica l Seminary
Jackson, Mississi ppi

M ay 2001
UMI Number: 3001686
Copyright 2001 by
Sills, Michael David
All rights reserved.
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DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
IN INTERCULTURAL STUDIES
Reformed Theological Seminary
ACCEPTED:
Dissertation topic: HIGHLAND QUICHUAS: DISCOVERING A CULTURALLY

APPROPRIATE PASTORAL TRAINING MODEL
Author: Michael David Sills
Committee Signatures:
Committee Chair/Faculty Member
Dr. Samuel H. Larsen
Committee M ember
Dr. Elias Medeiros
Date: Mav 2001
D E D IC A T IO N
To Mary, Christopher, and Molly. You have encouraged
me and supported me through the good times and the bad,
through the times of separation during my field research and
the cramped living quarters when I was home. You have lived
and wor ke d in the Highland Quichuas' world and seen the
spiritual darkness of their land. May the Lord bless you now
and always for your shared burden that helped make this
research and dissertation possible. Gracias por todo.
To my Lord and Savior, Jesus Christ. You gave me the
burden, the vision, and the strength to do everything you have
called me to do. You make all things possible and now You
have made this a reality. jGlorificado sea Tu n o m b r e !
"Achcacunapaj haupajpi nuca yac hac hishcacunataca

u y a r c a n g u i m i . Chaitaca alii crij, yachachi tucuipaj
c a jc un am an shujtajcunata ya ch achichun minga i" (2 Timothy
2:2, SBU-SBE, Quichua Chimborazo)
"Lo que has oido de mi ante muchos testigos, esto encarga

a nombres fieles que sean idoneos para ensen ar tambien a
otros" (2 Timothy 2:2, Reina Valera)
"The things which you have heard from me in the presence

of m a n y witnesses, entrust these to faithful men who will
be able to teach others also" (2 Timothy 2:2, NASB)
AC K N OW LE DG MEN TS
Ecuador and the Quichuas have been in m y heart and on
my min d for over fifteen years. Wi th my first reading of
Elizabeth Elliot's Through Gates o f Splendor, God began to
capture my heart and imagination for these people. We move d
to Ecuador to live and work among the Highland Quichuas in
1992 and arrived on Resurrection Sunday in Semana Santa.
Hundreds of people have been used by God to bring me
to this point in my minist ry to Highland Quichuas. Under
God's guidance, I have been led to adopt a life mission
statement that bears the fingerprints of all these people.
To preach and teach God's W o r d to my family, church,

friends, and internationally, mi ni stering to those with
needs around me, preparing m ys el f for a lifelong service
of shepherding, missions, teaching, and writing by reading
regularly and widely, by studying people and their
cultures, by pursuing peace with God the Father by grace
through faith in the finished work of God the Son and
being in communion with God the Holy Spirit.
I cannot name everyone, of course, but I must
ack no wl ed ge the most influential ones. I want to thank my
professors and mentors at RTS who have guided me throughout my
mi s s io lo gi ca l education: Drs. Sam Larsen, Elias Medeiros, Paul
Long, Enoch Wan, Michael Payne, and John McIntosh. I have
iv
learned from the teaching and life example of each of them.
My classmates at RTS have also enriched my missi on s formation
by sharing of their rich cultural backgrounds and emic
perspectives.
My Ecuadorian friend and colleague, Joselito Orellana,
has played an essential role in my understanding of the
Ecuadorian context and ministe red to me during m y mi nis try
there. Fellow missionaries Alan and Fabiola Gordon, Allen
Martin, Sara Risser, Manuel and Berta Sosa, Steve and Carol
Thompson, Shedd and Kris Waskosky, Mike Welty, and Dan
Winkowitsch have each been a great help. Thank you.
The dozens of Highland Quichua informants who gave of
their time and heart cannot be named but each was essential to
what is contained in these pages. A few were so helpful, I
feel as if their degrees have been earned as well. Thank you,
Benedicto P., Manuel P., Juan Q., Pedro M., and Marco M.
The support we have received through Global Outreach
International and our faithful minis tr y partners brought our
common desire to advance Christ's kingdom among the Highland
Quichuas this far. Our directors, Drs. Sammy Simps on and
Randy Von Kanel, were constant encouragers. The others in the
office have cared for us like we were family; and we are.
Thank you, Leshia, Lynette, Lynn, Marla, Merle, and Norma.
I also want to acknowledge the unflag gi ng support of
my families. Mary, I could never have done this without you.
Chr istopher and Molly, thank you for giving up your dad for so
much while the research and writing was accomplished. My
church family at Grace Baptist Church has been a true partner
as well by understanding their pastor's absence during the
research and his preoccupation during the writing.
I acknowledge the help of these and countless more in
this dissertation. They have been God's choice instruments in
shaping my life purpose to shepherd, teach, write, and live
out the gospel at home and around the world for the glory of
Christ and the good of His people. The efforts of those
ack nowledged have contributed to the success of this
dissertation. The remaining errors and deficiencies are the
author's alone. The abiding and pe rsi ste nt cry of my heart
resonates with the heart of David.
Then David the king went in and sat before the LORD, and
he said, "Who am I, 0 LORD GOD, and what is my house, that
You have brought me this far?" (2 Samuel 7:18 N A S B )
vi
ABSTR AC T
HIGHLAND QUICHUAS: DISCOVERING A CULTURALLY
APPROPRIATE PASTORAL TRAINI NG MODEL
by
Michael David Sills
The object of this study is the leadership crisis that
exists among the Evangelical Protestant Highland Quichua
church in Andean Ecuador. This church has grown rapidly since
the 1960s and continues to expand in this people group that
constitutes almost half of Ecuador's population. There are
only twenty-five hundred churches among them and fewer than
five hundred pastors. Although many more churches are needed,
the most crucial need is for pastors and leaders.
The current leadership training options, which use the
Spanish language and a Western educa tio n model, are not viable
options for this aural culture. The Highland Quichuas are
largely monolingual in Quichua with a high preliteracy rate.
This situation is exacerbated by the current ethnicity
revit ali zat ion movement that is giving further motivation to
vii
reject outside influences and to prefer the traditional
cultural ways.
The author investi gat ed the following research
concern: In what ways and to what extent do traditional
methods for recognizing and training leadership among Highland
Quichuas relate to effective pastoral training? The grounded
theory research design resulte d in a theory that informs a
cultu ra ll y appropriate me t h o d for training leaders in this
culture. The methodologies employ ed for gathering data were
p r i m ar il y informal survey, interviews, participant
observation, and findings from pertinent precedent literature.
On the basis of the research, the author found that
the most effective methods for training leaders in this
pr el iterate aural culture are the traditional methods for
selecting and training leaders that are extant in the culture.
The author proposes a leadership training p r o g r a m in
which Spanish and Quichua will be the languages of instruction
in most areas and Quichua ex c l u s i v el y in others. The methods
of teach in g will be mentoring, "watching and doing," on-the-
job training, and m a s t e r - a p p r e n ti ce relationships with
m is sio na rie s or older pastors. The mentorees will become
mentors by program design, thus incorporating a mu lt i p li ca ti on
pri nci pl e that uses Highland Quichua leaders as new faculty.
viii
The curric ul um will be cyclical, systematic, biblical,
interdenominational, consistent, and uniform.
ix
TABLE OF CONTENTS
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ........................................ iv
A B S T R A C T ............................................. vii
C H A R T S .................................................... xv
Chapter
1. INTRODUCTION .................................... 1
Background of the Study ................... 1
Preliminary Background Questions ......... 10
Research Concern ............................ 11
Grand Tour Questions and Sub-Questions . . 12
Significance of the Study ................... 13
Purpose of the S t u d y .......................... 13
Assumptions ....................................14
Definition of Terms .......................... 16
Limitations and Delimitations ............ 18
Overview of the Research Design ......... 19
2. CONTEXTUAL BACKGROUND OF EPHQ IN

ANDEAN ECUADOR ............................... 25
Cultural Context ............................ 26
The Highland Quichua Landscape . . . . 26
Life in the Inca E r a ..................... 29
Life Under the S p a n i a r d s ................ 31
H igh lan d Quichua and Mestizo

D i f f e r e n c e s ............................ 32
Anthro po met ri c Distinctives ............ 35
Highla nd Quichua Language .............. 35
Highla nd Quichua Bilingualism ......... 37
Religious Differences ................... 38
Highla nd Quichua Home L i f e .............. 39
Highland Quichua Costume .............. 40
The Guinea P i g ............................ 41
Relationships ............................ 43
Pertinent Ecuadorian Political History. . 47
Life Before the I n c a ..................... 47
The Inca as Benevolent Dictator . . . . 48
The Spanish Government ................ 49
Independence from Spain ................ 51
Struggling with Independence ......... 55
History of Religion in Ecuador ............ 59
Highland Quichua Ani mi sm .............. 60
Inca Religion A d d e d ....................... 62
Roman C a t h o l i c i s m Adopted and A d ap te d . 64
The First Evangelical Protestant

Missionaries ....................... 68
The First Missionaries to the

Highla nd Quichuas ................... 68
Post WWII Invasion of Missionaries . . 69
xi
Popular Rel ig ios it y ..................... 70
Recent National Crises ..................... 72
Natural Crises .......................... 74
Political Crises ........................ 77
Economic Crises .......................... 82
Sy nchronic View of the EPHQ Church . . . . 88
Cultural Context and E P H Q .................89
Pertinent Ecuadorian Political

History and EPHQ ..................... 95
History of Religion in Ecuador

and EPHQ ............................... 97
Recent National Crises and the EPHQ . . 99
3. M E T H O D O L O G Y ................................. 104
Methods for Data G a t h e r i n g .............. 106
Type of Design U s e d ................... 106
Role of the R e s e a r c h e r .............. 120
Data Collec ti on Procedures ......... 122
Processing the Data ..................... 124
Data Analys is Procedures ............ 124
Tr i a ng ul ati on for Ve rif ica tio n . . . 125
Groun ded Theory's Unique Ap p ro ac h . . . 127
4. F I N D I N G S ...................................... 130
Current State of the EPHQ C hu rc h Relative

to T rained Leadership ................. 130
Reasons for an Un trained EPHQ

Le ad er sh ip ........................ 130
xii
The EPHQ Leadership N e e d s ............ 135
Existing EPHQ Tr a in in g Programs . . . 139
Findings Relative to Grand Tour Questions

and S u b - Q u e s t i o n s ..................... 159
Grand Tour Questions and

Sub-Questions ..................... 162
R eca pi tulation of Int erview Findings . . 215
Findings Relative to the Pertinent

Precedent Li terature ................. 218
Theological Ed ucation by Extension . 220
Liter ac y and Bi l i n gu al is m Among

Aural Cultures ................... 232
Mento ri ng and Storying Among

Aural Cultures ................... 248
Intercultural Edu ca tio n .............. 252
Theologians and Disciples ............ 260
Biblical Models of L ea der sh ip

Training .......................... 262
Summary .................................... 270
5. CONCLUSIONS AND RE CO MME ND ATI ON S ......... 277
The T h e o r y ................................. 278
The T he ory Explained ..................... 27 9
Rec om mendations .......................... 287
App e n d i x
A. SAMPLE INTERVIEW PROTOC OL .............. 291
B. SAMPLE FOCUS GROUP PROTOCOL ............ 293
xiii
C. INFORMAL E-MAIL SU RVEY TO MISSIONARIES
WORKING IN H I G H L A ND QUICHUA
T R A I N I N G ................................... 296
D. MAP OF E C U A D O R ............................ 299
E. COMPARATIVE RELIGI ON CHART FOR

ANDEAN ECUADOR ............................ 300
REFERENCE L I S T ................................. 303
CURRICULUM VITAE ............................... 325
xiv
CHARTS
Chart Page
1. Factors in the Selection of Leaders:

Secular Highland Quichuas .............. 167

Secular Highlan d Quichuas .............. 167
3. Comparison of Qualities for Le adership . . . 171

EPHQ Church Leaders ..................... 172

EPHQ Church Leaders ..................... 172
6. EPHQ Training O p t i o n s ........................ 177
7. EPHQ Training O p t i o n s ........................ 177
8. Traditional Highland Quichua

Teaching Methods .......................... 182
9. Traditional Highland Quichua

Teaching Methods .......................... 182
10. Abilities Taught to New Generations . . . . 186
11. Abilities Ta ught to New Generations . . . . 186
12. Bodies of Knowledge Transmitted ............. 191
13. Bodies of Knowledge Transmitted ............. 191
14. Positive and Negative Reinforcements . . . 196
15. Positive and Negative Reinforcements . . . . 196
xv
16. Values Taug ht to New G e n e r a t i o n s ............ 199
17. Values Taught to New G e n e r a t i o n s ............ 199
18. Highland Quichua Opinion of Best Me tho d

for T r a i n i n g ............................... 205
19. Highland Quichua Opinion of Best M et hod

for T r a i n i n g ............................... 205
20. Best Language for I n s t r u c t i o n ............... 208
21. Best Language for I n s t r u c t i o n ............... 208
22. Teacher Preference ............................. 211
23. Teacher Preference ............................. 211
24. Greatest need of the EPHQ C h u r c h ............ 214
25. Greatest need of the EPHQ C h u r c h ............ 215
xvi
CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
Background of the Study
The Eva ngelical Protestant church has been growing at
a rapid pace throughout the high Andes mo untains of Ecuador.
In the wake of this movement are m a n y fledgling churches among
the H ig hl and Quic hu a indigenous people of Ecuador. Missions
researcher and statistician, Patrick Johnstone, ranks the
Highland Quich uas at 40.9% of Ecuador's 12,500,000 plus
population, althoug h some place the percentage as high as 80%
(Johnsrone 1998, 201). The newspaper, El Comercio, which is
based in Quito, Ecuador's capital city, cites Basiiio Moian,
General Se cr eta ry of the Ecuadorian Federation of Evangelical
Indigenous People (F E I N E ) , explaining that the latest
indigenous census shows 62% of the Highla nd Q ui ch ua s identify
themselves as Evangelical Protestants (El Comerc io 13 March
2000, 18).
Thes e statistics indicate that the H ig hl an d Quichuas
are taking a significant step of ident if ic at io n with
Evangelical Protestants. Indeed, 62% of the indigenous
population wou ld yield approxi ma te ly 3,300,000 pe ople who
2
id en ti fy themselves with the Evangeli cal Protestant Highland
Q u i ch ua (EPHQ) church.1 The m i ssi on ari es working with
Hig hl a nd Quichuas whom the author interviewed believe the
number of true believers is only a fraction of those who self-
identif y with the EPHQ. Still, they see that this step of
self identification with the EPHQ church reveals an
e n c o ur ag in g trend toward openness to the gospel message
(Kanagy 1990, Maust 1992).
The El Comercic article states that there are only two
t h o us a nd EPHQ churches. This results in one church for ever y
sixte en hundred self-proclaimed believers. The people
mo vem ent toward EPHQ and its sin cerity were described and
co nf ir med in a previous work by the author (Sills 1997).
John Maust has chronicled the history of the EPHQ
people movement (Maust 1992). This movement and its rapid
growth is further noted when one considers that Gospel
M i s s i o n a r y Union mission aries began working with Highland
Q ui ch ua s in 1902. The first three Highland Quichua believers
were b ap ti ze d in 1955 (Stoll 1990, Maust 1992). By the end of
the 1960s, a short fifteen years later, the explosive growth
had be g u n and resulted in over 350,000 believers (El Comercio
'•The term EPHQ church is used throughout this study to

refer to the greater body of EPHQ believers in Ecuador as well
as individual congregations. The context of each usage will
make clear which meaning is indicated.
3
13 March 2000, 18). The 3,200,000 sel f- pro cl aim ed believers
today represent almost a tenfo ld mu lt ipl i ca ti on in the last
thirty years.
The m a j o r i t y of the Highland Quichuas are mo no lingual
in their own distinct Quichua dialects. There are eight
dialects of Quichua in Ecuador and five dialects in the
mountains alone. Four of these are not mu tu a l l y intelligible
(Sills 1997) . Many of the adults who must barter their
produce in the markets have a mod ic um of market Spanish
consisting of numbers, greetings, and contract terminology.
The younger children who are in elementary grades of Sp a n i s h
speaking schools know the Spanish required of them. However,
beyond this, the ma j o ri t y of Highland Quichua life is lived
out in the local dialect of the expressive Highland Quichua
language.
The rapid growth of the Evangelical Protestant
Highland Quichua (EPHQ) churches is at once a great
enc ouragement as well as cause for concern. The great
encourag eme nt is felt by many missionaries who have w or ke d
among these people for over fifty years (Maust 1992) .
Th ey attribute this movement to God, who de fi n i t e l y
seems to be growing the churches and multiplying their numbers
(Dilworth 1967, Klassen 1974, Klassen 1977). There are
leaders in m an y of these new churches. However, the leaders
are usu all y un trained and u n sc ho ol ed (Welty 1998). It would
be more accurate to say that m an y Highland Quichuas are
pre lit er ate rather than illiterate. This t er m is not used
simply to be poli tic all y correct and less offensive; it is
tec hni cal ly more accurate.
It is not that the Hi ghl and Quichuas have not taken
the time or made the effort to learn to read and write. The
truth is that they have little or no written materials in
their own language, much less in their specific dialect.
Al tho ugh translation efforts are underway, not all of the
dialects of Hi ghl and Quichua in Ecuador have the Scriptures in
their mother tongue. As this report is being written, there
is a joint effort of the Gospel Mi ssi ona ry Union (GMU) and the
International Bible Society to de ve l o p a single Highland
Quichua tra nslation of the Scriptures that woul d be useful to
ail dialects of Quichua. GMU has projected a compl et io n date
of 2004, although the Bible Society would like for it to be
completed a year earlier.
For reasons that will be examin ed du ring the course of
the research, m a n y Highland Quichuas feel that switching to
Spanish in order to be literate and be educat ed is to leave
their cultural identification. In Ecuador, et hn ic it y is
largely self-determined. Ecuadorians de termine the ethnic
identification of other Ecuadorians by noting w h e th er they
5
wear mo der n or traditional Highla nd Quich ua clothing, whether
they speak Span ish or Quichua, and wh et h e r they see themselves
as Highland Qui ch ua or mestizo. The answer determi nes the
ide nti fication of race (Dilworth 1967, Sills 1997). The
author has not ed many professional, m i d d le -c la ss Ecuadorians
who de fi ni te ly consider themselves, and are co ns i d e r e d by
others, to be mestizo, yet they have indigenous surnames.
Someone in the past obviously made the tr ans iti on from an
indigenous id ent if ica ti on to the me st izo world.
The Hi ghl and Quichuas are the lowest socioec on om ic
class in Ecuador and have been m a r g i n a l i z e d from the dominant
mestizo culture in every way. For centuries the Highland
Quichuas were enslave d by the stronger indigenous groups and
eventu all y by the conquistadors. They are preliterate, aural
culture people, poor, uneducated, subservient in attitude, and
easily taken adv antage of by others (Dilworth 1967, Klassen
1974, Maust 1992). These traits make m a n y me sti zos despise
them. In recent years a common graffiti in the capital city
of Quito said, "Be a patriot. Kill an Indian!" (Sills 1997),
which illustrates the prejudice that some feel toward the
Highland Quichuas. This tension between the races is further
e xa ce rba ted by the indigenous movement that has man if es te d
itself in the last year.
6
Two organizations are leading this movement. The
secular mo ve me nt goes by the name C O N A I E (Confederation of the
Indigenous Nationalities of E c u a d o r ) , and the EPHQ mo vement is
FEINE (Ecuadorian Federation of Eva ngelical Indigenous
People). When these or ga nizations began, they were simply
mirrors of each other, one secul ar and one Evangelical, with
many of the same political and human rights goals. In
CO NAIE's brochure that explains who they are, their goals
appear nece ss ar y and admirable:
CON A IE is an autonomous indigenous organization,

independent of political parties, or any state, foreign or
religious institution. CO NA I E is part of the historic
str uggle for the rights of indigenous peoples and to build
a plurin at io na l s t a t e d Indigenous nationalities are
peoples with common histories, our own languages, governed
by our own laws. CONAIE works pr i m a r i l y to strengthen
indigenous organizations while we support specific
c o m mu ni ty demands such as terr it or y or water rights, ana
challe ng es government po licies that threaten indigenous
peoples. Through CONAIE the indigenous people of Ecuador
have demonstrated that we are w i l l i n g to defend our
identity. With dignity, we have p ea ce fu ll y risen up by the
thousands to demand a voice . . . now we are heard.
(CONAIE 2000, 2)
The indigenous people have felt increasingly
m a r g i n a l i z e d and disen fr an ch is ed by the dominant mestizo
culture of Ecuador (Sills 1997). On February 19, 2000, the
indigenous people staged a p o pu la r up rising and su cc essfully
-Due to the number of di st in ct indigenous groups in

Ecuador and their growing d e m a n d for their rights, Ecuador
de cl a r e d itself a plurinational state in 1989.
7
ousted the President of the Republic in the only indigenous-
led coup in the history of the Western Hemisphere. Brian
Selmeski, Marc Becker, and Liz Lilliot of The Latin A me ric an
Studies Association cite one of the country's current major
crises as . . the rise of the hemisphere's most powerful
indigenous movement and the ouster of President Ma n u a d in
January 2000 by a mi li ta ry -i ndi ge nou s coup. . ." (Selmeski,
Becker, and Lilliot 2000, 1).
Lately, these two groups have been going through
growing pains and identity crises. CONAIE has become more and
more political and revolutionary, a shift in which EEINE has
not participated. However, many of the EPHQ ass ociations at
the provincial level have expressed concern to the author that
EEINE is still too close to the radical political strategies
Of CONAIE.
The indigenous political movement was pr eci pit ate d by
the national economic collapse, over 50% un em pl o y m e n t or
under-employment, unpreced en te d massive mig ra ti on to Spain and
the USA, natural disasters concomitant with the El Nino
flooding and three volcano eruptions, a border war with Peru,
and the United States' Plan C o l o m b i a , which has resulted in a
great influx of refugees from their northern ne i gh bo r Colombia
into E c u a d o r — all within the last year (Egas 2000, 26) .
8
S ep tem be r 9, 2000, m a rk e d the final day of the
national currency. In a land that has had an inflation rate
of over 100% for years and where only one in three people of
the labor force have full-time work, the painful decision was
made to cease using the national currency, the sucre, and use
only US d ol la rs (Canadian B r oa dc ast ing Co r po ra ti on 2000). Not
only was this a blow to any remaining national pride, this
step has hurt the poor and d i s e n f r a n c h i s e d those who do not
un de rs ta nd the new currency. One of the demands of CONAIE and
other indigenous groups is for Ecuador to return to the sucre.
However, pol iti ci ans ma intain that the dol la ri za ti on of
Ecuador is irreversible.
It appears that the turmoil cau se d by so ma n y crises
is re sulting in a move toward EPHQ identifi cat io n and
refueling the growth rate of the ex is ti ng people movement
among them that began in the late 1960s (Sills 1 9 S-1) . Ruben
Paredes A l f a r o notes this dynamic in a co mp arative socio-
a n t h r o p o l o g ic al study of the growth of Evangelical
P r o t e s t a n t i s m in the mountains of central Ecuador.
One of the significant processes that was simultane ous ly

taking place with the dr amatic a cc ep ta nc e of
Protestantism, was the ind ig en iz at io n of the Protestant
church. By this, it is p r i ma ri ly meant that there was an
awa reness on the part of Quichua Protestant believers that
their faith was no longer a foreign faith; on the contrary
the new faith began to be adapt ed into Quich ua culture.
It be ga n to be pe rceived as a revit al iz in g power within
Quichua society. (Paredes 1980, 152-153)
9
This move to EPHQ is creati ng churches that are crying out for
leadership. The leadership va cuu m is creating great con ce rn
tWelty 1998).
In an effort to meet the need, mi ss ionaries have
sometimes sought out and financed the way for young Highland
Quichua men to go to s em in ar y (Klassen 1986). They have moved
these young men to the city where they have had to learn city
survival and seminary skills. These skills woul d include, but
not be limited to, a non-a gr ic ul tu ra l job to support
themselves, functional literacy, study skills, time
management, and critical reasoning and reflecting.
As a seminary p r o fe ss or in Ecuador, the author and
ether mi ss io n a r i e s w on de re d why they had net been able to
provide the numbers of trai ne d pastors required by the
churches. Part of the an swer may lie in the methods and
reasoning they have used to select men for training, that is,
who the leaders should be. It may also be due to the
inevitable "brain drain" that occurs when people are removed
from po orer areas and trai ne d in a more advanc ed and affluent
environment. There may also be some conne ct io n to the
m e t h o d o l o g y used in training these men. Could there be a
c o nn ec ti on between the tr ad itional semina ry ed ucation 'models
of North America used by mi ss io n a r i e s to train Highland
Quichuas and their many failures? Does the fact that Highland
10
Quichuas are an aural culture have any effect on their success
rate in a training model that is based upon the pr in t e d word?
Preliminary Backg ro und Questions
It was nec essary to est ablish both the cultural
context and the current EPHQ church situation in which this
research was to be conducted. In order to establish a
synchronic view of the current reality of the EPHQ church and
its leadership needs, an informal survey and interviews were
co nducted among the mis si on agencies currently worki ng with
EPHQ believers and their leaders. Telephone and e-mail
queries assisted in est ablishing the current situation.
However, personal interviews con du cte d on the field with those
actual ly involved in EPHQ leadership training were most
helpful.
This prelimin ary investigation resulted in a
synchronic view of the current EPHQ church. Specifically, it
est abl ish ed a broad ba ckg rou nd by addressing the grand tour
questi on and related sub-questions. Grand tour questions are
des cri bed by John W. Creswell as ". . .a statement of the
question being examined in its most general form . . . . The
grand tour question is followed by several sub -questions that
narrow the focus of the study. . . ." (Creswell 1994, 70).
The preliminary b ac kg ro un d grand tour qu est ion and
sub-questions were as follows: What is the current reality of
11
the Ecuadorian Evangelical Protestant Highland Qu i c h u a (EPHQ)
church relative to trained indigenous pastoral leadership?
a. How many EPHQ churches have pastors and how many
lack them?
b. Whic h m is si on agencies are currently m a k i n g an
effort to train leaders among this people group?
c. How many indigenous pastors are being t r a i n e d for
the ministry?
d. How are me n selected for and accepted into the
leadership training programs?
e. What leaders hip training models are bei ng used?
f. What percentage of those who begin the p r o g r a m
graduate?
g. What percentage of graduates are a c t i v e l y serving
churches as pastor?
The answers to these questions provided the n e c e s s a r y EPHQ
church background.
Research Concern
This research addresses the discovery of a cul tu ra ll y
appropriate pastoral training model for the H i g h l a n d Quichuas.
It concentrates specif ica ll y on the EPHQ churches of Ecuador.
The research was conducted in an attempt to answer the
following question: In what ways and to what extent do
traditional methods for recognizing and training le ade rsh ip
12
among Highla nd Quichuas relate to effe cti ve pastoral training?
This qu es tio n was addressed by asking and ans we rin g the
following grand tour questions and their sub-questions.
Gr an d Tour Questions and Sub-Ques ti ons
1. How are leaders traditionally recogn ize d among the Highland
Quichuas and the EPHQ?
a. What characteristics or qualities are considered
ess ential to be recognized and acc ep te d as a leader?
b. Who determ ine s who the new leaders will be?
c. How are new leaders trained or equippe d for leadership
res ponsibilities?
2. What traditional teaching methods exist among the
Highlan d Quichuas?
a. How are young people trained to perpetu ate their
cu ltu ra ll y expected roles?
b. What positive or negative rei nfo rcements are used in the
traini ng process?
c. What values are passed down to successive generations
and how are these values taught?
d. How are new and unfamiliar methods of teaching and
co mmu n i ca ti ng information viewed from an emic
pe rspective?
e. What would Highland Quichua people say is the best way
to train leaders?
13
f. A cc or din g to the emic EPHQ perspective, what is the
greate st need among the EPHQ church regarding
leadership?
Signifi ca nc e of the Study
The significance of this study resides in the
de s pe ra te need to train men from aural cultures in Chr is ti an
ministry. Given the m an y be lievers and shortage of leaders,
it is obvious that the m a n y m od el s that have been used to
train these people have not been equal to nor eff ective in the
task. Scores of EPHQ churches are resulting from the movemen t
toward oiblical Christianity, and they are beginning to feel
the pains of their lack of leadership.
In addition to the new and pastor-less churches formed
by these new believers, the vast numbers who identify
themselves as EPHQ, although they may not yet be true
Ch ristians by biblical standards, represent a target audience
for biblic al e v a ng el i sm and teachin g that is ready to hear
what they say they believe. This research seeks to find ways
that are culturally acc eptable to select and train men for
this min is tr y to reach and teach the Highla nd Quichuas.
Purpose of the Study
The purpose of this study is to discern the
traditional Highland Quichua ways of recognizing new leaders
14
and the traditional methods for learning and te ac hi ng new
information. With these data, the re searcher sought to
identify emergent themes in which to ground a theo ry for more
culturally accep tab le ways of rec ognizing and traini ng new
pastors for the EPHQ churches.
Assumptions
The writer assumes the following with regard to
cultures, an imistic Roman Catholicism, Evangeli cal
Protestantism, the divin e call to ministry, and mi ni sterial
training: First, with regard to the various cu ltures of the
world, the author assumes that God p r ov id e n t i a l l y created
people, languages, and cultures. Therefore, it follows that
all languages and cultures should be cared for an d preserved.
However, the sinful aspects of languages and cultur es may, and
should, be changed for the glory of God. All languages and
cultures are dynamic and changing. However, the writer
believes that the intentional des tr uc ti on of amo ra l aspects of
cultures and languages for the sheer ex pe d i e n c y of the
mi ss i o n a r y task is disobed ie nt to God's p r im ar y c om mis si on and
cultural mandate.
Second, the author assumes that the an i m i s t i c Roman
Ca t h o l i c i s m co mmonly found in An de a n Ecuador is a non-salvific
syncretism. Third, the writer assumes that Evangel ic al
Pro te st an ti sm as de lineated in the 1689 London Baptist
15
Confess ion of Faith accurately represents b i bl ic al
Christianity. As noted in the Definition of Terms, the term
Evangelical Protestant is used advisedly. Eva ngelical speaks
of the need for spiritual rebirth for sal vation (John 3).
Protestant speaks of that portion of Ch ri s t i a n i t y that grew
out of the Reformation. There is some overl ap in these
categories in Ecuador and the specific t e rm ino log y "EPHQ
churches" is necessary.
Fourth, it is assumed that the Holy Spirit gifts and
calls out individuals to serve in the nec essary offices of
local churches (Romans 12; 1 Corinthians 12; Ephesians 4).
Specifically, the Bible teaches in Ephesians 4:11-13 that a
pastor is a necessary office in the local church. This shows
that the plan of God is to have at least one pastor in every
congregation. Although the author believes that this is a
divine w o r k of the Holy Spirit, human processes are m a n y times
the means He employs. It is assumed that ev e r y EPHQ
congregation needs a trained pastor in order to follow the
scriptural guidelines found in the pastoral epistles of 1 and
2 Timothy and Titus. The author also assumes that in
conjunction with the preparation the Holy Spirit provides, a
ministerial education is beneficial for a pa s t o r and his
congregation. Indeed, the better prepared a m i n i s t er is, the
better e qui pp ed he is to sustain a career in the ministry. It
16
is fina ll y a ss um ed that a cul tu ra ll y app ropriate model for
training leaders will result in more and better trained
ministers.
Definition of Terms
A n i m i s m - - Th e nativistic religious system of people who
believe that mountains, clouds, animals, and other naturally
oc curring phen ome na are inhabited by spirits, souls, or demons
that must be appease d by sacrifice or. performance of specified
duties .
Aural C u l t u r e s — Cultures that have an oral tradition
for pe rp e t u a t i n g legends, histories, family lineage, and
knowledge. These cultures are not pr int ed- wor d oriented and
are ofte n ma rgi nal ize d in those societies that emphasize
1 it e r a c y .
Con version--The result of the Holy Spirit's
regenerating w or k in a person's heart. The New Testament
refers to this as being born again (John 3:1-16). It involves
a change of the mind, emotion, and will but is dependent upon
God to be the Initiator and Enabler. Genuine conversion is
coming to God through faith in Jesus Christ alone (Ephesians
2:8,9).
Evangelical Protestant— Evangelical speaks cf the need
for s p i r it ua l rebirth for salvation (John 3:1-17). In Ecuador
there is a splinter group of Roman Catholics that embraces the
17
concepts of being born again and a charismatic wors hip style.
M any refer to these as the eva ng el ic al Catholics. The author
uses Protestant to refer to the sy ste m of belief and pr act ice
held oy the portion of C h r is ti an it y that grew out of the
Reformation. In Ecuador the word Protestant is used to refer
to religions that are not C at hol ic or traditional a n im ist ic
religions; the designat ion includes Jehovah's Wit ne sse s and
M or mon s as well. The refore the term Evangelical Protestant is
used advi sed ly in order to combine the two concepts and avoid
confusion.
Highland Quichua C o m m u n i t y — Highland Quichuas are
peasant societies that live in c a s a r i o s , "a strong self-
pr ote cti ve unit built on an agricu ltu ral existence" (Diiworth
1967, 56). These are very small villages of ap pr oxi mat ely one
to two hundred small huts or houses. These communities are
bas ed on clan structure rather than being tribal societies.
Illite rat e— Unable to read or write in societies where
literacy is common and literacy programs or schools are
available.
Ma rg i n a l i z e d — The condi tio n of being between two or
m ore cultures or castes and as a result, not truly ass im il at ed
into either. A movement from one to the other that is
arr es te d in stride often results in a group left in the
18
middle; it is no longer of the culture of origin nor able to
assimilate into the new one.
Pr e l it er ate — Unable to read or write due to the
un a v a i lab il ity of literacy programs and schools.
Limitations and Delimitations
This research is d e l i m i t e d to the last half of the
twentieth century. Althoug h a few Gospel Mi ss io na ry Union and
C hr ist ian and Mis si on ar y Al l ia nc e missio nar ies were working to
reach the Highland Quichuas in the central hig hl an ds of
Ecuador begi nni ng in 1902, there were less than five Highland
Quichua bel ievers before 1955 (Maust 1992). Therefore, the
mi ssionaries were able to provide the leadership. There has
been a steady growth of EPHQ churches since the midpoi nt of
this century. In the last three decades this growth has been
explosive (Stoll 1990, 3erg and Pretiz 1996a, Sills 1997, Ei
Comercio 2000). This research is further d e li mi ted to the
EPHQ in the central highlands of Ecuador, which is the
g eog rap hic region that is home to the Highla nd Quichuas.
Since this research treats the Highlan d Quichua s of
Ecuador within the parameters set out in the delimit at io ns
above, there is an inherent limitation. The li mit ati on is
that the emergent grounded theory is peculia r to the
E cua dor ian Highland Quichuas in their p a rti cu lar context.
Therefore, the theory is not nece ssa ril y gen er al iz ab le to all
19
aural culture people groups. While there ma y be many
parallels between similar people groups and cultures around
the world, further research would have to be c o nd uc ted to test
the th eory grounded in this specific study.
A more specific limitation of this research grows out
of the d e li mi tat io n not to include every one of the thousands
of Hi g h l a n d Quichua communities throughout Ecuador, which
means that not every EPHQ leader was interviewed. Therefore
the theory grounded in the research co nducted may not
ne ce ssarily be applicable to all segments of the Highland
Quichua culture due to different levels of cultural and
linguistic assimilation. It is also limited in that the
findings and conclusions may not be applicable to the EPHQ
church of the future. The Highland Quichua culture is
changing virtually every day, and the rate of change is
growing with increasing speed. This phenom en on has been
compa re d with watching a rose bloom from bud to full flower in
fast motion.
Overview of the Research Desian
The fundamental design of the research is a
qualitative grounded theory design. The research uses
interviews, descriptive methodology, participant observation,
and non-quant it at iv e surveys. The pre li mi na ry goal of these
tools was to discern the current state of the EPHQ church
20
relative to pastoral training in Andea n Ecuador. The second
step was to di scover tr ad itional Hi ghland Quichua ways of
sel ecting leaders in their communities. Then the re search
identified ways in which the Hig hla nd Quichuas have
tra d i t i o n a l l y trained their own people for centuries.
The reasons for sel ec tin g certain men for leade rs hip
roles and the methods used to train them in any area of
socie ty may inform a more effe ct iv e training model that could
be used to train EPHQ pastors. Therefore, the re searcher
sought to identify an emergent theory that is gr ou nd ed in the
data yielded by the research in order to inform a more
effective pastoral training model for this people group. The
researcher d e li ne at ed princi pl es pertinent to training aural
cultures in an effort to find genera li zi bl e principles that
can be utilized cr o s s - c u l tu ra ll y in other disciplines and
regions.
Since the p r i m a r y research design is qu al itative and
gr ou nd ed theory, the researcher employed only the p r e ce de nt
literature n e c es sa ry to e s t ab li sh the context in the e ar ly
stages of the research. A more thorough review of the
pertinent pr ecedent literature was incorporated as a m ea ns of
tr ia ng ul at io n in the findings, which is in accord with
ground ed theory methodology. This procedure is d e s c r i b e d in
greate r detail in chapter 3 u nd er the section regarding
21
proces si ng the data. The initial use of the pr ec ed en t
literature is from bro ad categories of the H i g h l a n d Quic hu a
and EPHQ ba ck g ro u nd in order to set the context and est ab li sh
that a need exists for this research. The m o r e ex te ns iv e use
of the b o d y of per ti ne nt precedent literature is found in the
findings in chapter 4.
Gr ou nd ed theory m e th odo log y utilizes the literature in
this ma n n e r to enable the researcher to remain as free as
possible from the conclusions and opinions of other
researchers. This method, espoused and lucidly d e sc rib ed by
John Creswell, demon st ra te s how emergent theories from the
dara coll ec te d may then be seen in light of p re vi ou s work
(Creswell 1994, 1999).
The researcher drew background in fo rmation about the
Highland Quichuas from the most recent scholarship. An
extensive ba ck g r o u n d on this people group was e s ta b l i s h e d in a
previous di s s e r t a t i o n by the author. Much of the curr en t work
builds on that fo undation and the thorough b a c k g r o u n d provid ed
by others (Kiassen 1974, Maust 1982, Erdei 1985, Villa si s
Teran 1987, Kanagy 1990, Marzal 1992, Sills 1997).
There is m u c h to be gained from the liter at ur e with
regard to the w e l l - d o c u m e n t e d church growth m o v e m e n t in Latin
America. Ev an gelical Protest an ti sm is sweeping the continent
(Taylor and Nunez 1989, Stoll 1990, Berg and Pretiz 1992,
22
1996a, Sills 1997). The EPHQ mo v em en t has been influenced by
this larger movement, and there are m a n y pa rallels between the
two movements. These bodies of pr ecedent literature are seen
in cha pter 2, whic h tells the story of the contextual
b a c k g r o u n d of the EPHQ in A nd ea n Ecuador.
Whil e chapter 4 includes pe rtinent b a c k g r o u n d from
these same sources, it also extends into bodies of precedent
literature that are more s pe ci fi ca ll y related to the study.
For instance, the problem of training leadership in other
cultures using methodo lo gi es and seminary systems from North
America has been noticed for decades. The p r o b l e m has been
addr es se d for many years, and p a r ti al ly answered, using
The ol ogical Education by Extension (TEE ). This approach has
served as an effective me th od for training m a n y church
leaders. M an y of these young men could never have been
trained using traditional seminary education, that requires
the reloc at io n of the student and a typical North American
seminary mode l (Winter 1969, Kinsler 1977, K l e m 1982).
Therefore, previo us scholarship related to T E E in majority-
world countries is incorporated in chapter 4.
The re searcher also investigated the literature
treating pasto ra l training in aural cultures and how their
-M a j o r i t y wo r l d is the term used by m an y m o d e r n scholars

to refer to the part of the world formerly known by the terms
two-thirds wo r l d and dev el o p i n g countries.
23
literacy level affects their ef fic ien cy in learning concepts
that are not indigenous to them. In order to incorporate
findings and conclusions from the pr ecedent literature in the
triangulation procedures, the researcher included works that
treat pastoral training and literacy, theological education
among aural cultures, and bil ingual educ ati on in Ecuador.
For instance, Herbert Klem has wri tt en a valuable book
that treats the pastoral training of people from aural
cultures in the traditional A f ri ca n contexts (Klem 1982). He
reveals how TEE excludes the aural culture groups because it
presupposes literacy. Bilingual ed ucation has also been
controversial wherever it has been introduced, and Ecuador is
no different. Partially because of the various dialects of
Highland Quichua in Ecuador, bi lingual education has been
at tempted but has not realized success. Additionally, the
lack cf bilingual teachers has hamper ed government efforts.
The very concept of bili ngu al theological education
and pastoral training among divergent cultures raises many
intercultural issues. This goes be yond the linguistic
abilities of the students and teachers to the issues of the
different ways in which various cultures process and learn new
information (Klem 1982, Hiebert 1983). That issue is at the
heart of this study. Accordingly, this research should
24
contribute light to the g r ow in g body of literature relative to
the intercultural education discipline.
C H A P TE R 2
C O N TE X T U A L BACKGROUND OF EPHQ IN AN D E A N ECUADOR
In order to fully appre ci ate the signif ica nce and
findings of this study, it is ne ce ssa ry to become familiar
with the b ac kg r o u n d of the Highl an d Quichuas. There are five
m a i n elemen ts of the Highland Quic hu a reality that are
ess en ti al to a sufficient u n d e rs ta nd ing of their culture.
Therefore, this chapter is d i v i d e d into five sections: the
Highla nd Quic hu a cultural context, pertinent Ecuadorian
po l i ti ca l history, history of religion in Ecuador, recent
national crises, and a synchronic view of the EPHQ church.
These five sections serve to set the current context of the
Evan ge li ca l Protestant Highland Quichuas. This is necessary
for two reasons.
First, this study is rooted in the Highland Quichua
culture. Therefore, the answers to the grand tour questions
and their su b-questions will carry more significance when seen
against the b ac kd ro p of the cultural information that this
cha pt er provides. Additionally, the pr ese nta tio n of the
findings, conclusions, and recommendations assume a basic
knowledge of the Highland Quichua culture, current events, and
25
26
the pol it ic al and religious h i st or y of their la nd — es pecially
in recent years. This chapter provides this essential
b a c k g r o u n d in which the results of the research m a y be more
c l e a r l y seen and their s ig ni fi ca nc e more keenly discerned.
Second, it is hoped that the fruit of this research
will be applicable to similar si tuations in the ma j or it y world
for the training of leaders to shepherd Christ's church.
However, the extent to whic h the theory grounded in this
research can be generalized and applied to other aural
cultures is subject to further research in those cultural
contexts and actual testing of the theory there. Therefore, a
t ho ro u g h de scr iption of the culture and culture context is
p r o vi d ed so that the reader will be able to compare it to
other cultures and discern w h e t h e r this study may be
applic ab le to those situations.
Cultural Context
In order to set the initial context of these people,
this section describes matters such as their land, daily life,
homes, families, and language and the importance the H ig hl an d
Quichu as place upon relationships.
The Highland Qu ic h u a Landscape
The rugged landscape that is nome to the Highla nd
Quichu as has shaped their cultu re for centuries. It
influences the kinds of homes they build, the types of
clothing they wear, the food they can grow, their worldview,
and even their religion.
At 10,000 feet above sea level su rr o u n d e d by glacier-
topped volcanoes and mountains, the frigid wind is strong and
biting. The warmth of the equato ri al sun is esse nt ia l to
li f e — both for growi ng crops and for ma in ta in in g sound health
It is easy to see why the ancient Highland Qu ichuas
appreciated the Inca sun worship. The sun had power tc melt
snow for water, make crops grow for food, and p r ov id e warmth
for personal comfort.
The volcanoes and mo untains are also w o r s h i p e d in
traditional Highland Quichua animism. They have even been
paired up into h u sb and and wife relationships. The tops of
the mountains are sacred places to the Highland Quichuas.
They are both the head of their holy mountains and the closes
places to the life-giving sun.
The Highland Quichuas live in the region of Ecuador
known as the cordilleras. Et ymologically the word cordillera
means "knotted rope" but has come to denote the ranges of the
Andes mountains. This is because the three spines of the
Andes that run throu gh the midd le of Ecuador from north to
south are e x t re me ly rugged moun ta ins with smaller ranges
running p e r p e n d i c u l ar ly b e twe en them. This to po gr aph ica l
28
phenome non resembles a three-railed ladder co nnected by many
rungs running the length of the country. Between the rails
and rungs are w ar me r valleys peopled with pockets of Highland
Quichuas.
Ecuador is located on the northwest corner of the
South A m e r i c a n continent, with Colombia as its northern
neighbor and Peru to the east and south.'* The w e s t e r n edge of
Ecuador is the Pacific Ocean. The Andes mou ntains run the
length of the continent and are the home of t hi rty -o ne
volcanoes. The cordilleras running through Ecuador were
"dubbed the 'Avenue of the Volcanoes' by the IS1’"

1 cen tu ry
German explorer, Alexander Von Humboldt" (Burch 19S1, 27).
The world's largest active volcano is Ecuador's
Cotopaxi, and the closest spot to the sun on planet earth is
Ecuador's Mount Chimborazo, in the western cordillera.
Although C him bo raz o is only 20,703 feet above sea level, the
centrifugal force of the earth's spinning causes the planet to
bulge at its equator, making Chimborazo the closest spot to
our sun (Ecuaworld 2000). The Andes mou ntains are so rugged
that during the colonial period the Spaniards in the northern
city of Quito and those in the southern city of Cue nca had
more contact with Spain than with one another.
4See map in Append ix D.
29
This harsh environment of burn in g eq uatorial sun by
day and frost by night is home to the Hi ghl and Quichuas. They
are agricu lt ur al people who eke out a living as subsistence
farmers and m ak e their homes at 8,000 to 14,000 feet above sea
level. H ig hl an d Quichuas typically farm produce such as
barley, potatoes, maize, and carrots, and also raise sheep, a
few cows, and, of course, guinea pigs.
Life in the Inca Era
To u nd er st an d the Highland Quichuas cf today, their
past must be considered. The Hi ghl and Quichuas lived much as
they do today for hundreds of years prior to being conquered
by the Inca empire in the fifteenth century. The Highland
Quichuas lived peaceful lives in the warm valleys of Andean
Ecuador. Indeed, their very name is deri ved from the location
of their communities; Quichua means "warm va lley people" (Cobo
1979) .
The Inca empire began in southern Peru about A.D.
1438. While their origins are not certain, their exp an sio n is
unequivocal. In less than one hundred years the Inca empire
e xpa nde d from the shores of lake Titicaca in southern Peru to
include the p or ti on of the South Am eri can continent that
stretches from 170 miles south of Santiago, Chile, to southern
Colombia; the length was over 1500 miles (McIntyre 1975).
30
As the Inca army mar ch ed nort hwa rd they conquered
ever y people group that they engaged in battle. However, some
groups fled to hidden pockets of the Andes or to the jungles
and were never conquered by the Inca or the Spanish forces.
The Inca practice was to assimilate the peoples that they
conquered. This assimilation include d the ge og raphically-
bas ed ani mistic gods.
The Inca empire wo rs hip ed a religious hierarchy that
included a creator, Viracocha, the Inca himself, and the
v ene rat ion of mummified former Incas, but the primary focus of
wo rs hip was the sun, Inti. Local deities were assimilated
into the system as long as their sub ordination was clear
(Sills 1997).
The Inca allowed the Highland Quichua culture to
contin ue in much the same way as it had for centuries. The
p ri mar y stipulated requirements were taxes to the Inca
government, service in the army, and loyalty to the Inca. The
Inca pr ac tic ed mitimae, which was a sy stem of exiling
rebellious people groups and re- peopling their homela nd with
pe ople groups brought in from other areas (McIntyre 1975) . In
Ecuador, there are two surviving Quechua cultures from Bolivia
who were victims of this Inca type of political control. In
their new territory the local p o l it ic al authorities who were
loyal to their Inca rulers were pl a c e d over them to "teach
31
them Inca religion, culture, government system, and language"
(Klassen 1974, xxi).
The Hi ghl an d Qu ichuas continued to live in mu c h the
same cultural context. However, they began to learn a skill
that would serve them well for the next five h u nd re d years--
the ability to survive the oppression of a do minant culture.
The Inca empire lasted only about one hundred years. The
Spanish con quistadors came with their own culture, religion,
and political practices. After a quick defeat of the Inca
empire, they co nt inu ed the oppression of the Hi gh l a nd
Quichuas.
Life Under the Spaniards
A cha rac ter is tic of the Highland Quichuas is that they
exhibit a sense of being the victim, the conquered, and
helpless. Perhaps this is because the Inca co nq ue st and
domination was still be co min g the rule of life when the
Spaniards arrived. Life under the Spanish during and after
the Spanish conquest was difficult for the Hi gh l a n d Quichuas.
Details about the po liti cal realities of life under the
Spanish rule are treat ed in the section regarding the
pertinent political histo ry of Ecuador.
In broad terms, the Highland Quichua p o pu la t i o n was
enslaved by the co nqu er i n g forces. Informants told the
researcher that they came to be treated as the animal that
32
looks like man and that the mestiz os co ns i d e r e d the Highland
Quichuas not to have souls. Whi le most mestizos have long
since a b a n do ne d such harsh views of Hi g hl an d Quichua people,
the pr ej ud ic e and segregation con ti nu es (Sills 1997) .
Highlan d Quichua and Me st i z o Differences
In orde r to appreciate the purpose and significance of
this study, it is essential to be familiar with the many
dif fer enc es between che cultures in Ecuador today. It is
p ai nfu lly obvious to the most casual o bs er ve r that there is a
po lar iz at io n of races in Ecuador at vi rt ual ly every level of
society. The mestizo culture is the dominant half of the
population, and the Highland Quichua is the weaker, heretofore
docile, half. Although there are more than 13,000,000
Highlan d Quichua s throughout Ecuador, Peru, and Bolivia,
making them the largest indigenous group in Latin America,
they are still treated with disd ai n and extreme prejudice
(Kennedy 2000).
The Highlan d Quichua p eo pl e are often dis co ur ag ed from
using their mo the r tongue because of the pre judice against
them and the disparag ing looks from the mestizos who overhear.
Donald Dilwort h recounts a story of a Highla nd Quichua fellow
traveler on a bus who wh ispered to him not to speak Quichua in
that p ub li c pl ac e (Dilworth 1967). Anita Krainer recounts an
33
exa mpl e of disdain of mestizo s for the Highland Quichuas
c om mu ni c at in g in their tongue.
While we were playing, the bad luck fell to us to have to

go to school, where we en co u n t e r e d concepts and things
totally foreign to our reality. I cried almost three days
because I could not adapt. The teacher gave me sweets to
console me. I became a c c u s t o me d to the difficulties, even
though the teacher made us change our traditional clothes.
I was wearing our traditional embroidered white pants, red
poncho, and emb roidered short and I had to change to wear
a u ni fo rm of pants, sweater, short sleeve shirt, and
jacket. She also forbade us to speak in Quichua.
(Krainer 1996, 34)
The Spanish-speaking mestizo, Afro-Ecuadorian, and
European portion of the po pu l a t i o n is only slightly over 56%
of the count ry and there are twent y- one other languages spoken
in the country. Yet, Spanish is the official language
(Patrick Johnstone 1993). This means, of course, that
banking, government business, land transactions, education,
and local police matters are c o nd uct ed in Spanish. This has
m a r g i n a l i z e d the Highland Quichuas, leaving them at the lowest
end of the socioeconomic scale and the easy target of abuse.
Until the Agrarian R e f o r m legislation was pa ss ed in
1964, we al thy mestizo land owners controlled vir tually the
entire c o u n t r y — certainly ag ri cu lt ur al life (Lepthien 1986).
The land was bought and sold wi th the Highland Quichuas whc
lived on it as if they were trees, rivers, or arable hectares.
In fact, regarding the practi ce of certain families hold ing
34
such large areas of the country Emilio A. Nunez and W i l l i a m D.
Taylor found,
Many of these massive tracts of land have been owned and

exploited by the same a r is to cra tic families whose
bloodlines may be traced back to Spain. In other cases
the land barons are of relativ ely recent vintage, but in
most cases the correct word to describe life on these
estates is "feudalism." (Nunez and Taylor 1989, 88)
However, the di ffe ren ce betwee n the mestiz o and the
Highland Quichua is not mer el y the socioeconomic variances or
social prejudice; it is racial. On one hand, race is almost
se lf- determined in Ecuador. There are many Hig hland Quichua
people who have learned Spanish, adopted mode rn Wester n
clothing, and live in the city. Tho se who desire to make this
shift and are successful in doing so are ev ent ual ly co nsi der ed
mestizo (Sills 1997). Indeed, there are ma n y medic al doctors
and attorneys in Quito who have Highland Quichua surnames,
which indicates that somewhere in the past an anc est or made
the difficult shift.
On the other hand, there are definite m ea su ra bl e
an thropometric differences as well. The clear ethnic
differences have been noted by me sti zo researchers and authors
(Casagrande 1978, Villasis Teran 1987, Padilla 1989, Bottasso
1991) who have written about them. Other Wester n scholars
have noticed and recorded similar observations (Radin 1942,
Bennett and Bird 1949, Reybur n 1954, Dilworth 1967, Klassen
1974, Lausanne 1980, Maust 1982, Kanagv 1990, Stoll 1990,
Swanson 1990, Mitchell 1992, Goffin 1994). There is
overwhelming evide nc e that the racial differ en ce exists.
An th r o p o me tr ic Distinctives
The Highl an d Quichua people tend to have te a - c o l o r e d
skin rather than the brown skin of the mestizo (Elliot 1966)
Highland Quichu as on average have larger torsos than
mestizoes. This p he no me n o n is the result of years of living
at high, o x y g e n - d ep r i ve d altitudes that ne ce ss i t a te d larger
lung capacity (Mason 1964). Adult Highland Quichu as carry
roughly two liters more blood volume and twice as much
hemoglobin as those who live at low altitudes (Mason 1964).
The Highland Quichua men average five feet two inches in
height, and the Highla nd Quichua women are only about four
feet nine inches tall (Mason 1964). These physical
characteristics set the Highland Quichuas apart from the
majority of the m e s t i z o people. However, the b e au ti ful
Highland Quic hu a language is an unmistakable cultur al
distinctive.
Hig h l a n d Quichua Language
The Highl an d Quichua language is centuries old. It
was chosen by the Inca to be the lingua franca of the em pire
(Metreaux 1969, La u s a n n e 1980, Morris and Von Hage n 1993) .
survives and thrives to this day. The Highland Qui ch ua
36
language was known during the Inca empire as the runashimi,
which mean s the language of men (Dilworth 1967, Lausanne
1980). This term is gaining p o p u l a r i t y among the Highland
Quichua s today as they enjoy a r e vi ta li za ti on of their
ethnicity. The Quichua language predat es the Inca empire and
enjoys a rich history.
The Ecuadorian dialects of Quich ua do not have a long
"o" or a short "e" vowel sound. For this reason, the language
and the people group are ca lled Quichua in Ecuador and Quechua
in Peru and Bolivia, where the short "e" exists. (Dilworth
1967) . Since the majority of the Quic hua pe opl e throughout
the Andes refer to themselves as Quechua, some scholars use
this term when writing of the Hi ghl and Quichuas in Ecuadcr as
well.
The Highland Quichuas are d i s t i n g u i s h e d from the
Spanish-speaking, dominant culture by their language.
H ig hl an d Quichua has borrowed m a n y words from Spanish through
the years. However, Spanish, French, English, and other
languages have borrowed from Highla nd Quichua as well. The
words for beef jerky, condor, llama, puma, chinchilla, coca,
quinine, guano, and pampa come from the Quichua language.
Residents of New Orleans are familiar with the French
word lagniappe, which refers to the practice of receiving
some th in g extra in a purchase transaction. The origin of the
37
v/ord is the result of the Spanish definite article la and the
Quic hu a noun hapa, whi ch refers to the previo usl y me nt i o n e d
p ra ct ic e (Mason 1964). The com bi na ti on was taken home to
France by French scientists who had been in Ecuador in the
170Cs studying the volcanoes and the equatorial demarcation.
From their French ancestors, the people of New Orleans enjoy
the p ra ct ic e and the word.
While bilingual s kills are seen as increasingly
important by the H ig hl an d Quichuas, the ma jo r i t y are
mon ol in gu al in Quichua. B i l i n g u a li sm is a survival skill in
the city and in business. T h e re fo re it is acquired by those
with the need for it.
Highlan d Quichua Bi li ngualism
In "Language Use in Guamote: Implications for L it er ac y
in the Central Highlands of Ec uador," a 1983 Ph.D.
dissertation, Mario L. M. Baca found that the males tend to be
bilingual more than the women. This is due to the fact that
the m e n tend to migr at e to find work and are ge nerally more
mo bi le than the women. Diglossia, the use of different
languages for different locations or occasions, is p r a c t i c e d
by the Highland Quichu as (Baca 1983). Baca concludes that the
bilingual education and litera cy programs in Ecuador are
lacking due to a shortage of trai ned bilingual teachers and a
low view of Quichua by m a n y Hi g hl an d Quichuas.
38
Quichua is spoken in market places, in some
communities, and in the homes of Highland Quichuas. In a 1996
Ph.D. dissertation, "Quichua and Spanish in the Ecuadorian
Highlands: The Effects of Long -t erm Contact," M a r l ee n Haboud
found that the communities are the prim ar y locus of Quichua
use. She also shows that the Highland Quichuas see that both
languages are empowering, depending on the context; Quichua
enables one to interact in the Highland Quichua community,
while Spanish allows access to the dominant culture (Haboud
1996).
Religious Differences
Religious differences definitely exist, but centuries
of juxtaposition and the resulting sy ncretism have blurred the
lines. The animistic Highland Quichua religion and the
resulting sy ncr eti sm with Roman Cat ho lic ism have been
described in great detail (Mitchell 1992, Sills 1997). The
Highland Quichuas adopted the Inca's sun worship, but the
primary expression of Hi ghland Quichua an im ism was the worship
of Pachamama, the earth goddess, and the mountains. The
Spanish brought the pre- Reformational C a th ol ic is m of the
Inquisition. A l t h o u g h the conquerors insisted upon absolute
submission to the Pope and the crown of Spain, the Highland
Quichuas subtly b le nd ed the two religions togethe r (Sills
19971. This process went on for almost five centuries.
39
There has been a religious shift from Ca th olicism to
Evangelical Pr ote sta nt ism in the last two decades (Stoll 1990,
Berg and Pretiz 1992, Sills -1997). While this ph enomenon has
occurred on a co nt in ent-wide scale, it is most noticeable in
the Highland Quichua population. As has been noted in the
introduction, the El Comercio newspaper reports that 62% of
the Highland Quichua people consider themselves Evangelical
Protestants (El Comercio 2000). The similarities and
differences be tw e e n the Roman Cat ho lic is m of the dominant
culture, the animistic syncretism of the Highla nd Quichuas,
and Evangelical Pr otesta ntism are detailed in "A Comparative
Study of the Three Major Religious Movements of the Highland
Quichuas in A nd ea n Ecuador from the Inca Conquest to the
Present" (Sills 1997). However, the chart in Append ix E will
show these similarities and differences in a more succinct
format.
Highland Quichua Home Life
Highland Quichua home life in the campo, or rural
countryside, centers ar ound the tasks nec es sa ry for daily
life, taking care of animals, tending crops, feeding the
family, and work in g in shared community duties. The homes are
located in casarios, or groupings of Highland Quichua homes of
about one to two hundred. The families living in each casario
are extended memb er s of the same clan.
40
Tr adi tional homes in the campo are co ns tru cte d of mud
walls and roofs with eucalyptus beams, and are covered with
thatched straw-. There are no windows nor chimneys and the
only openi ng is a low door. The cooking is done indoors,
which gives the appearance of a house on fire from the
outside. Homes of more modern const ru ct io n have cinder block
walls and windows. They also have doors with locks, windows
with bu rg lar bars, and terra cotta tile roofs.
The Highland Quichua society is clan-ba sed rather than
tribal. That is, the families who live in the casarios are
able to connect their family to the others through a common
ancestor. The clans are therefore regionally based and
identify with one another based cr. clan lines, not because
they live in the same region.
Highland Quichua Costume
In order to maintain this identity, the various clans
each w ear a distinctive costume. The co mmon denomi na to rs of
the Highla nd Quichua costumes gene ral ly include a hat made of
thick felt and a woolen poncho that serves to keep out the
rain and the cold cf the high altitudes. In some regions the
men wear white pants, a white hat, and a bright red poncho,
and the women of the clan wear a navy blue skirt and shawl,
white e m b r oi d er ed blouse, and a white hat. The sight of forty
or fifty Hi ghl an d Quichua adults and children m ak in g their way
41
down a country road is a riot of color that is quite
impressive.
A trained eye can d i s ce rn the home region of each
H ig hl an d Quichua in the market place based on the color,
style, and weave of the poncho, and the style and color of
their hat (Sills 1997, W e is ma nt el 1999). The younger Highlan d
Quichu as sometimes stop wearing the traditional costume to
appear mestizo, but this is a cause of great shame to their
family and community (Sills 1997) .
However, in the recent et hn ici ty movement pr o m o t e d by
organizations such as FEINE and CONAIE, coupled with the
indigenous-led ouster of the President in the January 2000
coup, there is renewed pride in Highland Quichua identity.
This includes costume, language, traditions, and culture. The
renewed pride in, and ap pre cia tio n of, traditional culture
further points out the need for teaching and training methods
that will be cultur all y acceptable.
The Guinea Pig
The myriads of uses for the guinea pig are some of the
most unique aspects of Highla nd Quichua culture. Highla nd
Quichua people have used this small animal for centuries, and
its uses are intertwined th roughout their culture (Morales
1995). The guinea pig (cavia porcellus) is a small,
42
tailless, prolific South A me ric an rodent. It is known by the
Quichua word c uy (pronounced "kwee") throughout the Andes.
While the animal is used for a child's pet in North
America, the animal has been a culinary delica cy in the
southern continent for centuries. In the convent of Santa
Clara in Quito, there hangs a painting of the Last Supper of
Christ with His disciples that shows them pla in ly en joy ing a
cuy as the main dish. The painting was likely pain te d by one
of the indigenous artisans trained by the C at ho li c
missionaries to create works of art to adorn the cathed ral s in
the New World.
Cuy is enjoyed roasted and in stews. It is normally
served whole with potatoes. The high protein, low-fat meat is
a common meal among the Highland Quichuas. However, cuy is
not only a favorite meat, cuy is a ceremonial animal as well.
Cuyes are ex changed as a part of sealing agreements
and becoming engaged to be married. They are also used by the
c u r a n d e r o s , or natural healers. When patients go to the
curandero or shaman, they often must take a cuy with them.
There are certain colors of cuy that are nec es sa ry for
specific ailments (Morales 1995) . The curandero will
sometimes rub the cuy all over the body of the patient and
then dissect the cuy to de termine the nature of the illness so
that he m a y then prescribe a cure. At other times, the
43
cur andero will rub the cuy on the patient so as to transfer
the illness from the patient to the cuy.
The cuy has become a del ic ac y among the mestizo
po pu la ti on as well. It is not unusual to find it on the menu
of t yp ica l- di sh restaurants as well as street vendors selling
roasted cuy. With the increase in popularity, breeding
techniques are being pe rfected that are desig ne d to enhance
the pr o du ct i vi ty of cuy raising (Morales 1995).
Relationships
One of the aspects that Highland Quichua people and
mestizo Latin Americans hold in common is the great importance
pl aced on relationships. This aspect of the Highland Quichua
culture must be appreciated to under st and the data gathering
phase of the field research of this study as well as the
findings, conclusions, and recommendations.
Friendships and family connections are essential for
successful interaction in Latin America. This system of
friends and extended family re lationships grows out of the
Catholi c Ch urch system of choosi ng godparents at baptism,
first communion, and marriage. The sy stem in Ecuador goes by
the name of c o m p a d r a z g o . Mic ha el Handelsmar. describes it in
his book on Ecuadorian cultures and customs.
Compadrazgo freque nt ly implies a re la tionship of

reciprocity: the less fortunate often turn to their
superiors to ensure that their children will always have
44
protection, and the godparents and godchildren know that

they can always count on assistance and support from their
baptismal family. (Handelsman 2000, 39)
This relational aspect carries over into every aspect
of life. The relationships do not have to be based on
baptismal participants; close family friends are considered
compaares. Judith Noble and Jaime Lacasa stress the
importance of relationships even in business.
Business in general is often conducted on a more personal

basis than in cur culture. A business conver sat ion can
shift quickly back and forth from business to personal
matters. Purely social visits are sometimes made to
people at their places of business. (Noble and Lacasa
1995, 13)
This is a major shift from the North Americ an culture
where relationships often take a subordinate role to business.
In Ecuador, one must have pa la nca (the Spanish word for
"lever") , which refers to having a friend or family me mb er in
a needed place, in order to get things done. Reciprocal
relationships are virtually the essence of Highland Quichua
culture also.
The expressive Highla nd Quichua language lacks at
least one word that is very common to other America n cultures,
the word for thank you. Since Highland Quichua culture is
reciprocal, the Highland Quichua reasons that "I will do for
you today and you will do for me tomorrow." The Highland
Quichua communities regularly sponsor mingas for completing
community projects. A minga is a community wor k day in whic h
45
eve ry family must participate. Families without a
represen tat iv e at the m in ga are fined by the co mmunity
organization. The three comma ndm ent s of Highland Quichua life
are "Do not steal, do not lie, and do not be lazy." Each of
these is built upon a pr inciple of reciprocity that requires
relationships for ev er y da y life.
This relational aspect is a key element of this study,
esp ec ia l ly for gath eri ng the re quired data. Rel ationships are
pr er eq ui si te for ent eri ng a Hi gh lan d Quichua community. Even
after entrance has been gained, a close r e lat io nsh ip is
essential for getting tr us two rth y information. Anita Krainer
lamented the fact that m a n y researchers do not receive factual
answers to their queries due to the lack of this relationship
(Krainer 1996).
The researcher of this study and his family worked
with a typical Highland Quichua comm un it y for eight months
before gaining the trust level to be accepted as ex te nd ed
family by the clan (Sills 1997) . During the initial eight
months, the researcher in quired numerous times about a d o m e
shaped hill that seemed too symmetrical to be natural. Each
informant reported that it was simply a hill where they grew
crops, nothing more. A f t e r a year with the clan, the
46
informants began to share clan kn ow l e d g e . 5 One of these
revelations was that the dom e- sh ap ed hill was ca ll e d Sunanza
and was a former burial mound of the ancestors as well as a
sice of Inca battles between the warring Inca brothers
Ata hu al pa and Huascar. Indeed, history supports such clan
knowledge by recording that at least one of their battles was
fought around the town of Ambato, which is the closest named
town su rviving from the Inca era (Burch 1991, 43) .
The compadrazgo system was illustrated to the
researcher on a day when conducting field interviews in a
casario in the region of Chibuleo. The resear ch er had served
as go dfather to two children there five years p ri or to the day
that a wheel of his vehicle slipped into a ditch and rendered
the vehicle immovable. The researcher was un ex p e c t e d and to
the ma jo r i t y of the inhabitants, unknown. After a while,
several hostile men approached and ex pressed that he was
unwelcome (after several unkind remarks to qu estion his
intelligence and driving s k i l l s ) . However, as soon as the
researcher m e n t i o n e d the name of his g o d c hi ld re n and their
father, the rejection became a reception. Men and trucks were
-Clan k n o wl ed ge is a term that the resear ch er has adopted

to refer to the closely guarded information wi t hi n distinct
clan groups that is not normally known by those outside the
clan. The rugged Andes terrain that has creat ed isolated
pockets of Hi gh l a n d Quichu a clans is con ducive to this
practice of having clan knowledge that is kept w i th i n the
clan.
47
empl oye d to remove the vehicle from the drainage ditch and
invitations to return were issued. T he se kinds of
relati ons hi ps are essential to acqui re entrance into the
communities and homes as well as to receive honest answers to
interviews.
Pertinent Ecuadorian Political History
Life Before the Inca
The Highland Quichuas of And ea n Ecuador lived lives of
war and peace for centuries pr io r to the coming of the Inca
empire in the mi d- fifteenth century. Dilworth reports that
the Highla nd Quichuas are es t i m a t e d to have predated the Inca
empire by 500 to 4000 years (Dilworth 1967). There were a
number of nations in the Ecuad or ian te rritory prior to the
Inca's arrival. The Quitus in the sierra and the Caras on the
Coast, with their king Shyri, joined together creating the
Shyris nation. South of what had been the Quitus empire was a
rival nation of a people called the Puruha. The Purunas lived
in the area of what is the C h i m b o r a z o pr ovince today (See map
of Ecuador in Ap pe n d i x D ) . South of them, and separated by
the high A n d e a n peaks were the tribes of the Caharis and the
Paltas. All of these fought the Incas as they made their way
north.
48
The Inca as Benevo len t Dictator
The Inca empire has often been described as one of
benevolent force. They p r o t e c t e d the nations that they
conquered and assimilated, but they were demanding as well.
The Inca demande d loyalty a n d obedience. They co nsidered all
that they encountered to be theirs. The name they gave their
empire was Tihuantinsuyu, which means the Four Quarters of the
World (McIntyre 1975).
In return for loyalt y and obedience, their subjects
shared in the bounty of an or ga ni ze d society. The Inca had
invented a freeze-drying process that used the intense heat of
the day and the freezing tempe ra tur es of the night and would
preserve foods for long perio ds of time (McIntyre 1975). This
process provided protec ti on from times of drought or crop
failure.
The Inca highway an d chasgui runners were a means of
communication and delivery. The Inca could send a m e s s a g e from
one end of the empire to the other, over 1500 miles, in less
than a week (Jack W e a t he r f or d 1988). The formidable Inca army
pr ovided protection but n e e d e d great amounts of food and
supplies. For this reason, taxes had to be paid to the Inca.
49
The Spanish Government
The coming of the Spa ni sh adventurer, Francisco
Pizarro, in 1532 brought the downfall of the Inca empire and
c o n t in ue d the op pression of the Highland Quichuas (William
Prescctt 1847). The Inca empire, which had known civil war in
the years leading up to the conquistadors' arrival, was
d i s s ol ve d when the Spaniards betrayed and m u r d e r e d the Inca
At a h u a l p a (McIntyre 1975). A l th ou gh skirmishes c o n ti nu ed for a
few years, "By 1549, the conquest of what became Ecuador was
complete: a mere 2,000 Spaniards had subjugated an es timated
500,000 Indians" (Burch 1991, 47). These indigenous people
soon learned that the Spanish government was not as benevolent
a force as the Inca had been.
The Spanish co nquistadors set about making a name fcr
themselves by looting the geld of the Inca and taking their
lands in order to establish large personal estates. The
indigenous people served as their slaves. That they were
wo rk ed hard is noted in the fact that many died under their
harsh taskmasters. Since they were found to be inferior to
the task, Afr ic an slaves were imported to assist in the
agricultural and mi ning efforts of the new rulers. This
accounts for the A f r o - E c u a d o r i a n population which today
exceeds 600,000 blacks, or about 5% of Ecuador's people
(Johnstone 1998).
50
The Spanish set up a go vernment to rule the Highland
Quichuas and other indigenous people found throughout the
continent. George Pendle says, "In the Americas the Spanish
co nq ui s t a do rs straight away spread out over an area about
twice the size of Europe and founded wi de ly - se pa ra te d centres
of civ il iz at io n" (Pendle 1985, 51). The senior functionaries
were c a l l e d viceroys and the v i c e r o ya lt y of Peru, operating
from Lima, controlled all of Spanish South America (Pendle
1985). In 1739 the Audiencia of Quito was transferred to the
v i c e r o y a l t y of New Granada, which was located in what is now
Bogata, Colombia. The viceroys were the local rulers put in
place by the Spanish Crown to represent their interests in
their New World.
There was much dissension as the viceroys did not
think that the Spanish Crown could fairly understand the
issues in far away South America. As the responsibilities
grew, more viceroyalties were added to handle the increaseo
burden of governing so vast a territory. ''The viceroy ruled
on behalf of the king and in coordi na ti on with the audiencia,
or high court of justice, which co nsisted of p e n i n s u l a r e s ,
persons b or n in Spain" (Pendle 1985, 55). Of course, there
were m a n y lesser officials but the criollos, persons of pure
Spanish bl o o d but born in the Mew World, were excluded from
upper admin is tr at iv e privileges.
51
In the cabildos, or town councils, the local criollo
citizens were allowed to participate, but of course the
Hig h l a n d Quichuas were still excluded. The regidores, town
council level politicians, showed no interest in the welfare
of the general population. The e x c l us io n of the criollos from
the most important political pr ocesses sowed seeds of
dis se n s i o n and planted a dr e a m of liberation from Spain.
However, the indigenous people were still not a factor in the
considerations of the aspiring pol it ic ia ns and bureaucrats.
Independence from Spain
Simon Bolivar and Jose de San Martin were two of the
greatest liberators in the struggle for independence from
Spain. Historian Carlos Fuentes records the musings of Simon
Bolivar as he read the forbidden works of re volutionary
thinkers, "Can we not trade by ourselves, think by ourselves,
and govern ourselves" (Fuentes 1999, 249). The hard-fought
battles for this independence, w h i c h wou ld come at a high
price, brought freedom f rom Spain but not from tyranny for the
indigenous peoples. They remain ed in the grasp of oppression.
The caudillos, or local m i l i t a r y leaders, o r g a ni ze d
regiments of fighters who were w i l li ng to fight in exchan ge
for land. In July 1821 they ent er ed Lima and procla im ed the
cou ntry's independence. The c e l e br at io n of victory was for
the criollos and other local rulers. As far as the indigenous
52
people were concerned, it was m e r e l y another tr an s f e r of
power.
The Spanish Crown and the Roman Catholic Ch u r c h
m ai nt ai ne d an encomienda system. This was a syste m in which
landowners were given co mplete control over the lives of a
qu an ti ty of indigenous p eople who worked as slaves for them.
In return the owners of the large haciendas were to teach the
indigenous people the truths of the Roman Catholic Ch u r c h and
"civilize" them.
The Spanish go vernment and the Catholic C h u r c h joined
forces in a religious version of this practice called
re d u c c i o n a s . In the reducciones system, the church was to
mai nt a in hundreds of indigenous people on large ha ciendas
(Prescott 1847). In fact, for centuries the largest owner of
land in Ecuador was the Cat ho li c Church. Dying hac ien da
owners donated their land holdin gs to the church to assure
their entrance into heaven (Burch 1991). Juan Botass o states
that things are very m u c h the same today (Botasso 1991).
Wa shi n g to n Padilla notes that even Catholic A r ch bi s h o p
Go nz al ez Suarez makes ma n y references to the e x p l o i t a t i o n of
the indigenous people. Padilla quotes a proverb of the day,
"La ley es para los del ponch o" (literally, the law for those
who wear a poncho, i.e., the indigenous people, but the
53
implication is that others are above the law.) (Padilla 1S89,
30) .
In the hacienda system of the twenty-first century,
the Highland Quichua family is no longer actual ly owned by the
hacienda o w n e r , 0 but little else has changed. The Highland
Quichuas who live on these haciendas receive all that they
need for dail y life and enjoy the prote ct ion the hacienda
owner offers. Indeed, the centuries-old celebr ati ons in which
the Highland Quichuas symbolically recognize their dependence
upon the haciend a owner and their inability to repay his
goodness continue today.
However, in reality the hacienda owner is still the
harsh taskmaster to whom they have become indebted, and they
remain trapped to work for him. One day per week they are
allowed to work the small plot of land they have received for
a house and a few crops for their own personal sustenance
(Dilworth 1967).
The field research for this study reveale d what life
was like for the Highland Quichua people in what was formerly
the traditional hacienda system. The informants had vivid
memories of this life or stories from parents and grandparents-
regarding that way of life. One informant d e s c ri be d the
6The Ag rar ian Reform Law of 1964 made land tenancy, the
practice of the haciendas and huasipungueros, illegal.
54
di sci pl ine of his own children when he was still in this
hacienda system.
In the old days a child's p un ish me nt was that the father

woul d take a misbehaving child to the owner of the
hacien da and ask him to pu nish the child. The hacienda
owner would whip or otherwise mete out the punishment to
the child of the h u a s i p u n g u e r o .7 (127, pa ragraph 43)
The hacienda owner has control over ever y aspect of
life, which makes it very difficult to brea k from this system
and become ind ep en de nt — even with the law on the Highland
Quichuas' side.
The hacienda owners' cruelty is legendary. Donald
Dilworth relates an example.
The pay on the hacienda was so low that even the Indians
did not want to work. It was harvest time and many hands
were needed. To obtain labor, the hacienda sent out its
men to raid the Indian houses between 3 and 5 in the
morning. Th ey took a few sheep or perhaps a cow or an ox
These were herded up to the hacienda. When the Indian
Hi (t
came to claim his animal he was told that he could have i
in exchange for five days labor by him and his family. I
he tried to obtain justice he was told in no uncertain
terms, that when he was taking his animals to pasture, he
per mi tt ed them to eat grass along the road or path. This
b el on ge d to the hacienda, and therefore, he must pay for
what was not his. (Dilworth 1967, 36)
Of course, the hacienda owner uses more legal means as well.
When the worker experiences a deat h in the family, he must
borrow m o n e y for the funeral. Wed di ng celebrations of family
7 This term refers to the share-c ro pp er who would live on a

plot of land and in a house that were owned by the hacienda
owner in exchange for working for him daily. The system was
designed to create a debt owed to the hacienda owner that
could never be repaid, eff ec ti ve ly rendering enslavement.
55
members are times of expensive celebrations also. The
Highlan d Quichua's only hope for a loan is from the hacienda
owner. The loan is compounded out over so long a period and
at such a high interest rate that the worker and his family
are locked into years of service. There is little recourse
for such workers (Dilworth 1967).
Struggling with Independence
The first ma tter of business after obtaining
in de pendence from Spain was to create a new government. The
first co ns titution was written in 1812 declaring an
independent Quito. Eight years later, other colonial cities
in what is now Ecuador joined wit h Quito in the quest for
independence from Spain. In 1822 Ecuador struck the final
blow against Spain in the Battle of Pichincha under the
leadership of Marshall Antonio Jose de Sucre. Ecuador joined
with Ve nezuela and Colombia in the new Republic called Gran
Colombia. For this reason, these three countries still have
vi r tu al ly the same flag with o nl y minor variations. Ecuador
broke with Gran Colombia in 1830 and formed a separate
Republic with the current name. The name is derived from the
Spanish word for equator, the imaginary line that divides the
northern and southern hemispheres. The equator runs through
the country of Ecuador just no r th of Quito.
56
Ecuadorian General Eloy Al faro began the Liberal
Revolution on June 5, 1895. This event is c on sid er ed by
historians and pat riotic Ecuadorians as the beg in ni ng of the
Ecuador that exists today. In 1901, President Eloy Alfaro
signed a new consti tut ion that allowed freedom of r e l i g i o n — at
least officially.
In 1941 the dec ad es -o ld intermittent b or de r war
between Ecuador and Peru came to a climax when Peru march ed
across the border with 13,000 soldiers. The b or der war ended
in defeat for Ecuador (Dobronski 2000). Under great duress
Ecuador accepte d and signed a treaty by which they lost almost
two-thirds of their territory, including their access to the
Amazon River. This was a stinging blow to Ecuadorian pride.
Even today, the mas th ea d of official Ecuadorian correspondence
asserts, "Ecuador has been, is now, and will always be an
Amazonian country."
Oil was di sco ver ed in Ecuador and a race to drill for
it in the east ern jungles began in the middle of the twen tie th
century. Some of the exp lo ra ti on teams met wit h vicious
attacks from indigenous people in the jungles who viewed the
oil workers' pr ese nce as an invasion. Ecuador became a
pe tr ole um based coun try and joined OPEC, the O r g a n i z a t io n of
Petroleum Expo rti ng Countries.
57
In 1945 Ecuador joined the United Nations. They have
traditi ona lly stood with the United States of America and
declared war on Japan the day after the Japanese bombi ng of
Pearl Harbor. A m il it ar y coup occur re d in 1972 when
Ecuadorian President Velasco Ibarra was ou sted from power.
There were seven years of milita ry rule before Ecuador
returned to d em ocr at ica lly elect another President in 1979.
In 1981 President Jaime Roldos was killed in a plane crash
four months after another border skirmish with Peru.
In the last fifteen years the indigenous people of
Ecuador, in cluding the Highland Quichuas, have begun to flex
the muscle of their cons iderable numbers. In 1986 CONAIE was
created to d ef en d their rights throughout the country. Four
years later the indigenous peoples of the count ry and those
who stood with them staged a major protest that resulted in
Ecuador being declar ed a plurinaticnal state. Michael
Handelsman says, "For the first time in their history, many
Ecuadorians ac kno wledge that the country's diverse indigenous
population constitutes a major force in national politics"
(Handelsman 2000, xxi).
The country's fragile d e mo cra cy has found itself rife
with co rru pti on over and over again. Former Vi ce-President
Alberto Dahik, who served under President Sixto Duran Ballen,
is now living in Costa Rica, after being acc us ed of pil fe rin g
58
pu blic funds in the millions. Former President Abdala Bucaram
was dec la re d mentally incompetent and ou sted from office after
a pe ace ful de monstration of over 2 mil li on Ecuadorians
marching in the streets in February of 1997 demanding his
removal. He is living in exile in Panama and also under the
cloud of accusations of taking m il li on s of dollars from
Ecuador.
The former mayor of Quito, Jamil Mahuad, was elected
President in the next election but was ousted from office in
an indigenous and military led coup on January 21, 2000.
Vic e- Pr es i de nt Gustavo Noboa stepped in as President and
barri ng any unforeseen events, will serve until 2003.
To state that the indigenous people, led by the
Highla nd Quichuas, are involved po li t i c a l l y and causing
sweeping political changes is an understatement. The
organiza tio ns CONAIE and to a degree FEINE have become
m ot iv a t i n g and mobilizing forces in the fight for indigenous
rights in Ecuador. The m o me nt um gained through the events of
recent years has become a source of e th nic pride for young and
old alike. One Highland Quichua young lady is quoted by Anita
Krainer as saying, "I feel proud to be indigenous and I feel
proud to be an Ecuadorian" (Krainer 1996, 88).
59
History of Religion in Ecuador
It is essential to be familiar with the religious
systems that are extant in Ecuador today and whence they came
in order to have a thorough un derstanding of the Hi ghl and
Quichuas' cultural context. Since this background is
important to appreciate the significance of this study, a
curs or y sketch of the h i s to ry of religion in Ecuador is here
presented. This religious history from animistic p re -I nc a
times, through the Spanish Conquest, the modern Cathol ic
Ecuador, and the Evangelical Protestant movement has a l r e a d y
filled many history books. In this section, only a thumbnail
sketch is given in order to provide a contextual ba ck g r o u n d in
which to view the study.
The Highland Qui chua people have experienced religious
mov ements in the past and are un dergoing another today. Some
of the past movements were forced upon them from outsiders,
but most recently they have w i l l in gl y been embracing Christ
and b ec om in g Evangelical Protestants. The three majo r
religious movements of the Highland Quichuas of A nd ea n E c u ad or
have been compared and contra st ed in a previous work (Sills
1997) .
The current people movements toward Evangelical
Pro te s t a n t i s m of the me stizoes and the Highland Quich ua s are
amply do cumented (Stoll 1990, Maust 1992, Berg and Pretiz
60
1996, Sills 1997, Reichert 1999). This ever expa ndi ng
movement from the Highland Quichua a n im is tic s y nc re t i s m with
Cat h o l i c i s m to Evangelical Protest an ti sm has had growing
pains. Al t h ou g h the m es tiz o population has semina rie s to
train pastors, they have not trained su fficient numbers of
them. The EPHQ churches are without su fficient numbers of
pastors as well as adequate means to train them. The history
of religion in Ecuador provides a context in which to see the
current leadership crisis.
Highland Quichua An im i s m
In general terms, a n i m i s m is "the na ti v i s t i c religious
system of people who believe that mountains, clouds, animals,
and other n a t u ra ll y oc curring phenomena are in habited by
spirits, souls, or demons whic h must be a pp ea se d by sacrifice
or per fo rm an ce of specified duties" (Sills 1997, 7). For the
Highland Quichua, animism has developed into a flexible and
pervasive way of life.
A conce nt ra te d effort by mis si ol og is ts familiar with
Andean Ecuador Highland Quichu as that sought to e s t a b l i sh a
me thod for witnes si ng to t he m found that they have a holistic
view of life (Lausanne 1980). They see spirits a n d demons in
all of nature and must appease them with sa crifices and
specific duties. Eill M it ch el l says that H ig hl an d Quichua
animistic religion permeates all of life (Mitchell 1S92).
61
This helps explain why the gospel spreads so quick ly in a clan
when it finally gains an entrance. The Hi ghland Quichua
C h r i st i an does not c o m pa rt me nt al iz e his Christianity; it flows
over into every area of life, where its effects are wi tnessed
by eve ryone in the community.
Highland Quichua animists worsh ip P a c h a m a m a , the earth
goddess, by caring for the land and courting her favor.
W he n e v e r they drink alc oholic beverages, the last portion in
the glass is poured out on the grou nd as an offering to her.
Hig hl an d Quichuas also worship the mountains and the high
An de a n passes.
The pre-Inca animi sm of Highland Quichuas centered
aroun d a mountain mythology. The Highland Quichuas in each
region looked to the largest mo un t a in or volcano looming over
their landscape to see their god's home (McIntyre 1975,
Mit che ll 1992). They assigne d the various mou ntains and
vo lcanoes names, gender, rank, and spouses.
In the remote areas of the Ecuadorian campo, it is
pos sib le even today to see an el de rl y Highland Quichua
kneeling in worship and honor to the mountains. The Hig hland
Qu ichuas believe that a m o un ta in or volcano with new snow in
the mo rni ng means that the mou nt ai n "pair" had conjugal
relations during the night. This is interpreted to be an
62
en co ur a g in g sign to them for it indicates that crops, animal
offspring, and children will fare well.
Inca Religion Added
Inca animism was similar to the animism of the Andean
nations they conquered, but perhaps more complex (Lausanne
1980). The Inca would adopt the new deities of the conquered
regions, since animistic deities are generally derived from
ge og ra ph ic al aspects of the land. The Inca modeled a blending
of religions and enabled such syncretism, since they did net
forbid the continuance of worshi pi ng local animistic deities
in traditional ways (Mitchell 1992). This was allowed
provide d that they did not contra di ct or interfere with the
Inca religious system (Cobo 1979).
The highest places on the mountains were called
huacas, or shrines (Cobo 1990) . These were places where the
wo rs hi pe rs would offer sacrifices and pray to their gods. The
Inca called their sun god Inti. They also wo rshiped the
earth, the mountains, the moon, thunder, and other natural
phenomena. Obviously, there are ma ny commonalities between
the pre-In ca animism and the Inca pantheon, though certain
Inca distinctives defini te ly existed.
In the Inca religious hi er archical system, Viracocha
was the creator-god and supreme deity. Under Viracocha was
Inti, the sun-god. It is logical for other mountain dwellers
63
to have wo rshiped the sun. However, this Inca sun worship
included the Inca himself as the incarnate son of the sun.
That made the Inca also a god to be worshiped. Do nald Werlich
says, "Nominal supremacy had to be given to the sun-god, Inti,
the principal deity of the empire but devotion to other gods
was allowed to continue" (Werlich 1978, 34).
The Inca also wor sh ip ed the mu mmified remains of
former Inca rulers and imposed this on the con qu er ed peoples
as well. Bernabe Cobo e xplains that the Inca s ys tem of
sacrifice was well defined and often practiced, even including
offering their own children.
For those selected to sacrifice a child, though this was

an only child, it was a maj or offense to show any signs of
sadness; on the contrary, they were obliged to do it with
gestures of happiness and satisfaction, as if they were
taking their children tc bestow upon them an important
reward. (Cobo 1979, 8)
Johan Reinhard has discov er ed numerous huacas and
burial sites that include mum mi fi ed remains cf Inca
sacrificial victims on Peru's ice-capped mountains and
volcanoes. He recently pub li sh ed in National G e o g r a p h i c his
account of the di scovery of a mumm y that has come to be called
"the Peruvian ice maide n. " The young girl's body was kept
from de terioration by the freezing temperatures at the huaca
on the summit of Mount Am pato where she was sacrif ic ed
(Reinhard 1996).
64
The H igh la nd Quichua people e as il y adde d the Inca
distinctives into their own animistic religi on (Sills 1997).
The Highland Quichuas had been in the process of assimilating
the Inca religion for almost one hundred years w he n a new
conqueror with a new religion arrived in their land. Indeed,
the very first c on fr on tat io n was a demand for the Inca
Ata hualpa to accept the truths of Scripture and the authority
of the Pope (Prescott 1847). The first blow, whi ch led to the
dest ruc tio n of the Inca empire, came when the de ma nd was
spurned.
Roman Ca th oli cis m Adopt ed and A d ap te d
The Spanish conquistadors arrived, led by Francisco
Pizarro, in 1532 with mis sionaries in tow. The Roman Catholic
Church was united with Pizarro and his c on qu er in g Spanish
forces. In fact, the new state religion, Roman Catholicism,
was a key element in bringin g the conquest to a successful
end. It hel ped the con quistadors with a d m i n i s t r a t i v e systems
that faci lit ate d the do min ati on of the indigenous people. The
Pope dem an de d the raquiri mie nto that required absolut e
surrender to himself, the Roman Catholic Church, the Spanish
Crown, and all the laws of the new government.
They also introduced the encomienda and red ucc ion es
systems de sc ri be d in the section regarding Ec ua do ri an
political history. Some of the Ca tho lic m i s s i o n a r i e s were
65
al tr ui st i c and worked for the ben ef it of the indigenous
people. Sadly, the majority did not.
Roman Catholic priest Juan Bottasso has compiled a
m ul t i - a u t h o r work in which fellow C at hol ic Luis Fernando
Boterc admits the Catholic Church's co op eration in the
d om i na ti o n and abuse of the indigenous people. He says that
Spain's interests in the New W o r l d were attained by the sword
at first, then by laws and legalized domination. The Catholic
Ch urch "christianized" the indigenous people admin ist rat iv ely
with iron fist (Botasso 1991).
Cat ho li ci sm was the state religion from the beginning
and grew in intensity. By the middle of the nineteenth
century, Gabriel Garcia Moreno, Ecuadorian president for ten
years, made the nation "a the ocracy where only practicing
Catholics were allowed to vote. He renamed the best military
regiments 'Guardians of the Virgin' and 'Soldiers of the
Infant Jesus'" (Burch 1991, 52). He passed a concordat in
1361 ma king Roman Cat holicism Ecuador's only legal religion,
and in 18 69 he signed a new co ns ti tu ti on in which only
pr ac t i c in g Catholics could be citizens (Handelsman 2000) .
Henry Klassen, long-time m i s s i o n ar y to Ecuador's Highland
Quichuas, says that the Catholics took advantage of a people
ready for a change.
Then came the Spaniards to dominate, deceive, and force

Roman Catholic religion upon them. Dissatisfied with the
66
former religion and lookin g for something different, even

though forced they embraced, at least externally, the
white man's religion on l y to di scover the hopelessness of
being under the do mi n a ti on of a pol itically and
financially oriented corrupt religion that ope rated under
the name of Christianity. (Klassen 1977, 165)
Richard Reichert writ es of the fact that the
Cat ho li ci sm which came to the Am er ic as antedated the
Reforma tio n and was the C a t h o l i c i s m of the Inquisition. He
notes, "Once the Inquisition had been organized in a
particu lar country of the Americas, the inhabitants were
alerted to be on the lookout for heretics" (Reichert 1999,
12). Ecuador became thoroughly Ca tholic and adamantly
entrenched in Catholic teaching. Handelsman says, "[In] 1547
the first Catholic bishop assumes office in Quito. During the
sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, Quito becomes a major
center for the Catholic Ch u r c h in Latin America" (Handelsman
2000, xviii).
The Catholic Church's grasp of and intertwining with
the Ecuadorian government is incontrovertible. One cannot
speak of Ecuador's politics and government nor of the Roman
Ca tho lic Church there without m en ti on in g the other. The
Ca th ol ic Church's absolute control of Ecuador was m a i n ta in ed
with a jealous hand. Reichert cites instances in the colonial
documents and constitutions that "restricted non-Catholic
mater ia ls " from entering the count ry (Reichert 1999, 11).
These prohibitions were en fo r c ed by ail possible means. The
67
only Evangelical work in Ecuador during these ear ly years was
the often thwarted efforts to import and di stribute Bibles.
Francisco Fenzotti was a Urug ua yan carpenter who
became an evangelical pr eacher and Bible smuggler. In 1892
Penzotti was trying to get boxes of Bibles past the customs
inspector in the port city of Guayaquil. Reichert records,
One of the customs inspectors de cla red defiantly, "As long

as Mount Chimborazo stands, these books will never enter
Ecuador." Yet, despite the boast, that very shipment of
Bibles came through. (Reichert 1999, 50)
At the turn of the twentieth century, President Eloy
Alfaro ushered in the Liberal Revolution, which included
freedom of religion. While Cathol ic persecution co ntinued
unofficially, and continues today (Sills 1997, US Embassy
2000), Evangelical Protestants finally had legal recourse when
it occurred. Indeed, many of the early missi on ar ie s were said
tc travel about doing their work with a Bible under one arm
and a copy of the Ecuadorian co ns titution under the other.
The persecu ti on and m a r ty rd om of missionaries and Ec uadorian
Christians alike at the hands of Cathol ic zealots continues
but has cer ta in ly abated from the early years of the last
century.
The Highland Quichua people had been forced into a
Cat h o l i c i s m that controlled ever y aspect of life: ba pt i s m of
infants, first communion, weddings, burials, holy days,
fiestas, compadrazgo, and even eternal life. Since the coming
68
of Eva ng el i ca l Protestantism, the Cathol ic Ch u r c h in Ecuador
has sought to maint ai n control by th re atening with
ex c o m m u n i c a ti on those who att en de d Evangelical churches, or
worse, joined them. Kanagy says that superstitious an im i s m
and the zealous control of the Cat ho li c Church over the last
five hu nd r e d years have w o rk ed to get her to keep the Hi ghl and
Quichuas in darkness (Kanagy 1990).
The First Evangelical Protestant Mi ss io n a r i e s
The lives and m i n is tr ie s of the first Ev an gelical
Protestant missionaries are ably desc rib ed in John Maust's
work, N e w Song in the Andes, and Richard Reichert's book,
Day br e ak over Ecuador: The D a w n i n g o f Evangelical Mi ss i o ns
(1992 Maust, 1999 R e i c h e r t ) . No attempt is m a d e here to
replicate their efforts. What is pertinent here is that most
of these first missionar ies began in earnest in the largest
city of Ecuador, the port city of Guayaquil. Next, the
capitol city of Quito was targeted. The work move d slower in
the s t a u nc hl y conservative sierra, as it does today. However,
even from these early days, some m is sio na rie s bravely targe ted
the Hi g hl an d Quichua people.
The First Mis sionaries to the Highland Quichuas
Julia Anderson and Ella Ozman, Gospel Mi ss i o n a r y Union
missionaries, made their way to the Highland Quichu as and
69
settled to work in the vill ag e of Caliata. In 1903 Miss Ozman
suc cumbed to pneumonia and Miss And er so n carried on alone
(Maust 1992). Miss A n d e r s o n- Wo od wa rd retired in 1953 and the
Chimbor azo Quichua New Test ame nt was pu bl ish ed in 1954. (The
entire Old and New Testaments wer e translated and ready for
pub lic ati on in 1988.) W he n she retired in 1953, "she could
count the Quichua converts on one hand" (Kennedy 2000, 67).
In 1955 the first three Hi ghl and Quichua believers were
baptized.
In the early 1960s, an Evangelical awakening began
among the Highland Quichuas that spread like wild fire among
the Chimborazo communities. The El Comercio newspaper reports
that by the end of the 1960s, the explosive growth had begun
and had resulted in over 350,000 believers (El Comercio, 13
March 2000, 18). Unfortunately, this v/as also acc om pa ni ed by
severe persecution of the converting Highland Quichuas by the
Catholic Highland Quichuas. As cited in the introduction of
this study there are 3,200,000 self-proclaimed EPHQ believers
today.
Post WWII Invasion of Missionaries
After World War II, m an y missionaries began coming to
Ecuador. The middle of the twentieth century saw Evan gel ica l
Protestant missionary efforts proliferate. Missionaries
worked in the cities, in the Hi ghl and Quichua areas, and in
70
the jungles. Mis sionaries Jim Elliot, Pete Fleming, Nate
Saint, Roger Youderian, and Ed McCully were ma r t y r e d by
Huaorani indigenous people in the eastern jungle in January
1956 (Elliot 1957). The publicity of this tragic event
brought even more missionaries.
Of the Evangelical Protestant missi on ar y agencies
working in Ecuador today, only the Gospel M i ss io na ry Union,
Christian and Mi ss i o n a ry Alliance, and HCJB Worl d Mi ss io na ry
Radio Fellowship were there prior to WWII; they began their
work in Ecuador in 1896, 1897, and 1931 respectively. Between
WWII and 1970 eighteen more Evangelical Protestant m i ss io na ry
agencies and denominations came to Ecuador, a c c or di ng to
Mission Handbook 1998-2000 (Siewert and Valdez 1997). Today
there are more than 250 Evangelical agencies and groups
working in Ecuador in addition to the mainline Eva ng eli ca l
Protestant denominations (El Comercio 13 March 2000). The US
Embassy's report on religious freedom in Ecuador cites the
presence and growing success of cults such as the Mormons and
Jehovah's Witnesses as well as a new group called Universal
Christian Gnostics (US Emb as sy 2000).
Popular Religiosity
A form of Pe nt e c o s t a l i s m has swept across the South
American continent in the last three decades (Stoll 1950, Berg
and Pretiz 1996, Sills 1997). The resulting C h r i s t i a n i t y has
71
been c o n s id er e d by m any to be genuine Evangelical
Protestantism. However, upon further reflection, scholars
such as M i k e Berg and Paul Pretiz have dubbed the moveme nt a
m er e "popular religiosity" (Berg and Pretiz 1 9 9 6 b ) .
T he researcher has found that many missio nar ies agree
and prop ose that it is me r e l y a Protestant form of the ancient
an im ism and superstitious Ca th oli cis m that has held sway in
Latin Ame ri ca for centuries. This is part ial ly due to the
tendenc y of some evangelists of the movement to promote their
ca mpaigns with radio and newspaper adv ert isements that cite
u n ex pl ai ne d healings, dental fillings being mi r a c ul ou sl y
tr an sfo rme d to gold, and costume jewelry becoming genuine.
The rampant popular religiosity emphasizes miracles
for the fai t’

n ful--much as the animists make sacrifices to
Pachamama or the nominal Catholics pray to the saints to get
the mat er ia l blessings they desire. The most obvious parallel
p re sen ted by Berg and Pretiz is that in each one there are
adherents who are seeking miracles but who continue in a
lifestyle that is the same as the no n- bel iev ing population.
Paul Hiebert, R. Daniel Shaw, and Tite Tienou write
that ma n y folk religions are thought to have disa ppe are d at
the pr ea chi ng of the gospel, but they me rely went underground.
They m a i nt ai n that these folk religions always find ways to
come bac k up in new forms (Hiebert, Shaw, and Tienou 1999) .
72
Certainly, one must ackn owl edg e the legiti ma cy of mu ch of the
Evangelical P ro te st ant is m that is so prev ale nt in Latin
America. However, from the shallowness of the movement, the
lack of commitment of its adherents, and the absence of
ongoing discipleship, it follows that their thesis has found
expression in some of the Pen te co st al is m in the continent.
Recent National Crises
Ecuador is a small A nd ean country. In terms of land
area, there are seventy-one larger countries in the world. At
104,490 square miles, Ecuador is about the size of Co lor ado or
of Mississippi and Alabama put together. With about
12,500,000 people, there are sixty more populous countries.
However, this small count ry has sometimes been called
the land of superlatives. Wit hin its boundaries there are
twenty-two languages spoken, seventeen distinct people groups,
and a plethora of political parties that are all very active.
In fact, "from 1901 to 1948 alone, Ecuador had 39 governme nts
and four constitutions! (And at one point there were four
presidents in a span of 26 days.)" (Burch 1991, 172).
It is also a land of contrasts and superlatives in its
geography. The Galapagos Islands that are so rich in unique
species are a part of Ecuador, lying 600 miles to the west.
The bea uty of the Pacific coa stline of Ecuador is comparable
to the islands of the Caribbean. As one travels east, the
mountains rise up from the expanse of banana plantations and
the terrain changes to rolling hills of tropical vegetation.
Beyond the rolling hills of 2000 to 5000 feet above sea level,
the mountains be come more majest ic and rugged and the
waterfalls more spectacular. At the apex, the rocky, s no w
capped Andes mountains reach altitudes of over 20,000 feet.
At the higher altitudes, inhabitants experience all four
seasons everyday: cool mornings, hot afternoons, crisp
evenings, and frost on the ground at night. Conti nu in g to
travel east, one descends again through the rolling hills
until reaching near sea level in the Amazon Basin. All of
this diversity is found in a country the size of Mississippi
and Alabama combined. But the superlatives are,
unfortunately, not limited to the demograp hic and topographic
aspects of the country.
Ecuador has had severe and devastating crises in
recent years that have rocked the Republic to its foundations
Indeed, seme of the crises have changed the c o u nt ry forever.
These crises are woven into the fabric of all Ecuadorians'
lives. Neither the Highland Quichua culture nor its current
leadership vacuum and pressi ng needs can be fully understood
without an awareness of these recent crises. The crises can
be divided into three major categories for c o n s id er at ion here
natural, political, and economic.
74
Natural Crises
Many countries suffer times of drought and the
concomitant difficulties, occasional flooding, and occasional
earthquakes. It will suffice to menti on that Ecuador has its
share of them as well. However, two other types of natural
disasters have hit Ecuador part ic ul ar ly hard and they deserve
mention in greater detail. First, the El Nino weather
phenomenon has caused havoc in the small And ea n republic. The
loss of lives and infrastructure has been c a ta st ro ph ic in
recent years and prognosticators predict anoth er hit in 2001.
El Nino is the Spanish term for the Christ child. The
term was origi na ll y used by fishermen on the Pacific coast of
Peru and Ecuador to refer to warmer than usual ocean currents
that occur around Christmas and continue for several months.
The warm currents are responsible for heavy rains that
accompany the phenomenon. They also dr a s t i c a l l y alter the
fishing industry. Since 1960, the effects of the El Nino
currents have been felt on land to one degree or another.
However, the two stronge st years have been 1982-1983 and 1997-
1998 .
In the 1997-1998 El Nino, Ecuador su ffered greatly.
In Ecuador heavy rains and flooding on the coast, roads

and bridges were destroyed; leptospirosis and cholera, and
there were 183 reported dead, 91 wounded, 35 missing, and
over 34,000 people ad versely affected. (Paho 2000, 3)
75
In addition, in times like these, hea lt h care facilities that
are al re ad y ov er- loa de d are taxed b e y o n d their abilities. The
water supplies become contaminated, verm in escape the higher
water by mov in g into human living areas, and poisonous snakes
are forced out into areas of human contact.
The heavy rains and flooding ca u s e d landslides that
d am age d bridges, buildings, and the oil pipeline that carries
oil from the eastern jungle to the c o a s t — a hard blow for a
p e t r o l e u m based economy. The cycle for de va stating visits
from El Nino repeats itself in greate r or lesser severity
pvery two to seven years and a l re ad y some scientists are
p re di ct in g a return in 2001 (CBS2 2000, 1) .
The second category of natural di saster is active
volcanoes. Three volcanoes that have been dormant for
gen era tio ns have awakened, spewing ash and volcanic debris and
spreading terror. Ecuador is home to thirty-one volcanoes,
most of whi ch are considered inactive. In the last two years
three have awakened and are th r e a t e n in g to erupt.
Pichincha volcano rises 9,220 feet above sea level on
the west side of the capitol city of Quito. Quito is a long,
narrow city nestled in the vall ey b e t w e e n Cotopaxi, the
world's largest active volcano, and Pichincha. Pichincha has
been spewin g spectacular ash displays i n te rmi tte nt ly for over
a year and is currently on yellow alert. Daily updates appear
76
above the masthea d of the El Comerci o newspaper to warn
citizens of the latest developments. For weeks at a time,
residents in the capital have be en forced to wear masks when
they go outside to work or school, and the city has been
co ve red in ash.
Two hours south of Qu i t o is the 16,475 foot volcano
Tungurahua. During the time of its threatening and ash
spewing, 25,000 residents in towns around its base were
e va cu ate d (Kennedy 2000) . The gas masks and goggles that
be came daily wear would c e r t a i n l y be no protection from the
lava flow should the vol cano erupt. Therefore, the government
forcibly evacuated the towns and kept people away from their
bu sinesses and homes for weeks. A major confrontation with
po lice occurred when crowds finally demanded that they be
allow ed back in before their belongings were com pleted looted.
The base of Tungurahua, like many volcanoes, is the
source of thermal springs. A tourist town named Banos
(Spanish for baths) has grown up there and is de pendant upon
•tourists for its survival. The mestizo and Hi ghl and Quichua
Cat h o l i c faithful point to the Virgin Mary as the source of
their deliverance from an eruption. They reminded the
researcher of the legends about the ma ny times she has
d e l i v e r e d them in the past. For this reason, Banos is also
the location of a large stone church in her honor.
77
The towns are re turning to normal and tourists are
slowly returning, trying to ignore the rumblings and spewing
of the towering giant o ver hea d that remains on orange ale rt —
which is the last warning before an eruption (El Comercio 14
December 2000).
Yet another volcano, El Altar, has recently billowe d
ash and threatens to erupt. One must remember that the
Highla nd Quichuas are roughly one half of the population, that
they have venerated the mountains for centuries, and that they
are very superstitious. They cannot agree on what the
mou ntains are saying, but all agree that they are speaking.
Pichincha quit belching smoke and ash in February
2000. When the researcher inquired from a Highland Quichua
man why Pichincha was no longer smoking, he ha lf -jo kin gly
replied, "Pichincha was only trying to tell us to get rid of
the President. Now that he is gone, Pichincha no longer needs
to smoke." (He was referring to the January 2000 indigenous
led coup that ousted President Jamil Mahuad.) Ecuador is also
suffering from crises that are man-made.
Political Crises
Since before she was a country, Ecuador has had border
skirmishes with Peru. From the days of Gran Colombia, Ecuador
and Peru have had di sagreements about their te rr itorial
bounda ri es that have esc al ate d into war. About the time WWII
78
was getting underway, Peru invaded Ecuador and forced her to
accept a new map. The new map gave Peru roughly two-thirds of
Ecuador's eastern and southern land. -Ecuador signed the
Protocol of Rio de Janeiro on January 29, 1942, but never
acguie sce d to the arrangement. Until a recent treaty (to
which both sides have a g r e e d ) , it was impossible to obtain a
map in Ecuador that showed the 1942 demarcation as official.
One pr ob lem was that a portion of the bounda ry was never drav/n
and, therefore, was constantly up for dispute (CONAIE 2000).
The border skirmish esc alated again in recent years.
On Janua ry 26, 1995, an Ecuadorian helicopter ventu re d two and
a half miles over the Peruvian border and bombed an army guard
pest. This time the border skirmish had many casualties; many
of the worst affected were the indigenous people. CONAIE
called for a cease fire. They repeatedly sent letters to
international authorities hoping to bring public attention to
the three hundred indigenous communities in the area of
mi l i t a r y conflict (CONAIE 2000). A peace treaty has since
been signed but only after m an y lives were lost, m an y land
mines had been scattered throughout the border region, and
both countries had spent huge sums that they could ill afford
to spend. Anoth er political crisis has been closer to home.
A common caricature of Latin Americ an officials
usually includes some reference to bribes. While br ib e r y is
79
rampant in b ur ea ucr at ic and legal circles, not everyone is
involved. The researcher has been living and working or
trav el ing through Latin Ame ri ca for fifteen years and has
never had to pay a bribe. Still, the practice does occur.
The highest offices have the most access to the
greates t amounts. There have be en former presidents, vice
presidents, and ministers of vi rt ual ly everything accused,
arrested, tried, and con victed of being corrupt. This
corruption has hurt the co un t r y by tying up courts and
d es tr oy in g public trust, but the most damagi ng has been the
officials absconding with large sums of public funds.
Ecuador's corruption has pr imarily been the embezzling
of public funds, kickbacks, and incompetence through nepoti sm
and hiring cronies. In a s ys te m that requires being someone,
knowing someone, paying someone, or doing a big favor for
someone, the weak and poor like the H ig hl an d Quichuas are
marginalized, disenfranchised, and abused.
The public often tires of political corruption and
demands a change. During normal times of free democratic
elections, changes are brought about at the polls. When the
c orr upt io n has been great, officials have been forced out of
office. M an y of the coups of recent histo ry have been
o u t l i n e d in the section regarding per tinent pol itical histo ry
of Ecuador. Ecuador has been sp ared the exis ten ce of
80
go ve rn me nt death squads and the di sappearance of tho usands of
citizens that other Lati n Am e r i c a n countries have known.
The politics of Ec uador's northern neighbor are
causing one of Ecuador's most recent crises, and in increasing
measure. Colombia has had a p r o b le m with the drug cartel,
r ev ol uti ona ry forces, kidnapping, and terrorism for decades.
These internal problems have grown so large that they are now
international in scope. In July 2000 Colombian police
dis co ve re d and c o n fi sc at ed a submarine under co ns tr u c t i o n in
which more cocaine could be tra ns por te d to the USA in one trip
than ever before possible. Co lo mbi an drug enforcement agents
de ter mi ne d that both Russian s and Americans were as si sti ng in
the construction of the sub.
In addition to and largely because of the drug
problem, Colombia is the most violent country in the world.
The U.N. High Co mmi ssi one r for Refugees is "working with some
1.1 mill ion Colombian refugees di sp lac ed internally by the
co nti nui ng guerilla conflict, 600,000 of whom have fled their
homes in the last two years" (Agenda EFE 2000b) .
In response to the gr ow ing drug problem and Col om bi a' s
in ability to stem the tide, the US has launched an initiative
called Plan C o l o m b i a , w h ic h includes US troops on the ground
in Colombia. The US has c o m m i t t e d to spending $7.5 b il li on
fighting drug traffic and the Co lo mbi an cartel. The rebels
81
have pr omised to mu r d er entire villages in retaliation. This
terrorist threat is taken seriously by the C o l o m b i a n peasants
whose lives are •caught in the middle. The pe as an ts have begun
to leave the easte rn jungles of Colombia.
MSNBC reports, "40 people arrive daily in Ecuador
fleeing armed combat among left-wing guerrillas, rightist
param il it ar y groups and the C o l o m b i a n gove rn me nt 's a rm ed
forces, a conflict that has claimed 35,000 lives in the last
decade" (MSNBC 2000, 1). The refugees are co m i n g to Ecuador,
and the-ir coming causes great difficulties. Ec uad or estimates,
that it will cost $400 mi l l i o n to handle the C o l o m b i a n
refugees over the next five years. The US has pr om i s e d
between $250 m i l li o n and $350 million. Unfortunately, the
te rrorism has followed the refugees into E c uad or as well.
In recent months kidnapping has in creased in Ecuador.
The US State Department has issued an advisory for persons
traveling in certain parts of Ecuador. In Sep te mb er 2000, a
team of US, Canadian, and French oil workers was ki dnapped
along with their he li c o p t e r in the Ecuadorian jungle. The
terro ri sm that has been proverbial in Colombia is now
attacking Ecuador. The attacks have included bombs
strategically pla ce d to d es tr oy the pipeline that carries oil
from Ecuador's oilfields in the eastern jungle to the coast.
82
Between Saturday, 9 December 2000, and Wednesday, 13
December 2000, several sabotage attacks on the pipeline cost
eight lives and caused over 9,000 barr el s of oil to be spilled
into the jungle (El Comercio 14 December 2000). The
explosions have occurred in ways that are unprecedented.
Smaller explosive charges, some not large enough to cause
damage, have been set to go off at differe'nt places and times
on the pipeline. This causes confusion, chaos, and terror.
The speculation about when and where the next one will occur
is a popular topic of discussion. Thus it begins in Ecuador
as it has been in Colombia. However, there is still a major
category of crises yet to be considered.
Economic Crises
The crises all flow into one another.’ Economic crises
are brought about by all of the crises that have been
pre sented thus far. However, specif ic al ly considering the
Highland Quichua population, the econom ic woes must be
mentioned. The Highland Quichuas are at the bo t t o m of the
socioeconomic scale and feel this burden more than most.
The kidnapping that has increased with the influx of
Colombians cannot all be attributed to the Colombians. The
economic woes of Ecuador have also con tr ib ut ed to the increase
in this crime. Kidnapping will not only continue, but
increase, as long as the economy is declining.
83
Se l d om does a ki dnapping in Lati n America have a
pleasan t conclusion, although in Ecuador, some victims have
been rescued and their kidnappers brought to justice.
However, their job will become more complicated. Agencia EFE
reports, "Ecuador's a nt i- ki dn ap ing p ol ice (LJNASE) said
T h u rs da y that the p ro li fe ra ti on of ransom-negotiating
co mpanies has triggered an increase in kidnapings" (Agencia
EFE, 30 Novembe r 2000).
Ecuador has suffered a de cl ini ng economy for years.
MSN BC reports, "Ecuador has be en battling against one of the
worst economic crises in decades, with annual consumer price
inf lation teetering around 100% and a more than $11 billion
foreign debt burden that drains government spending on social
welfar e" (MSNBC 2000, 3). This has resulted in over 50% of
the co u nt ry being unemployed or under-employed. Currently
only one out of every three people in the adult work force is
employed.
Two major considerat ion s remain to be presented. One
is an effort to arrest the de cl ini ng econ omy and runaway
inflation. The second is a direct result of a failing
economy. The most recent pre sidential ouster was to remove a
m an who propos ed replacing the country's currency, the sucre,
with the US dollar. Many indigenous people hope d that in
84
gett in g rid of the president, they would get rid of the plan
.as well.' But the plan was already underway.
When the 'researcher first vis it ed Ecuador in 1987, the
sucre was valued at 162 Ecuad or ian sucres to one US dollar.
On a return trip in 1989, it was 575 sucres to a dollar. When
the researcher and his fa mily arr iv ed to live in Ecuad or in
1992, the exchange rate was over 1200 sucres to one dollar.
Just before dis continuing the use of the sucre in 2000, the
go ve r n m e n t had frozen its up war d spiral at 25,000 sucres to a
dollar. On 9 September 2000, by presid ent ial decree the sucre
was o ff ic ial ly no longer legal tender in Ecuador; the official
legal currency became the US dollar.
The dollarization has been a difficult battle and the
poor, i l l it er at e, .masses on. the fringe, es pecially in rural
areas, do not understand the new currency. In an effort to
make the transition smoother, Ecuador minted their own coins;
they are of the same color, denomination, and size as the US
coins, but with Ecuadorian heroes on them.
However, to make m a t te rs worse, counterfeit dollars
have inundated the country m ak in g m a n y Ecuadorians reluctant
to use the new currency. Patty Mo raga reports, "More than 70
per ce nt of Ecuadorians, the m a j o r i t y of indigenous descent,
o pp os e the dollarization" (Moraga 2000, 1). On 16 N o v e m b e r
2000, a counterfeit o p e r ati on in the jungles of Co lom bia was
85
disco ve re d by US Secret Service agents and Co l o m bi an national
police. The ope ration made US bills in deno min ati ons of 100,
50, and 20. It had a l r ea dy produced millions of dollars worth
cf fake bills, p os si bly mor e than a billion, in its estimated
ten years of existence. (Selsky 2000).
Many Ecuadorians think the dollar will help encourage
investors to return their business to Ecuador. Last year,
investors took more than $2 billion out of the co un try (Moraga
2000). If the dollar is the answer to Ecuador's financial
woes, it is slow bringi ng it about. "Economist Eduardo
Valencia noted that do ll ari zat io n thus far has been unable to
stop spiraling inflation, which reached 3.7 percent in
September, 2.3 percent more than in August, for a record 107.9
percent for the 12 months prior to September" (Agencia EFE, 1
October 2000, 1).
As painful as the economic woes have been, one of
Ecuador's deepest hurts in the nosediving econ omy has been the
exodus of her people. People of all walks of life, racial
backgrounds, and soci oec ono mic levels are leaving the country,
legally and illegally, in record numbers. The national
magazine, Vistazo, reports that hundreds of thousands of
Ecuadorians have left the country, including legals and
illegals (Egas 2000). Reuters News Service reports grim
statistics.
36
Ecuador, suffering one of its worst economic crises in

decades, has seen 550,000 citizens emigrate in the past
six years, according to a government report, while private
studies insist more than a milli on Ecuadorians have left
the country in the last two years alone. (Reuters 2000)
In December 2000, sixty-one illegal immigrant Ecuadorians were
arrested in Guatemala on their way to attempt an illegal
border crossing into the US (Quepasa 14 December 2000).
In a feature article that highlights this growing
problem, Maria Fernanda Egas exposes the problems that are
left behind when these Ecuadorians migrate to other countries
for work (Egas 2000). Not surprisingly, the deeply family-
oriented Ecuadorians often send mo n e y back to the families
they left behind. Reuters reports that Ecuador's second
greatest source of income is money sent home from relatives
living in the US, Spain, Italy, and Britain. This income
source has tripled since 1995 and is surpassed in the national
economy only by oil, the nation's biggest export (Reuters
2 0 0 0 ).
However, the families must continue without fathers,
husbands, and sons and daughters (Egas 2000) . Egas also
points out the creative ways that Ecuadorians are coping with
the phenomenon. Many Ecuadorians have become computer-
literate so as to use internet phone services and email at one
of the m a n y cyber-cafes that are springing up around the
country.
87
The most popula r des tinations for the mi grants are the
US and Spain. Spain has g-rown in such po pu la ri ty as the
count ry of choice that travel agencies are adverti si ng travel
packages that include visa and immigrat ion assistance.
Regular news pap er articles in recent months expose ma n y of
these agencies as frauds that are unable to obtain legal entry
permits. The coyer story of the 1 June 2000 Vistazo ma ga zi n e
is entitled, "Spain: Dream or Nightmare, The Life of the
70,000 Ecuadorians that Have A r r i v e d to the 'Mother Country'
Searching for Work" (Burbano 2000, 14). This article
describes the scores of Ecuadorians who are the victims of
prejudice, without work, and are forced to spend their time
evading the police. Bur bano also delineates the nightmare of
those being de ported from other European countries beside
Spain.
The Ei Comaccio newspaper runs regular articles
de lin eat ing the plight of the Highlan d Quichua communities
where all the men have mi gr at ed and the women are left to
carry the burden. One headline reads, "The Am er ic an Dream
Killed 29" (El Comercio 16 September 2000, 2). This article
refers to the co mm uni ty of Jerusalen from which every single
man had m i g r a te d to the US. Tw en ty -n in e of their num be r had
been killed in w or k- r el at ed accidents, been murdered, died in
accidents, or succumbed to fatal illnesses. The causes of
88
death were all different, but the end result was the same.
Not only were the women and children left alone, these men
would never be sending money- home or coming back. Of course,
this is a relatively recent phenom en on and no one has yet
studied the impact on the culture when women must begin to
perfo rm the cultural dut ies of the men in addition to their
own.
While the researcher was conduc tin g interviews in
Quito during June 2000, he was told about an EPHQ woman in
such a community. The men were gone and the women had to do
everything, including the work of the church. This woman had
a pp roa ch ed a Chr istian worker and ex plained her plight. She
did not want sympathy, she had a pe rplexing question. The
wom an - t ur n ed -p a st or stated that she understood from the Old
Testament that women were unclean while they were on their
mo nt hl y period. Without raising any questions regarding the
me an in g of such passages, she me r e l y asked, "What should I do
about adm in is ter in g the elements of the Lord's Supper when I
am on my period?" All of the ra mifications of the current
mass m i g r at io n have yet to be considered.
Synchronic View of the EPKO Church
The backgr ou nd information has been pr e s e n t e d in five
ma j o r categories: the Highland Quichua cultural context,
per tinent Ecuadorian po litical history, hi st ory of religion in
89
Ecuador, recent national crises, and a synchronic view of the
EPHQ church. While the pr eceding information has treated
wid e-ranging topics and covered centuries of time, it has only
been a cur so ry considera tion of the categories. The purpose
was to provide an essent ial awareness of the b ac kg ro un d of the
Highland Quic hu a cultural context.
In this section, these five broa d categories are
brought s pe ci fi ca ll y to bear upon the EPHQ church in order to
gain a synchronic view. That is, if a snapshot were taken of
the EPHQ ch urch in Andean Ecuador today, what would it look
like? What elements would be in the picture?
Furthermore, the findings, conclusions, and
recommendations grow cut of this cultural backgr ou nd and
assume a pr oper awareness of it. Therefore, a thorough
orientation to the Highland Quichua culture requires an
un derstanding of the effects of these categories on the EPHQ
church. How has each of these topics informed and shaped the
EPHQ church in Andean Ecuador today?
Cultural Context and EPHQ
The EPHQ churches are located in the villages of the
cold highla nd p ar am o .5 The church buildings are co ns tructed
5"Paramo is the wor d that refers to the altitudes above

the treeline, the mi s t y rain that is per pe tua l in those
climes, and the grass that grows there" (Sills 1997, 101) .
90
with mud walls, of crude brick, or cinder block. The EPHQ
churches will seat about one hundre d people on average in
rough hewn wooden pews (or about twice as m a n y if the pews are
removed and straw is placed on the f l o o r ) . The cold wind
blows ar ou nd and through the churches, which ty pically meet
early in the mornings on the Lord's Day. The gla cier-topped
mou nt ai ns provide inspiration for worshi pi ng the Creator as
well as freezing temperatures that encourage crowding into the
churches for fellowship and warmth.
The reciprocity of the Highland Quich ua culture is
seen in the EPHQ churches as well. A baby's birth, a wedding,
or a funeral brings out the efforts of all the church members
to make the occasion appropriately observed. When a church
member is bu ilding a house, or adding a nee de d room, the
entire church helps out. They realize that everyone's help
may be coming to them the next time: "I help you today and you
help me tomorrow."
Unfortunately, some of the animistic beliefs have come
into the church as well. One EPHQ pastor, interviewed in June
2000, shared his view that venera tio n of Pachamama was
acceptable for EPHQ members. A n ce st or wo rsh ip seemed alright
as well.
We have lots of cultural ways to honor our ancestors. We

also have the cultural histo ry of respecting Pachamama.
For instance, when some people are dr in k i n g something
91
(chicha3 or whatever) they wil l- po or a little of it on the

g rou nd to honor Pachamama. This was always done without
fail. It is not so mu c h pr ac ti ce d by the Christians now.
But as a pastor, I do not really see anything wrong with
it. It is simply a way to practice good ecology. (132,
par agr aph 3410)
Of course, the me s ti zo influence on the culture has come
into the EPHQ churches also. This mixture is a comp lic ate d
one. The Spaniards broug ht Roman Cat ho li ci sm and imposed it
upon the Highland Quichuas. They suffered with this for four
hundred years. The m es ti zo and Highland Quichua generation s
that followed Francisco Pizarro's invasion and conquest
learned Cath oli cis m from the same catechists.
With the printed word and a literate parish, the priests
over che mesti zo churches were able to remain closer to
Catho lic doctrine. The Highland Quichua priests simply
com man de d their prelite rate charges what to do and not to do.
This taught the Highland Quichua to simply obey the priest's
eve ry command, and to hide any di ve rgences from the law. The
’"Chicha is the fer mented h o m eb re w common to all Quichua

communities. It is made of meal or yucca paste. It is
sometimes made by mas ti ca ti on and spat into a large pot.
Amo ng EPHQ it is not fermented" (Sills 1997, 99).
::In order to protect the p r i v ac y of the informants, the

interviews have been coded. The individual interviews are
num be re d from 1-1 to 1-32; focus group interviews and
cor re sp on de nc e are sim ilarly coded. The responses from
mi ss io na ri es in the bac kg ro un d surveys are called sources and
are coded S-l through S-8. The node reports and complete
info rma tio n are kept separate from this di ss ertation with
other pertinent data.
92
sy nc r e t i s m that o cc ur re d is still a large part of the EPHQ
world view.
The absolute d e pe nd en ce upon the priests and obe dience
to their commands finds some expres si on in the EFHQ churches.
The church members have a sense of "ought" that they should
obey their pastors blindly, w he th er they do so or not. They
also are reticent to see any wrong in their paster. This
abundant power and a ut ho ri ty has co rr upt ed some of the EPHQ
pastors.
There are differences bet we en the EPHQ churches and
the m e s ti zo Evangelical Pr otestant churches just as there are
b e t we en their cultures. The m e s ti zo churches sing Spanish
hymns and psalms from hymnals, bring their Bibles to church,
teach Sunday School from p r i n t e d literature, and enjoy
fellowships in free time du ring the week. T he y have nicer
church buildings, cars to come to church when the buses are
not running, and more options for m in is tr y and learning.
The EPHQ churches sing Highla nd Quichua psalms and
choruses from memory, listen to the sermon without following
along in a personal copy of the Scriptures, and w or k from
early till late six days of the week. The Hi gh l a n d Quichuas
are largely limited to the e d u ca ti on and services that are
av a i la bl e to their community.
93
The language difference is one of the most noticeable
differences, and not just because they are two different
languages. The mestizo churches carry out their entire
service in Spanish. The EPHQ churches must move between
H igh lan d Quichua and Spanish. Many biblical, doctrinal, and
even ev er y da y terms do not exist in Q u i c h u a — or are not used.
The Qu ic h u a language uses the Spanish term "Dios le pague"
(may G o d repay you) to say thank-you. It is d i sc onc ert ing to
hear a Highland Quichua worshiper pray aloud in a church
service, "0 God, m a y God repay you."
This necessary use of Spanish makes the Highland
Quichuas dependent upon the mestizo even in their most
intimate times of praise and worship. The m e s s ag e is thus
subtly commu ni ca te d that the Highland Quichuas cannot stand on
their own but are dependent upon the dominant culture. Even
though people learn best in their mo ther tongue, Highland
Quichua people must look to the dominant culture for help in
wo rs hi pi ng God. Indeed, as the findings demonstrate, there
are few training options for EPHQ men who aspire to a church
office unless they become fluent in the dominant culture's
language and culture.
The EPHQ people are not as ashamed of their culture as
they tended to be in the past (Sills 1997). There is an
et h ni ci ty revitalization among t he m in Ecuador that is calling
94
their people to rise up and be proud to be Hig hla nd Quichua.
Alt h o u g h ma n y have tried to escape their racial and cultural
heritage in the past, they were mo st l y unsuccessful. The
di st in g u i sh in g an thropometric signs of being Hi gh l a nd Quichu a
are no longer marks of shame, but pride. The EPHQ are seeking
ways to carry out their lives as Highland Quichuas. This hope
is also seen in their desire for ways to train their own
people in traditional Hi ghland Quichua ways.
The EPHQ church does not have ma n y print ed m a t er ia ls
in Quichua. There are two complete Highland Quichua Bibles
and some hymnals. Many of the hymns in the hymnals are simply
translated from Spanish or English. A musical challenge is
enc ou nt er ed when one realizes that the Western eight-tone
musical scale with majors and miners does not fit into the
Highland Quichua system, which is a five-tone minor scale.
The EPHQ church is a family environment. In ev er yd ay
life, the girls must care for the little children. In this
way, they allow their mothers the freedom to do her work and
they learn in the process how to care for babies. This care
for the younger ones is prac ti ce d in church as well. The EPHQ
churches do not have age-gr ad ed Sun da y schools. The babies
and toddlers are in church w i t h everyo ne else. When their
mothers are not nursing them, they are cared for by older
sisters, cousins, and neighbors.
95
The typical EPHQ churc h in the campo is filled with
people of all ages weari ng the same color hats, ponchos,
pants, and shawls. In the cities where Highland Qu ic h u as have
mig r a t e d to seek work, every church service is a c o r n u c o p i a of
Highland Quichua costumes.
EPHQ celebrations at church are times of great joy.
This may be a baptismal service, a wedding, or some other
significant life event. Food is provided for everyone. The
food will likely be cuy, chicken, rolls, popcorn, potatoes,
maize, and Coca-Cola or chicha.
Pertinent Ec uad ori an Political History and EPHQ
A repeated phrase from the interviews with the leaders
was, "a Highland Quichua learns what he sees." This is
painf ull y obvious in the EPHQ churches. The traditional elder
sys tem has given way to the dominant culture's political
processes.
Following the pr ac ti ce of mestizo political
structures, every Highland Quichu a community now has a
president, a vice-president, secretaries, and two or more
members-at-large. The ma j o r i t y of EPHQ churches have a d opt ed
this same form of government. Yet, in typical Hi ghland
Quichua fashion, it is m i x e d with the old ways.
The pastor in the EPHQ churches is an authoritarian.
Wheth er he is so by nature or becomes this after a p e r i o d of
96
time is unknown. The culture expects, and encourages, him to
be this way. However, in keeping with the pol itical
structures that have been adopted, there are ways to keep his
power in check.
The S pa nis h government and the m e s t i z o governments
that have follo we d since Independence have had a penchant for
pomp and ostentation. This tendency has come into the EPHQ
church proceedings. The indigenous people also saw the power
exer ci se d by the local governors, hacienda owners, and even
the Catholic C h u r c h officials. Apparently, this air of
importance is ass um ed to be expected of someone in such a
position.
The p o l it ic al machi na tio ns of the m e s t i z o population
have been well learned by the EPHQ church as well. A number
of EPHQ pastors have left their pastorates to become involved
in politics. An EPHQ home mi ssionary with the Ecuad or ia n
Baptist C o n v e n t i o n left the minist ry to de vote his time to
national politics. As noted earlier, the or ga n i z a t i o n s FEINE
and CONAIE are b ec om in g increasingly political to the degree
that some EPHQ org an iz at io ns such as AIECH, the A s s o c i a t i o n of
Indigenous E va ng el ic al s of Chimborazo, are shying away from
participation.
97
History of Religion in Ecuador and EPHQ
Ther e are traces of all stages of Ecuad or ia n religious
hist or y in EPHQ churches. As already noted, there are pastors
who do not find some animistic practices offensive. With such
a low wall of separation between religious systems, it is not
surp ri sin g to hear stories in which a d ea con or church member
took a sick child to the curandero for ritual healing after
visits to the medical doctor and m i s s i o n a r y had failed.
Ther e is much of the Catholic Ch ur ch in the EPHQ
churches as well. The researcher was invited to lead in the
funeral of a young Highland Quichua girl who had died of
measles. The night before the funeral, there was a gathering
in her heme. The significance of the gat he ri ng became obvious
when some n on- EP HQ neighbors arrived with bottles of liquor to
celebrate. They explained that Catholic doctrine teaches that
such children become angels and this was cause for great joy.
At the funeral, even the EPHQ church mem be rs took turns coming
to the little casket and placing candles on the table to
signify their prayers for the depart ed child as per Catholic
practice.
The adapting of Catholic doctrine is not intentional.
It seems normal to the Highland Quichua who lives in a land
where these teachings have been part and parcel of all things
religious for five hundred years. Additionally, the animistic
98
beliefs initially grew out of practical necessity. The
preliterate Highland Quichua people continue to live in the
land where practical answers are still sought. When someone
needs to insure crop success or fertile animals, it is natural
to seek the favor of the Earth goddess.
The coming of the Evangelical Protestant mi ss ionaries
was light for the Highland Quichuas. They brought a message
of salvation that was eventually un derstood and accepted by
many. However, they also brought money. In a world that had
known pr imarily subsistence farming, bartering, and reciprocal
daily interaction, money changed everything.
The Highland Quichuas soon learned that those who were
friends with the missionaries received material blessings.
Those who pleased the missionaries got material blessings just
as those who had pleased the priests in the past received
spiritual blessings. The mi ss ionaries never intended this
lesson to be communicated, but it w a s — and was learned well.
Man y EPHQ pastors have shared in the interviews that
the EPHQ churches only carry de no mi national labels to please
the ones who built the buildings. Others stated that they
have been told by certain de nominations that they could
receive funds for a new buildi ng if they would change and
become that denomination. What's in a name? For many
Highland Quichuas, the answer to that is "confusion."
99
A regular question posed to the researcher regarded
the reason for so many different denominations. If the
mo nol it hi c Cat holic Church is w ro ng as so m a n y Evangelicals
maintain, why do they seem to be united while the Evangelicals
are sp li n t e r ed into more than 250 different groups in Ecuador
alone? The Mormons and Jehovah's Witnesses cults have
cap it al iz ed on the Evangelical Protestant d i v e r s i fic at ion by
p re te nd in g to be yet another op ti o n among many.
The popul ar reli giosity that is so prevalent in the
Latin A m e r i c a n Evangelical Protestant Church is also found
among EPHQ. In the beginning of the EPHQ movement, the
persecu ti on kept casual C h r i s t i a n i t y at bay. With the coming
of the EPHQ organizations that stand up for indigenous rights,
it is more convenient now to identify with them. The folk
religions that went underground are finding new expression
among ma n y of the untaught EPHQ members who simply do not know
any better.
Recent National Crises and the EPHQ
The recent crises have af fe ct ed the Highland Quichua
pop ul a t i o n in ma n y respects. The climatic effects of El Nino
have caused mudslides in the m o u n t a i n communities. These
slides have killed dozens of peo pl e at a time. The heavy
rains have caused sides of mo untains to shear off and slice
100
away entire sections of the highways, leaving communities
stranded.
The volcanoes have also grea tl y affected the Highland
Quic hua way of life in the regions of renewed activity. It is
g e n e ra ll y the Highland Quichua communities that are most
a d v e rs el y affected. In ad dit ion to the immediate threat of
loss of life or home, the sup er sti tio us animism that has
c on tr ol le d H igh la nd Quichua lives for centuries is reawakened
as well. John Kennedy des cribes the effect of the rumbling
volcano, Tungurahua, upon an EPHQ church near its base
(Kennedy 2000). Some return to animistic roots, some seek
repentance and a right re lat ion sh ip with Jesus Christ, and
others seek a mixture of both.
The five hundred years of domination by the Spanish
have taught the Highland Quic hu a people to be wary. The
po li ti ca l corruption that has allow ed their op pre ssi on to be
sa nc ti on ed by the church and the state has taught them to be
skeptical and to lose faith in both. Some have learned how
the sy stem works and have begu n to play by its rules. In a
recent campaign sponsored by a North American missio ns
organization, a large qu an t i t y of Quichua Bibles was required
for distribution. One of the EPHQ leaders made arran ge me nt s
to buy the many cases of Bibles from a Christian bookstore.
Wh en the tra ns ac ti on was c o m p l e t e d and the helpers left to
101
carry the Bibles to the truck, the EPHQ leader inquired about
his kickback for using this bookstore instead of another.
The te r r or i sm has not yet d ee ply a f f e c t ed the Highland
Quichua communities except to advise them that their country
in changing. While the Highland Quichua communities have
remained distant from this terrorism, many of the Highland
Quichua men have felt its sting. Literate Highlan d Quichua
men are often draf ted into militar y service an d see action in
the Oriente. These eastern jungles are the site of Ecuadorian
army clashes with the Colombian rebels who come across the
bo rder from time to time.
The dollariz ati on has served to further marg ina liz e
the Highland Quichua people. They do not un der sta nd the new
currency and ma n y of them cannot read the propaga nda sent out
by the government to help them. Sadly, many of the rural
Highland Quichua people were left with their caches of sucres
after 9 September 2000 when the sucre became worthless.
The growing mig ration has affected eve ry Highland
Qui chu a community. Some communities are bereft of every male
of working age. They have either mi gra ted interna lly within
the country, or they have gone to Spain, the US, or some other
cou ntr y seeking work. Few of them ever return. The cultures
are changing before the eyes of those who can bear to watch.
102
The EPHQ church seen in light of these cultural
phenomena is a church that is jaded and skeptical. It needs
help and asks for help but is nervous when help is offered.
It is looking for an example more than a building with a new
sign on it.
It is a church that survives in a rugged land where
the remaining faithful few must pull together or be pulled
apart. The EPHQ church knows it needs trained leaders and has
men who long to be trained. However, they also understand
that current training options lead men away from home and
their culture.
The EPHQ church is genuine at its heart but is
inc reasingly affected by aberrant doctrines and practices that
are rooted in animism, Catholicism, pragmatism, or a mistaken
understa ndi ng of the Scriptures. The untrained leaders and
co ngregations have stopped looking to outsiders for help and
are won dering how to train their own.
The EPHQ church is walking a thin line between being
good citizens and becoming po litical activists. Th ey realize
that the country is changing and that their voice must be
heard, yet they look down on those who have gone totally into
political ac tiv ism in the world's way. The EPHQ church of
today needs to be rooted in sound faith and practice. Changes
are coming to the country, the Highland Quichuas, and the EPHQ
103
at an ever increasing speed. The EPHQ church needs their own
trained leadership, which is cu lturally based, to guide them
through.
C H A P TE R 3
M E TH ODO LOG Y
This section is di v i d e d into three su bs ections that
address first the methods for ga thering the data, sec on d the
pr o c e s s i n g of the data, and third a descrip ti on of gr ounded
theory's unique approach. The methods for g a t he ri ng the field
data were pr imarily survey methodology, pa rt icipant
observation, interviews, and reviewing precedent literature.
These methods are st andard et hn og r a p h i c survey data collection
tools and procedures for q u a l it at ive research. Nevertheless,
they have been at the center of controv er sy in recent years.
A debate co ntinues regarding the metho ds used for data
collection, how these data should be formulated into findings
for publication, and the va li d i ty of such research when
co n d u c t e d by cultural outsiders. These issues have been
raised by scholars such as James Clifford, Geo rg e E. Marcus,
C l i f f o r d Geertz, and M i ch ae l M. J. Fischer (cf. C l i f f o r d and
Marcus 1986, Marcus and Fischer 1986, Geertz 1988).
These authors argue that it is di fficult for the
We s t e r n outsider to become su ff i c i e n t l y obj ec ti ve to gather
field research, e s p e c i a l l y in third-world contexts, and report
104
105
its findings in a fair, balanc ed way. Marcus and Fischer
speak of the "sub tly et hnocentric assumptions about human
agency embedded in the frameworks with which ant hr op ol og is ts
have represented their subjects" (Marcus and Fischer 1986,
45). They rightly dem on str ate that the cultural ba ck gr o u n d of
each researcher causes him to emphasize or neglect important
cultural elements. Marcus and Fischer es pec ial ly m a k e the
argument for a return of ethnography to the pe ople of the
cultures being st ud ied (Marcus and Fischer 1986).
This e mp ow er men t of cultures is the heart of the
purpose of this study. Responsible research and reporting can
be achieved when there is an awareness of the dangers.
Researchers who are outsiders must continue to study cultures
while app reciating the cultural differences involved. The
researcher incorporates the caveats and lessons from these
authors and strives for a fair presentation cf the findings in
a way that also ack nowledges his etic limitations.
The d eba te over qualitative methods for gat he rin g
field data and w r i ti ng ethnographies continues. Schola rs such
as Juliet Corbin, An sel m Strauss, and John Creswe ll
acknowledge the cr it ic is m but maintain the leg it im ac y of these
methods for qu al ita tiv e research (Creswell 1994, Strauss and
Corbin 1998).
106
Methods for Data Ga th eri ng
Type of Design Used
Non -O u a n t i ta ti v e Survey
Met h o d o l o g y
This research included a n o n - q u a nt it at iv e survey
me th od in the initial stages to assist in answ eri ng the
ba ck g r o un d questions regarding the sy nch ron ic view of the
current co ndition of the EPHQ church and her leaders. Many
authors have included sections on su rvey met ho do lo gi es in
their treatments of quantitative research (Creswell 199-1,
Gall, Borg, and Gall 1996). However, these techniques can be
utilized in a non-quantitative ma nner for gaining objective
information when it is essential for b ac kg ro un d to establish
the context (Gall, Borg, and Gall 1996, Fetterman 1998).
In order to establish a s yn chr on ic view of the EPHQ
context, the researcher first d e t e r m i n e d the current reality
cf the training programs for EPHQ in A n de an Ecuador. There
were a number of agencies and d e no min ati on s involved in
Evangelical Protestant missi on ar y work in the central
highlands of Ecuador such as the Gospel M i s s i o n a r y Union,
Southern Baptists, Christian and M i s s i o n a r y Alliance, Assemb ly
of God, Ch urch of God, and Nazarer.e. A listing of these
groups with m a i li ng addresses was obt ai ne d from Miss io n
Ha n d b o o k 1993-1995 published by MARC, a d iv isi on of World
Vision International (Siewert and Kenyon 1993). These
107
agencies wor kin g in the sierra were contacted and their
responses are factored into the research.
The researcher dev is ed an informal survey tool that he
used with these groups in order to ascertain whic h ones were
working with the Highland Quichuas. The survey also sought to
find out how many Highland Quic hu a churches were part of their
work, how many churches had pastors, and how ma ny lacked
pastors. Ano th er query sought to determine how many Highland
Quichua pastors were curr en tl y being trained in their
programs, the nature of the training model, and the length of
the program.
This information was essential in order to avoid the
compar is on cf non-commensurate phenomena. Some mission
agencies trained the Highland Quichuas pri ma ri ly ir. Spanish
with North Americans as teachers in two ten-day sessions per
year cr variations of this model (Welty 1996.. The Baptists
have a t t em pt ed a school setting in a local church, where the
leaders must come to regular workshops to be trained. If the
p r o g r a m was in a traditional seminary setting, it made a great
di ff er en ce whether there was a dor mi tor y for the students or
whether they had to find their own living quarters in the
city, since the Highland Quichua students lack both financial
support and skills for jobs in urban settings. There are many
108
dif ferent ways of attempting to train the Hi ghl and Quichua
leaders.
The survey also sought to asc ertain how the students
were usua ll y identified as leaders. Some programs were
co mpl et el y mis si o na ry operated. Thes e mi ss io n a r i e s identified
young men who would, in their estimation, make great young
pastors, and they ma tr ic ul at ed them. These young leaders have
not always been accepted by the churches because the older men
are tra di t io na l ly the leaders (Sills 1997, Welty 1998).
The survey also sought to dete rmi ne what percentage of
students who began their programs had a ct ual ly g r ad ua ted and
how m an y of those who had gra du ate d were still in the
ministry. This informal survey gave valuable information
regarding the eff ectiveness of the existing programs that was
not readily available elsewhere. The co mp ilation of the data
ge nerated is essential for a synchronic u n d e rs ta ndi ng of the
current condition of the Highland Quichua church leadership
needs and the current attempts to m ee t that need.
The author of this research used surveys and
q ue st io nn ai re s based upon Gall, Borg, and Gall's definition of
the terms. They define survey research as "the use of
q ue st io nn ai re s or interviews to collect data about the
characteristics, experiences, knowledge, or opinions of a
sample or a population" (Gall, Borg, and Gall 1996, 771).
109
These authors also defend the use of surveys and
quest ion na ire s in qualitative et hn ogr ap hi c research (Gall,
Borg, and Gall 1996, Fetterman 1998).
A final question in these informal surveys was open-
ended to allow the respondents to offer their perceptions
regarding what has worked with their training efforts among
the Highla nd Quichuas. They had the o p p o r t u n i t y to offer
personal ev al uations about the success or ineffectiveness of
their programs based on their ex perience over m an y years. The
information gained from these surveys allo we d the EPHQ
pastoral training picture to take shape.
The primary design of this research is groun de d
theory. In this type of study tne research is dene in a way
that incorporates various methodologies. However, all of them
have the ultimate goal of grounding a theory in the data
yielded that addresses the research question. In this case
the question was, In what ways and to what extent do
traditional methods for recognizing and training leadership
among H ig hl an d Quichuas relate to eff ec ti ve pastoral training?
The re searcher utilized participant observation, non-
quant itative survey methods, and interview methods tc answer
this question.
110
Participant Observation
Participant observation is a traditional method for
c on du ct in g field research that includes varying degrees of
pa r t i c i p a t i o n with the group being studied. It has been so
wide ly us ed that it has become st an dar d among anthropolo gis ts
and ethnographers. Stephan Grunl an and Ma rv i n Mayers hold,
" Pa rti cip ant observation is the p r im ar y tool of
a n t hr op ol og is ts " (Grunlan and Mayers 1998, 254). One of the
val uab le aspects of this type of research is that it allows
the resear che r to test and verify theories as they are
emerging. Since the researcher is ob se rv in g and partici pat in g
in the event being studied, he is able to reduce the
po ss i b i l i t y of slanted views from informants (Williamson,
Karp, Dalphin, and Gray 1982). In pa rt ici pan t observation,
the researc her tries to enter into the culture being studied
in orcer to get closer to an authe nti c and emic per sp ect iv e of
the culture.
Th ere were several aspects of the EPHQ culture to be
observed. First, training program s that wer e cur rently in use
were ob s e r v e d firsthand in order to triangul ate what was
rep orted in the surveys, ini tially with focus group interview
responses and then with individual in te rvi ew responses.
Second, the EPHQ leaders themselves were o b se rv ed in
lea de rs hi p roles in church services, leadership meetings, and
Ill
as they were involved in traini ng other leaders. A third
aspect of Highland Quichua culture observed was the dy nam ics
that were under study in this research as they occ ur re d in
traditional Highland Quic hu a settings.
Every Highland Quich ua com munity has leaders who
direct the affairs of co mm uni ty life. The traditional
cultural reasons for c ho os in g and training them are brought
into the church when people are converted. The meth od s that
have found favor and value in the culture will seek tc find
expres sio n in ec cl es iastical contexts. As they are o b s e r v e d
in traditional settings, they are more easily identified in
the churches as common de no min at or s surface. This approac h
yielded more light on the current situation than heretofore
has been available.
Interviews
Interview methods were the primary data colle ct ion
tool of the field research. Interview methods are de sc ri be d
by m an y authors (Patton 1990, Creswell 1994, Gall, Borg, and
Gall 1996, Creswell 1998, Fetterman 1998). These authors also
include a treatment of the ethical issues involved whe ne ve r
individuals are utilized in research. The researcher paid
careful attention to these safeguards in order to pr ot e c t the
rights of those interviewed or studied. All research was
co nd uct ed in compliance with the Reformed Theological S em in ar y
112
Research Protocol for Review of Protection of Human Rights, as
found in A p p e n d i x A.
T hi rt y individual interviews of the Hi ghl and Quichua
leaders and one focus group interview with over thirty-five
key EPHQ leaders in Quito were the central m e t h o d of this
research design. The se in ter vie ws 11 were con du cte d in local
communities as well as in church and Bible institute settings
in an attempt to an swer the research questions. Once entrance
to the c o m m un it y was attained and required cultural
prelimin ar ie s were finished, interviews were c o n du ct ed with
pastors or lay persons charged with the le adership of that
local church or, in several instances, secular association.
In one instance a focus group i n t e r v i e w 12 was held. In
Highland Quichua culture, the concept of in di v i d u a l i s m is
virtually unknown; leadership is shared, land is shared,
farming is shared, co mmunity work is shared, and decisions are
shared (Dilworth 1967, Klassen 1974). Any singl in g out of
individuals for information could very likely result in the
self-c on sc io us interviewee wit hh old in g in fo rmation that he
does not know whether he has the permission to share. A group
interview m a y stimulate the sharing of a we alth of information
in that c o m m un it y or church (Gall, Borg, and Gall 1996).
;iSee A p p e n d i x B.
12See Ap p e n d i x C.
113
The interview me th odology ut il ize d in this study
e nc ou n t e r e d two challenges. The first challenge was that the
church leader interviews and most of the in te raction was
co nd uct ed in Spanish. Al though some of the interviews were
co nd uct ed in Spanish with simultaneous translation into
Highlan d Quichua, most of the interviewees had sufficient
Spanish skills for the interview. The researcher lacks
sufficienc Quichua language skills for in-depth discussions
and queries in Quichua, which would require p r o f i c i e n c y in
mul tip le dialects.
An ot he r challenge was that Highland Quich ua
com munities are not open for casual observation. One must
have an invitation and a sponsor to enter a community. The
fact that these people have been abused and ma ni p u l a t e d by
outsiders in crooked deals for centuries makes them very
suspicious of others (Dilworth 1967, Anita Kraine r 1996). It
took the author and his family over eight mo n t h s to gain the
trust and ac cep ta n ce of a single Highland Qu ich ua commu nit y
(Sills 1997). Therefore, the researcher was d e p en de nt upon
mutual friends and helpful informants who have access to these
communities. They had to obtain the needed invita ti on for
entrance in order for the researcher to interview,
participate, and observe.
114
An illustration of this n e c es sa ry invitation occurred
in the capital city of Quito on the eve of an ad ver tis ed
p a r o . :- This paro was just four mont hs after a coup that
ousted the president of the Republic. Tensions were high and
the usual high level of suspicion that Highland Quichuas
exhibit was raised to a new level. The researcher was
pr iv i l e g e d to conduct an interview with the president of
FIERPI (Federation of Indigenous Evang el ic al s Resident in
Pichincha) on the day before a me e t i n g of the national
indigenous leaders. The meeti ng wo ul d decide whether or not
to pa ralyze the country. The FIERPI president thought it
would be an opportune time for the researcher to meet these
leaders and observe their interaction; of course, the
researcher agreed.
The researcher was given on l y the cross streets in the
old colonial section of the city as an address and was assured
that someone would find him and br in g him to the meeting.
Arrivi ng at the appointed hour and the correct location was
dif ficult due to the streets being crowded with indigenous
u Paro is the Spanish word for a strike. In Ecuador the

indigenous people often stage strikes by b ur ni ng tires in
roadways and cutting trenches across the country's major
arteries, which effectively shuts the country down until the
go vernment hears their concerns. Strikes have grown in
frequency and severity in recent years. The pres id en t of the
country was forced out in a coup staged by Ecuador's
indigenous population in January 2000.
115
people fuming about their economic and political concerns and
anticipating the next day's paro. The researcher was seen as
an outsider and was made to feel very un welcome in the
te nsi on- fi ll ed crowd by their angry, suspicious stares.
Suddenly and without a word, two Highland Qui ch ua m e n gently
but firmly guided him into one of the ce nt ur ie s- ol d colonial
buildings.
The men guided him to a stairway, across a w a l kw ay to
another building, desc end ed down another stairway, and finally
to a courtyard. Being left in the courtyard with a small
gathering of Quichua men, the researcher was regarde d as one
would a prisoner, not with fear but with ten tative curiosity.
After several minutes had passed, the president of FIERPI
appeared and introduced him to the others. The atmosphere
changed immediately to one of celebration and acceptance. The
researcher was welcomed and treated with the greatest respect.
The encounter resulted in a focus group in terview with thirty-
five of the most powerful indigenous leaders in the country.
This encounter would never have occurred or r es ul te d in a
successful interview without the relationship that op ene d the
door to the group (See section on the value of relations hip s
in chapter 2). This focus group interview was very helpful in
dete rmi nin g their views at a community level.
116
Two issues may arise in focus group interviews that
should be ac kn ow le d ge d and addressed. One p r o b l e m that could
occur is wh e n a me mb er or members of a group put on a front to
go along wi th the majorit y due to peer pressure (Gall, Borg,
and Gall 1996). However, this pos si bi li ty was mi ni miz ed in
the current study as informants were not being quer ied about
opinions but rather cultural procedures. It was also
coun ter ed by the triangulation of focus group responses with
individual inte rvi ew responses; any anomalies woul d surface in
this process.
A second issue is the po ss ibi lit y that a group will
feel free to use insider terms unknown to the researcher
(Alasuutari 1995). Any confusion caused by these terms was
resolved wi th probing questions for cl ar ifi cat ion as they
arose. For instance, the men kept referring to FIERPI, ATECH,
and similar terms. The researcher had to pause and seek
c l a r i fi ca ti on on these. It was di sco ver ed that these are
terms re fe rri ng to associations of EPHQ people in various
parts of the country.
The questions were alike for all interviews. The
resea rch er uti li ze d a tape recorder, and tran scr ipt s were made
of the tap ed interviews. Al tho ugh Highlan d Qu ic hua people
from the campo and less modern areas are ea s i l y intimidated by
modern technology, they agreed to allow the use of the
117
recorder. After explaining that their information would be
very helpful and that it would be un fo rtunate to lose any of
what they would share, and worse to misrepresent the
i nformation that they w o u l d give, the recorder was seen as
welcome.
The interviews sought to identify areas of felt
personal need for training, types of training received thus
far, their preferred model for future training, models used by
parents or others for other types of training, and the
selection of leaders. In these questions and answers the
reality of the current situation arose from an emic
perspective, culturally acceptable models for training
emerged, and the preferred ma nner of selecting leaders became
evident.
The church leaders and pastors interviewed were men
from the central highlands of An de an Ecuador (cf. map of
Ecuador in Appendix D ) . This range of the country covers the
area from Otavalo in the north to Loja in the South. It
includes Highland Quichua leaders from a number of locations
in the Cordilleras that run throu gh Ecuador from top to
bottom. However, as the concentr ati on of EPHQ churches are in
Chimborazo, Tungurahua, and Co top axi provinces, the m a j o r i ty
of the informants were from these areas. These are also the
118
areas that have exp er ie nce d the greatest Highland Quichua
church growth.
Illustrative Case Stories
Case stories, case studies, and critical incidents
have been treated exte nsi vel y in research m e t h o do lo gy
literature (Patton 1990, Cre swell 1994, Gall, Borg, and Gall
1996, Creswell 1998). Case stories and more ex tensive case
studies are used by a nt hr op olo gis ts and eth nographers to paint
a fuller picture of the people or event being studied. Case
study can be a type of qu al it at iv e research design in itself.
As this study is gro un de d theory research that depends
pr im ari ly on non -au antitative surveys and interview
methodologies, only ill ustrative case stories are utilized;
these are sometimes referred to as critical incidents.
Illustrative case stories are less involved than case studies
and are helpful for bri nging facts to life. Used in this
sense, case stories are illustrative and serve to provide
actual examples of the phenomenon.
Gall, Borg, and Gall state that there are several
reasons for using a case story: to understand a pheno me non
better by considering a spe cific instance of it, to con sid er a
p hen ome non in its natural context, and to consider the emic
pe rs pec tiv e of cultural parti cip ant s (Gall, Borg, and Gall
1996) . Additionally, they conclude, "Researchers g e n e r a l l y do
119
case studies for one of three purposes: to produce d et ai le d
descriptions of a phenomenon, to develop possible explanations
of it, or to evaluate a phenomenon" ( (Gall, Borg, and Gall
1996, 549). Smaller and less detailed illustrative cases are
used herein for these same purposes.
The researcher has included pertinent, representative
examples from the interviewed leaders and mi ss i o n a r y trainers
to add ill ust ratively to the dissertation. The se le cti on of a
single situation that illustrates a truth or tests a th eor y is
referred to by John Creswell as a critical incident or
critical case theory (Creswell 1998). Occ ur re nc es of
critical incident are found in chapter 2 in the section
regarding the synchronic view of the EPHQ ch urch and in
chapter 4 in the section describing the existing training
programs and in seme of the interview responses.
Some examples of illustrative case stories are
descriptions of the process of obtaining interviews, actual
field experiences that illustrate cultural themes, and the
de sc riptions of seven training programs in the EPHQ work. The
relati ve ly small co mmunity of mi ss ionaries and EPHQ leaders
curr en tl y working in this field of study in Ecuador coupled
with the prime directive to protect their p r i v a c y precludes
case stories about them. It woul d be impossible to all ow
their responses and personal experiences to remain anonymous.
120
Role of the Researcher
The role of the researcher was "participant o b s e r v e r , "
acc ording to the description of James P. Spradley.
The participant observer comes to a social situation with

two purposes: (1) to engage in activities app ropriate to
the situation and (2) to observe the activities, people,
and physical aspects of the situation. (Spradley 1S80, 54)
The researcher had to involve himself in social
activities to develop trust and relationships for the
interviews to have success. Wors hi p services, church and home
fellowships, and office meetings are all social activities in
Highlan d Quichua culture; not to par ti ci pa te would be highly
suspect and offensive. Therefore, the researcher had ample
op po rt uni ty to enter into the flow of daily relationships ar.d
est ablish a friendly basis for trustful interviews.
The researcher made notes relating to the physical
setting of the interview, the persons present, the cordial
ho s pi ta li ty or lack thereof, and similar matters. However, so
as not to be obtrusive and arouse suspicion, these notes were
recorded in private immediately following the interview. The
role of the interviewer was crucial in the success of this
data c o ll ec ti on tool in Andean Ecuador among the Highland
Quichuas.
As was established in the section on the value of
relation sh ip s in chapter 2, there is little hope for success
in matters of honest personal interaction if a personal
121
relat io nsh ip has not been well established. The researcher
was able to draw upon relationships among Highland Quichuas
that had been developing for eight years. These relationships
all ow ed for even more relationships to be made. A longtime
friend served as an advocate and "entrance" into'a new
re lat io ns hi p or community. Anita Krainer reports that she was
unable to gain heartfelt trust among the Chibuleo Highland
Quichuas in her school teaching among them because she did not
have this level of relationship (Krainer 1996). This raises
concern regarding the role of the researcher and a caveat for
similar studies when this relational foundation does not
exist.
Krainer quotes from an interview with Maria Mercedes
Co tacachi of the Research Center for Social Movements of
Ecuador (CECIME; as she explains what the researcher sees as
one cf the bases of the recommended caveat.
The foreign researchers come to the indigenous

communities, they deceive us, they take information from
us for their personal careers and they never return; they
forget us. Because of that, we have begun to give them
false information; books written by foreigners and
pu bl is he d abroad are filled with incorrect, falsified
information. There needs to be a new kind of research;
"what is this research for?" "Whom does it serve?" this is
the mos t important. The indigenous people want to have
the results, the benefit of this research made for their
account, and not just be used as the object of a research
in ve st ig a t i o n . 14 (Krainer 1996, 7)
'^Translation from the original in Spanish.
122
Chapt er 2 of this study outlines other exampl es of
mi sin fo rm at io n when there is no established relationship. The
researcher has wit nessed the damage caused when researchers
have used the Highland Qui ch uas as described above. For this
reason, following the exampl e and challenge of Anita Krainer,
the researcher will tran sla te this disse rta tio n into Spanish
to also be published in Ecuador. In this way the research
will be available for the m a x i m u m benefit of those wh o m it
seeks to help.
Data Col le ct io n Procedures
The data collection procedures used in this research
were informal surveys with mis sionaries who are cu rr ent ly
working with EPHQ churches and pastors, interviews with
Highland Quichua leaders, correspondence, and a review of the
precedent literature. There were surveys cond uc ted with over
thirty key Highland Quichua leaders in order to de te rmi ne emic
answers to the grand tour questions and the sub-questions.
Most of the leaders were men and EPHQs, alt hough interviews
were also conducted with leaders who were Roman Ca tholic
Highland Quichua men and women. In addition to the individual
interviews, there was one focus group interview c o n d uc te d with
thirty-five key EPHQ leaders. These leaders r e p re se nt ed the
large Highland Quichua po pul ati on that has m i g r a t e d to the
province in which the capital city, Quito, is located.
123
The research was conducted in the Quito area as well
as throughout the central Andean region of Ecuador. Travel
throughout the country was by bus and four-wheel- dri ve
vehicle. The researcher found that his dependence upon the
hospitality of the EPHQ churches and pastors in the weeks
spent traveling ac tua ll y enhanced the data collection. The
warm reception and fellowship shared in small H ig hl an d Quichua
homes and humble church buildings e nd ear ed the participants
and researcher to one another. This intercha nge yielded a
deeper level of revelation and honest assessment than the
researcher wi tn es se d in more structured formal settings.
The interviews were recorded using a mic ro- ca ss et te
recorder and six ty-minute tapes. At the end of each day's
interviewing, the recordings were transcribed into documents
using WordPerfect 9 and saved to floppy diskettes. The
interviews were not transcribed verbati m or in their entirety.
Instead, only the pertinent aspects of the responses were
transcribed. The sections of their responses that were
repetitive or did not pertain directly to the que st io n posited
or the cultural ph eno men on being di scussed were omitted.
However, the tapes with the original interviews have been
preserved in their entire ty as part of the research data.
124
Processing the Data
The methods for p ro ces si ng the data all included the
constant search for themes that emerged from the data
collected. Current trai ning method ol ogi es and foundational
paradigms have been examined as miss io nar ies reported them.
These ex isting programs have been scoured for common themes
that showed a pattern, such as students dropping out of
programs that are toe challenging acad em ic al ly or missionaries
saying that classes conducted in Quichua are always well
attended.
Data Analysis Procedures
The next step was to analyze these pastoral training
models and methodologies. While ail of the training models
currently being used show partial success in varying degrees,
the researcher looked for co rr elations relative to
inefficiencies, perennial low registration, and drop-outs in
the mi ss io n a r y - r u n training programs. A domain analysis was
co nducted in each situation as information was gathered.
Survey responses were coded. As the yielded data began to
take shape, the preliminary coding was followed up with a
second order coding, which looked for relationships betwe en
codes. The coding was also ex te n d ed to attributes and node
125
coding. The researcher used the N-Vivo 1.1 software progr am
to manage data and coding.
This same type of analysis was used on the emergent
themes from the interviews. These interviews looked for
traditional Highland Quichua methods for selection of
leadership. The yielded data was ar ranged into a domain
analysis and coded in the same man ne r as the survey coding.
This has served to inform a theory relative to c ul tur al ly
accepta ble leadership selection processes that are pr eferred
by Highland Quichuas.
The next step was to pe rf or m this same type of domain
analysis and coding of the information that was yielded by the
interviews regarding traditional cultural models for training.
This coding was followed up with a deeper level coding that
looked for a relationship be twe en codes and common themes that
suggested a pattern of responses to specific inquiries.
Tri an gu la ti on for Ve rif ica tio n
The data yielded by the b ac kg ro un d survey, the grand
tour research questions with their sub-questions, and the
information gained through a review of the precedent
literature comprise a form of triangulation, since they all
converge to yield a theory that points to a common conclusion.
The researcher sees that these different approaches to the
research concern reveal a theory that is firmly gro und ed in
126
the research data. This theory informs an ef fective pastoral
training model for use among the Highland Quichuas of Andean
Ecuador.
In this research design, the literature review
actuall y became part of the gathere d research data and a
me th od for processing the data. The theory that emerged from
field research should find echoes in the pre cedent literature.
While no one has written specif ic al ly on traditional
leadership systems and the aural training methods of the
Highland Qu ich ua s of Ecuador to ground a th eory regarding
pastoral training, the body of pertinent pre cedent literature
shows aspects of other studies and observations that resonate
with the theory. Many have written on aural cultures,
literacy in education, intercultural education, the Highland
Quichua history and culture in Ecuador, and pastoral training
models. Principles seen in these treatments concur with the
theory that has emerged. Findings in the pre cedent literature
that are con tr ar y to the emergent theory are noted and
incorporated into the final result of the research.
In this study the researcher has e s t a b l i s he d a three-
legged stool of data gathered. The first leg is the
b ac kg ro un d data gathered by participant ob s e r v a t io n and
informal surveys with other missionaries who are cur rently
working, or have recently worked, with EPHQ churches and
127
pastoral traini ng efforts. The second leg is the data
pri marily ga th er e d from the field interviews con du ct ed in
Ecuador be tw een May and November of 2 0 0 C . The third leg is
the precedent literature that deals with pastor al training in
the maj or it y worl d and the interface of intercultural
education in Ecuador, Spa nish-Highland Quichua bilingual
education, pastoral training in pr el ite rat e cultures,
theological edu cation by extension, biblica l models of
training Ch ri sti an leaders, and the pastoral training efforts
among the EPHQ in Ecuador.
The data gathered from all these methods are pre sented
in the findings in chapter 4. The theory that emerges from
them and with which they all concur is pr es en te d in the
conclusions and recommendations in chapter 5. Therefore, the
primary research design of this study is gro un de d theory and
warrants brief consideration.
Grounded Theory's Unique Approac h
Grounde d theory is an inductive research design that
seeks to obtain the pertinent data through a variety of
methods and then analyze the data noticing the emergent
themes. Strauss and Corbin explain grounde d theory in "Basics
of Qual ita tiv e Research: Techniques and Procedures for
De veloping Gro un de d Theory", as research that "does not begin
. . . with a pr eco nce ive d theory in mi n d . . . . Rather the
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128
rese ar c he r begins with an area of study and allows the theory
to emer ge from the data" (Strauss and Corbin 1998, 12).
Cr esw ell gives his definition:
The intent of a ground ed theory study is to generate or

di sc o v e r a theory, an abstract analytical schema of a
phenomenon, that relates to a parti cu lar situation. This
situation is one in which individuals interact, take
actions, or engage in a process in response to a
phenomenon. (Creswell 1998, 55-56)
Grounded theory seeks to complete the field
research, code the data, and analyze them critically in order
to notice the emergent theory. This theory is then ob se rv ed
as it appears in the prec ed en t literature. This approa ch
makes gr ounded theory the exce pt ion in the popular placement
of a review of literature. The ma jo r i t y of qualita ti ve and
qu ant ita tiv e designs place the thorough review of the
literature in the beginning, speci fi ca ll y in chapter 2 of the
dissertation.
While this study has a fairly extensive review of
prec ed en t literature in chapte r 2, it is limited to the
aspects of the culture, history, recent crises, and religious
realities in the country ne c e s sa ry to present a synchronic
view of the EPHQ church in Ecuado r today. Grounded theory
incorporates the review of the prece den t literature pe rtinent
to the grand tour question and sub-questions in the findings
chapter as a means of triangulation. The gr ounded theory
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129
research design follows this procedure in order to reduce the
influence of previous findings upon the researcher.
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CHAPT ER 4
FINDINGS
Current State of the EPHQ Ch urc h Relative

to Trained Le adership
Reasons for an Untrained EPHQ Leade rs hip
There are two cities of over a mi ll i o n people in
Ecuador; Quit o is in the mountains and Gua yaquil is on the
coast. In Quito there are eight theological seminaries and in
Guayaquil there are eighteen. Additionally, there is a
seminary in Esmeraldas, a small city on the on the northern
coast, and three in Milagro, which is a forty-minute drive
inland from Guayaquil. In addition to these, there are scores
of Bible institutes in the mestizo churches.
A few of these seminaries provide dor mitories for
their students, and students in the other seminaries must find
their own lodging. Some are traditional theological
seminaries; the others are smaller ch ur ch -b as ed operations
that seek to meet local leadership needs and have only a few
students. Ma ny outsiders would consider most of these
"seminaries" to be simpl y church d is cip le shi p programs.
130
131
These seminaries cater to the m e s t i z o population.
Therefore, they are not the focus of this study, nor are they
viable options for meeting the need for train ed leaders among
the Hi gh la nd Quichuas. They are m e n t i o n e d in order to
establish the fact that options do exist for those who have
the desire and abili ty to attend. These training programs
operate on a Weste rn model and require cl a s s r o o m instruction,
outside reading and reflection, res earch papers, theses, and
time to a d e q u a t e l y fulfill all of these expectations. The
professors are missionaries, pastors, or others who are
educated beyo nd the level that they teach.
The Highland Quichua pastors grew up speaking Quichua.
Many are bilingual to a degree and ma y be functionally
literate, but not to a theological educ at io n level, sc their
pastoral training needs are not met by these seminaries.
Caleb Lucien states in a Th.M. thesis his belief that without
literacy in a m aj or language the church in the ma jo r i t y world
will never be able to grow to its full po tential (Lucien
1989). Certainly, the ultimate goal of any EPHQ pastoral
training p r o g r a m should include literate and bilingual EPHQ
pastors. However, the pastoral training p r o g r a m should not be
delayed until the men are literate and bilingual. It should
begin with them where they are.
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132
Additionally, these pastors in the campo are men from
an ag ri cultural society. The fact that they are subsistence
farmers in the traditional communi ti es implies several things
at least. First, their work skills are based in agriculture.
They do not have the urban job skills ne cessary for obtaining
work to survive in the city.
Second, being subsistence farmers means that their
families need their co ntinued presen ce so that they can eat.
Their daily work is essential for pr oviding regularly for the
family. The presence of the Hi gh la nd Quichua head of family
in the home is necessary to their economic and nutritional
welfare.
Third, the Highland Cuich ua pastor's subsistence
farming also implies that the EPHQ pastor is cash poor; that
is, the family ma y have food as they need it but not m on ey in
the bank. This precludes, therefore, paying matriculation,
tuition, month ly living expenses in the city, and pr oviding
for the famiiy--whether they m ov ed with him to the city or
remained on the farm.
These very factors that keep the EPHQ men from
at t en di ng traditional seminaries also present a reason why
they w o u l d not be accepted into pr ev i o u s l y ment io ned
seminaries. Highland Quichua boys grow up in an ag ri cultural
environ me nt where farming skills are taught by doing and whe re
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133
every hand is needed. The boys must work with their fathers
and communities to learn the farming skills that are essential
to life. One of the three commandments of the Highland
Quichua culture is "do not be lazy"; not working is shameful.
Some bovs do go to school but this goes against the cultural
grain. Not all of the communities justify schooling as a
me tho d to empower the com mu nit y in the dominant culture.
As a result, m an y of the Highland Quichua men are
monolingual in Quichua and remain preliterate. Those who are
bilingual and fun ctionally literate are usually still poor
readers. There is little emphasis placed upon ed uc ati on in
the campo. To work is life and honor.
Another finding regarding the current state of the
EPHQ church grows out of a recent missiolcgical strategy. As
the AD 2000 mark drew near, ma ny mission agencies and their
missionaries pushed to reach the world's "u n r e a c h e d . " 1- This
emphasis in countries that are considered " r e a c h e d " 16 led
missionaries to seek out pockets of unreached and lesser
l5"An e t h no li ng uis ti c people among whom there is no viable

indigenous community of believing Christians wi th adequate
numbers and resources to evangelize their own people without
outside (cross-cultural) assistance. Other researchers have
adopted the terms 'hidden people' or 'frontier pe ople group'"
(Johnstone 1998, 655).
I6"A term that is w id ely used today to describe pe ople

groups and areas that have . . . responded to the p r e a c h i n g of
the gospel" (Johnstone 1998, 654).
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134
reached p e op l e groups. This push result ed in new Christians
and fledgling churches in these pockets.
The leadership va c uu m that exists now in these groups
is a logical one. The pr im ar y reason that these people were
un r ea ch ed is that they were ma rg in al iz ed from the dominant
cultures; their mother tongue and culture were not the same.
They were u sua ll y the poor and dis en fr an ch is ed who had not
been able to assimilate into the dominant culture and,
therefore, were often the uneducated, illiterate, working
class also.
This has been true in Ecuador. The leadership vacuum
that has ex ist ed among the EPHQs in the campo has now extended
into the pockets of new churches among Highland Quichuas whc
have mi g r a t e d to the cities. Tens of thousands of Highland
Quichuas have gone there looking for a better life (Sills
1997'-. The y work selling lottery tickets, bearing burdens in
the market place, selling gum and candy, begging, etc. Many
of the cities' new poor live in squatter settlements. This
des perate condition may have served to make them more open to
the gospel. The church is growing among them in the cities as
well as in the campo (Maust 1992, Sills 1997).
As one would expect, the Hol y Spirit is calling out
leaders in these new churches (Ephesians 4:11,12). The
pr ob le m is that these pastors may have been called by the
135
Spirit to do the work of a pastor, but they lack the means to
be trained for such work.
In summary, the findings shew that the reasons for the
u nt rai ned EPHQ leadership is multifaceted. These me n are
often uneducated and preliterate. The study and reading
skills of the functionally lit erate pastors are often
inadequate for sati sfa ct ori ly fulfilling the requirements of a
theological seminary. Of the thirty -tw o individual interviews
co nd uct ed for this study, only o n e -t hi rd of the in te rviewees
had graduated from high school.
The traditional H i gh la nd Quichua aural culture is not
conducive to classroom education. Their farming is daily work
that is essential for survival. They have no urban w o r kp la ce
skills, nor do they tr ad i t i o n a ll y use classroom teaching
methods.
The EPHQ L e ad er sh ip Needs
The awakening that took place among the Highland
Qu ichuas in And ea n Ecuador in the 1960s continues, though it
ebbs and flows. The church is g r owi ng and new leadership is
co nst ant ly needed. There is no debate among scholars,
missionaries, or the Highla nd Qu ic h u as about that. What is
uncerta in could be the subject of other d i s s e r t a t i o n s — that
is, the numbers and statistics of the EPHQ church in Ecuador.
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136
Vir tually every source gave different figures for the
n umber of EPHQ churches and EPHQ pastors, how m a n y had been
trained, and how many were actually serving churches. Most
admitt ed that they had not kept hard data re garding their
training programs and graduates.
The El Comercio newspaper places the number of EPHQ
churches at two thousand and the percentage of indigenous
people that say they are Evangelical Protestant at 62%.
However, the majori ty view among the interviewees and
miss ionaries was closer to twenty-five hundred churches, and
no informant would accept such a high percentage of
Evangelical Protestant Christians among the Highla nd Quichuas.
Most interviewed stated that the vast majority of EPHQ
churches did not have p a s t o r s . Of the men who were pas toring
churches, only 15% to 20% had the training of even a few two-
week institutes.
This was not unexpected. A 1995 survey taken among
one of the largest deno min ati ons in the country found some
startling statistics among their mestizo churches. T h e y found
that after almost half a centu ry of work, they still o nl y had
one church for every 78,000 Ecuadorians. They further found
that over half of their churches did not have pastors, and
among their pastors, only 17% had received theological and
137
pastoral education. -1 This being the case with the mestizo
churches that boast over two dozen seminaries in the country,
it is a logical conclusion that the EPHQ churches would have
the leadership crisis that they suffer. However, there are
some anomalies that should be mentioned: pastors, a local
church, and an EPHQ seminary training program.
Since Ecuador has a migrant Highland Quic hua
population and race is largely self-determined, there are a
number of indigenous people who find themselves somewhere on
the co nt inu um other than in the traditional Highlan d Quichua
community. Through the years Highland Quichua families have
migrate d to Quito or Guayaquil and settled there. Some men
work as carpenters or gardeners. Their children are often
considered ni chicha ni limonada, that is, "neither chicha nor
lemonade." They are in between the two and often move toward
the mestizo world. Several pastors fit in this category in
the Quito area. They have not only gone to high school, some
have finished seminary, and at least one has finish ed college
as well. However, they admit that their situation is unlike
the vast majority.
17Survey con ducted by the International M i ss io n Board of

the Southe rn Baptist Convention among missionaries, national
pastors, and Baptist churches. Unp ublished report of survey
and results in the possession of the researcher.
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138
Their churches are also ni chicha ni l i m o n a d a . In
fact, the pa stor in the previous paragraph stated that he has
hopes of bringi ng in some EPHQ mus ic teams to teach his people
to sing in Quichua. This is an indication of how far from the
culture they have gene. The children of these church members
attend me st izo public schools and move freely in the dominant
culture. Therefore, this "anomaly" is included in order not
to overlook any possible exceptions, but with these aspects
being so, it is not a true anomaly.
The Highland Quichua migrants to the city of Quito
tend to live in the old colonial section of the city. This
area became the inner city decades ago, and an economic
det eri ora tio n began. The inevitable processes were set in
morion that cause the wealthier, upper classes to leave the
cider buildings and move to the growing fringes cf the city.
In 1989, an Evangelical Protestant church and seminary joined
forces in Quito to launch an EPHQ training center in this
area. It became a functioning Bible institute for EPHQs in
1989 and has so operated since that time.
In 1999 the EPHQ men in charge cf the training center
decided to launch an EPHQ seminary that would allow EPHQ
students to go to a higher level. However, cu rrently the
school lacks adequate funds, space, library books, and
educate d professors to make this step a reality. While seme
139
of the instruct ion is in Quichua, the EPHQs' p r o b l e m is not
solved. There are tuition costs involved, no dormitory, and
it is located in the heart of the city. Therefore, while this
step is admi ra bl e and applauded, it nevertheless fails to
address the major reasons for meetin g the leadership need and
excludes almost as m a n y EPHQs as the m e st iz o seminaries.
Exis ti ng EPHQ Traini ng Programs
EPHQ Training Program A
An EPHQ training pr o g r am exists in Ricbamba, the
capital city cf the province of C hi mb or az o with 70,000
inhabitants. Chimbor azo province is heavil y po pu lat ed by
Highland Quichuas and is arguably the most Hi gh lan d Quichua
province ir. the country. Therefore, the training cen te r is
strat eg ica ll y located. It gr aduated its first g r a d u a t i n g
class of fourteen students in 1999.
The Bible institute is run by a North Am er ic an
mi ss i o n a r y and a team made up of both m e st iz o and EPHQ
leaders. The p r o g r a m offers instruction to about forty-five
students from five provinces. The pr ogr am is ma in l y for
denominat ion al training and requires three years of study. A
fourth year is required to be licensed to serve a church.
140
EPHQ Training Progr am B
EPHQ training p ro g r a m B-operates in the northern
province cf Imbabura. This province is home to many of the
Ocavalc Highland Quichuas. They have become famous around the
world for their beautiful textiles and tapestries. A mo ng the
Highland Quichuas of Ecuador, the Otavalo clans are admired
for at least two reasons. First, they have played the "white
man" at his own game and have won. A number of them have
become financially secure and drive their own four-wh ee l- dr ive
vehicles and live in nice homes.
Second, they have ma na ge d to retain their cultural
identity in the process. Ab and oni ng one's culture and customs
for personal gain is a shameful practice among the traditional
Highland Quichuas. The Otaval o clans still wear their
traditional costumes, speak Quichua (although many are
fluently bilingual and college e d u c a t e d ) , and live in their
traditional region instead of moving to the city. In addition
to the Otavalo Hi gh la nd Quich ua people of this area, there are
ether Highland Q ui ch ua groups that have not fared as well.
The EPHQ training p ro gra m B is another d e n o m i n a t i on al
program. It is s tr uc tu re d much more loosely and targets the
EPHQs in that area who have not become educated. In this
progr am there are on e- w e e k institutes three or four times per
year. Additionally, the m i s s i o n a r y who runs the p r o g r a m
141
gathers the students together one Saturday per mon th for an
intensive time. Although the instruction is in Spanish, the
m is si on ar y wi sel y works closely with the EPHQ pastor to
consult with him regarding cultural matters.
EPHQ Trainin g Program C
EPHQ training program C also works in the Otavalo area
but is much more developed and structured. Some missionaries
who have labored hard for many years, and have eventually seen
great fruit of their efforts, have been a part of this
training program. This area saw new Ch ristian growth as a
result of using Evangelism Explosion, the evange lis m
witnes sin g progr am developed by Dr. D. James Kennedy of Coral
Ridge Presbyterian Church.
In the early 1970s, missionaries began to train
leaders. After examinin g some of the other training programs
in place around the country, a pr og ram for EPHQ men was begun
that utilize d ma ny of their ideas. An institute began to meet
for one week every quarter, in January, March, July, and
September, for the EPHQ men. The subject ma tte r of the
courses offered is tailored to the felt needs of the students
rather than being a systematic pro gr am of study. A similar
pr og ra m for the women meets two times per year for one week.
The training pr og ram lasts for six years. While this may seem
to be a pr otr act ed period of time, it must be kept in mind
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that the courses are one week each and only four times per
year.
When the men are called to be pastors, they are
e lig ibl e for a two-year ordination p r o g r a m that further
prepare s them, specifically for the pastoral ministry. A
unique aspect of this training pr og ram is that there is also
traini ng ava ila bl e after completion of the program. Once the
men have g r a du at ed and are in the ministry, there is a
con ti nu in g educ ati on program that they are encouraged to take.
The continuing education element has not been as
success ful because many of the men feel that they have
finished their ministerial training and do not need mere. The
missionary in charge of the p r o gr am feels that part of this
m a y stem from the awarding of diplomas upon graduation, which
seems to put closure to the ed ucation process in the minds of
the pastors.
This denomination, which ente re d Ecuador at the end of
the n i n e t e e n t h century, has two other Bible institutes. In
C h i m b o r a z o province, there is an institute that meets twice a
year for ten days each. Out in the eastern jungle, they
oper at e an institute that meets for an entire month just once
per y e a r — due to the high cost of jungle river travel for the
nationals. This jungle institute, of course, does not trai n
EPHQs but is m en ti o ne d to show the emphasis that this
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de no mi n a t i o n places upon traini ng indigenous people in more
cu lt ur e- fr ie ndl y methods.
EPHQ Train ing Program D
The EPHQ training p r o c r a m D is operated by a campus
m i n i s t r y as an outreach for their members. This is a sporadic
effort that has sought to provide some leadership for the EPHQ
churches in a sector that is a hi ghly concentrated Highla nd
Quichua area. This training p r o g r a m has used the Jesus film
in Quichua, in addition to leadership training. The training
p r o gr am continues there one week per quarter.
This training p r o g r a m has taken a unique a pp ro ac h to
training leaders. They counsel the leaders and help them to
counsel others. One of the leaders in this ministr y told the
researcher about co unseling with the Highland Quichua women.
She has even written a tract that was translated into Highland
Quichua for the women.
She shared that she has learned many things w h i c h have
led her to take this appro ac h in training the leaders. She
gave an example of what the EPHQ leaders encounter:
The godfather is the one whom the Highland Quichua woman

of the house calls to beat her husband when he gets drunk
and abuses her. The Hi ghl and Quichua men get drun k and
all but pass out in their homes. While they are drunk,
their neighbors come and take advantage of their wives and
have sex with them. The hus ba nd sees but he is so drunk
he cannot do anything about it. When he gets sober
enough, he beats his wife, not the neighbor, for the
sexual encounter. (S4, pa ra gra ph 2}
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She also related the difficulties that are con comitant
with the vast exodus of the men from the traditional villages
to the cities for w o r k — or to the United States or Spain. The
women are having to do the work the men t r a d it io na ll y did due
to their absence. Therefore, the culture is changing, and she
feels they need help in the process. The leader told of the
great loneliness and pain felt by these women. The head of
this m in is tr y encoura ged the researcher in this effort and
invited him to "come and do what is in your heart becau se the
need is very great among the Highland Quichuas."
E PHQ T raining Program E
EPHQ training p r o g r a m E is run by EPHQ men who were
trained by North American missionaries years age. They
operate a Eibie institute and are seeking to begin a seminary
in the heart of the old colonial city. The Bible institute
began in 1989 and is located just a few blocks from the
massive Catholic Cathedral next to the plaza in the center of
the town. The Bible institute is located in the bu ild ing of
the first Evangelical Protestant church in the capital city.
The mestizo church, which began in 1927, mov ed cut in 1980,
and the building was d o n at ed to the EPHQ ministry.
The EPHQ leaders who operate the institute are a par t
of FIERPI (the Federation of Indigenous Evangelical Residents
cf Pichincha), which is the association cf the indigenous
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Evangelical Protestants who have migrat ed to the province of
the capital city. The EPHQ church that meets there is one of
the largest in the country. Between three and four hundred
migrant EPHQs, primarily from Chimborazo and Cotopaxi
provinces, meet there each Sunday.
The Bible institute is in its eleventh year of night
classes. The basic program of the institute lasts for four
years. They have graduated twenty-nine students and all are
involved in the ministry. They also started an EPHQ seminary
in the church in October 2000.
They want to have three years of basic seminary
courses and then a year of specialization in Pastoral
Ministry, Christian Education, or Missions and Evangelism.
The student who graduates from the Institute and desires to
continue with the seminary program can be granted advanced
standing so as to simply complete any courses that he lacks.
Althou gh the Bible institute has a very nice library-
stocked with some two hundred books (both reference books and
Christian living), they stated a need for books to expand this
good beginning. The students use these books regularly and
they do not "collect dust." They also stated a need for
textbooks for the students.
The students must p a y tuition of $12.60 per trimester;
that is $4.20 per month. The leaders feel that this amount
146
will also cover the cost of one new book per student each
trimester. The leaders conf es sed that they need further
edu ca ti on themselves ia order to be able to *lead .the seminary
wisely.
These EPHQ leaders also have a desire to start a
Highlan d Quichua university for those who wish to get their
bachelor's degree. Plans include even a master's degree in
the future. They also hope ev en t u a l l y to have a do rm for
students who would attend from other provinces.
The plans extend to tearing down the old colonial
structure, and the leaders have alre ad y procu re d arch ite ctu r a l
plans for a three-story facility. This new building would
house the church, the parsonage, the institute, and the
seminary. Th ey also feel that there will be space for a dor m
for the students who come from around the country. The church
has a goal of one thousand members by 2006 and wants to
complete co ns truction of their facility by then as well.
Of course, the reality of the situation is that they
have very few funds and Ecuador is in a crashing economy; as
has already been described. The members of the church are the
poorest of the city's poor. It wo u l d take ma ny hundreds of
thousands of dollars to bring the dr e am to pass. This does
not dimin is h one encouraging aspect; the EPHQ leaders see the
need and have bold dreams. The sad truth is that no one knows
147
where they could get the m o n e y for construction, an adequate
library, desks, and ope rating capital, nor who the professors
could be. Still, they have a dr e a m based on a felt need and
"necessity is the mo ther of invention."
EPHQ Trainin g Program F
EPHQ training p ro gra m F is a non-resident EPHQ
training program. It is o pe ra te d by a North A m e r i c a n missions
effort made up of pastors and d e di ca ted lay leaders as the
professors. The basic pr o g r a m includes six courses that all
have the training of indigenous leadership as their goal.
The program recruits and provides or ie ntation for
North A me ri ca n pastors who agree to spend two weeks on the
target miss io n field. The pastors are assigned one of the
courses such as Church Planting, Spiritual Formation,
Spiritual Leadership, Biblical Hermeneutics, Biblical
Homiletics, or Ev an g e li sm to teach. The emphasis is on
training men who will be be tt er church planters. In addition,
there are qu arterly seminars that focus upon special interest
issues and the felt needs of the participants.
Althoug h the instructors are brought in from the US,
the p r o g r a m is built ar o und a local EPHQ pastor who has a
proven track record of church planting. The p r o g r a m also
utilizes an Evangelical Protestant mi ss i o n a r y who lives in
Ecuador and can translate, provide transportation, and handle
148
any other logistical matters that may be necessary. The
students are gat he re d by the local EPHQ pa stor who has total
control over who may- attend.
EPHQ Training Program G
EPHQ traini ng p r o gr am G is the oldest and most
established EPHQ training p r og ra m in the country. It was
begun by the m iss io nar ie s who were working with the Highland
Quichuas when the awakening started among them. It was in
their work that the first three EPHQ beli eve rs were baptized
in 1955. Among their numbers in Chimborazo provin ce today,
there are 130 Highla nd Quichua pastors in 500 churches.
This EPHQ -work still has many courses taught in
Spanish, but Quichua is utilized as well. In addition to the
training center, there is a strong asso cia tio n of like-minded
pastors in the province. There have been tensions among the
EPHQ pasters and churches in the province over de no minati onal
ties. Therefore, the leaders of this work say that an
int erd en ominational work would be great. However, the EPHQ
leaders would have to be re cruited to support it. Otherwise,
they would d isc ou rag e others from p a rt ici pat in g in it.
A unique approach has be en used by some of the leaders
of the Bible institute for a new leadership training program.
Five years ago the EPHQ leaders came and asked for training.
The missi on ar ie s who direct the institute selected leaders to
149
attend because of the pride and jealousy factor. They
determi ned that they could use this to their advantage to
increase attendance. When open invitations had been given in
the past, the pastors who did not want to attend or did not
have the mo ney to attend bel it tle d the course to the others.
Thus they destr oye d the attendance.
The new leadersh ip courses meet for four hours on
Tuesdays. There are forty-eight courses in the program.
These leaders now have twenty institutes around the country.
The mi ss ion ar ies do most of the initial teaching. Later, they
get the students t.o continue the program. They have around
five hundred students involved at various levels of
instruction and commitment. The p r og ra m duration is three
years.
In another program, they have forty to fifty pastors
in a satellite training center that cu rrently uses Spanish
instruction. These students are not passing seminary level
courses. Current research is un de r w a y to determine the
reason. Initial speculation suspects the use of Spanish for
the instruction.
Cor re sp on de nc e on EPHQ Le adership
In addition to the excellent backgr ou nd information
given by the missionaries in volved with EPHQ training
programs, two experienced professors offered their insights
150
through correspondence. One is Ecuadorian and is still
involved as a professor in this type of training. The other
is a North A me ri can m is sio na ry who has many years of
experie nc e in the Highland Quichua culture and the EPHQ
traini ng efforts.
The Ecuadorian pro fe sso r offers insightful
observations. . He says that within the Highland Quichua
environment, there exist m an y Bible institutes. These Bible
institutes are training ma ny EPHQ young people for the Lord's
service. However, even though these institutes give a good
beg inn ing level training, they do not approach the level of
seminary.
As was noticed with the great dreams of one EPHQ Bibie
institute, he also notes that the EPHQ .leaders possess great
dreams but they need some trained people to help them realize
them. This may be through biblical instruction, leading them
to co rr ect ly interpret the Scriptures, helping them to preach
well, etc. He states that m an y other EPHQ leaders see m to
have lost the vision of God since they are beginning to
involve themselves in politics. He further notes that they
are doing so without knowing anything about politics.
In addition, the Highlan d Quichua people are b e g i nn in g
to feel the effects of globalization. He notes that m a n y of
the young Highlan d Quichuas no longer speak Quichua, but
151
Spanish. This is influencing the admin is tra ti on and
leadership of the EPHQ church. The traditional skills are not
as res pe ct ed as newer ones. The changes in the culture, as
well as the time-honored, m o n o l i t h i c ones that never seem to
change, must be taken into account for an ef fective training
program. •
The missio na ry professor, now serving in another
country, had many insights re garding the current state of EPHQ
training as well. He notes some of the reasons that the
mis sio na ri e s have not been mo re involved in training the
needed leaders for the EPHQ church. He states that the
miss ion agencies and their support ing churches have pl aced
greater emphasis on urban m in is tr ie s and church planting.
Many training programs have found key personnel re ass ign ed to
reflect that shift in priorities.
The mission agencies and their supporters still see
the work among these folks as important but not as their first
priority. Oftentimes, the ag enc ies see work in the
"unreached" world as more a t tr a c t i v e to supporters and
r ecr uit in g efforts. Therefore, w or k in what has been
co nsi der ed a "reached" cou nt ry is not as urgent.
Additionally, national pastors and mi ss i o n a r i e s are
often reluctant to involve themse lve s in m i n is tr y among the
Hi ghl and Quichua people. This is -often due to the hars h
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environment of the campo, the language barrier that Quichua
poses, and the s u b st an da rd conditions in which they live, both
in the campo and in the inner city. In the campo, there is a
lack of medical care, isolation, meager educational
opportunities for children, and health hazards. Miss io na ri e s
are usually willi ng to teach a conc en tra ted wo rk sh op that
lasts a week or so but are unwilling to live among them. The
missio na ry pr of es so r candidly states,
The emphasis on unreached people groups tends co relegate

the task of theological education among the Quech ua
Indians to anyone who doesn't feel called to do "real"
(pioneer) m i s s i o n a r y work. If the church is a l re ad y
planted among a group of people, they believe that group
can ad eq u a t e l y train its own people. Some w o u l d go so far
as to say that worki ng in theological ed ucation among such
a group is poor stewardship. (Cl, paragraph 8)
The researcher e n c o u nt er ed similar experiences among a number
cf miss io na ri es involved, and not involved, with EPHQ
theological educ at io n and pastoral training.
Common Denominators in the EPHQ

Training Programs
Each of the traini ng programs seems to have grown out of
a deep love for the Hi ghland Quichua people and a desire to
see the church of Jesus Christ advanced among them. They
appear to have learned from and improved upon one anoth er
through the years. However, there are a number of common
denominators that can be seen in the existing programs.
153
First, an encouraging element that exists in each of
them is the strategy of training leaders through m e n t o r i n g . 15
Al th ou g h they each exhibited this idea, none seem to have
de ve l op ed it to the degree proposed by Michael Welt y in a
training prog ram for the Otavalo Highland Quichuas. Welty
explains and defends this met hodology in his master's thesis
for the Faculty of the G raduate School of Moody Bible
Institute. The thesis is entitled "A Formal Mentoring Program
for Quichua Indian Pastors of Imbabura, Ecuador" (Welty 1998).
Unfortunately, the programs that include the element
of me n t or in g only do so due to the personal minist ry styles cf
the missio nar ies involved. That is, mentoring is rarely built
intc the prog ram as an essential aspect of it; rather, it is
the current method by a particular missionary.
Another common denominator is the use of the
classroom. Ail cf the programs use some form of the clas sro om
lecture as the primary me thod of teaching. In some cases,
teachers ma y utilize discussion as a teaching method; however,
the cl as sr oo m dynamic remains a part of the process. The
cl as sr o om setting is not a traditional aspect of Highland
Quichua culture. The cl assroom teaching me thod means that
students come to the instructor in a center, an institute, a
ls“M e n t o r i n g — a form of teaching that includes walking

alongside the person you are teaching and inviting him or her
to learr. from ycur example" (Garrison 1999, 60) .
154
church, or some other location in order to learn in lecture
format from the teacher. The training programs are base d in a
location to which all must come who wish to be trained.
A recurring common den om ina to r that vi rt ual ly all of
the programs share is the sho rt -t er m workshop course duration.
This is proposed and ma in t a i n e d by many due to the fact that
the EPHQ men must work their farms and cannot come to a class
for longer periods of time. Additionally, the teachers
usually cannot commit longer periods of time to a w or ksh op
location. Therefore, while some of the training programs have
ongoing trimester-long classes, some have classes one night
per week, and others have classes on Saturdays. Most utilize
the short one-week or two-we ek workshops every four to six
months.
Yet another common denomin at or is the use of Spanish
for instruction. Only a few of the training programs offer
any courses in Quichua, but none offer entire programs
e xc lu siv ely in Quichua. The reasons given for this are the
lack of trained professors with sufficient Quichua, lack of
pri n t e d materials for textbooks in Quichua, and the mu lti ple
dialects that are used throug ho ut the country. The
mi ss ionaries admit that the most unsuccessful traini ng efforts
are those that use Spanish instead of Quichua. However, a
155
common frustration is the current absence of a su fficient
number of a c a d e m ic a ll y qual ifi ed EPHQ men to teach.
A final common den om ina tor offered, no m a t t e r which
form their training p r o g r a m has taken, is fr us tra tio n in their
efforts to train suffic ien t numbers of EPHQ past or s and
leaders for the ex ist ing churches. Only 20% of the existing
EPHQ churches have pastors, and the number of churc he s that
need to be p l a nt ed is overwhelming.
The p r e l i m i n a r y ba ck g r o u n d questions were help fu l in
e st ablishing the actual situation of the EPHQ ch urch in
Ecuador. The quest for answers to these questions was
par tially successful and par ti all y unfulfilled. Most of the
ministries wor kin g with the EPHQ training efforts have not
kept accurate records as to numbers nor done any s ys tem at ic
follow-up. The training programs also operate with great
flexibility so that a student may enroll, at tenc a few
classes, and then drop out of the program as pe rso nal needs
d i c t a t e — which is c u l t u r a l l y appropriate. The que st io ns and
their succinct su mma riz ed answers gleaned from this informal
survey are given in order.
How ma n y EPHQ churches have pascors and how m a n y lack
them? There are betwe en 2,000 and 2,500 churches. O n l y 15%
to 20% of the churches have pastors.
156
Which m is sio n agencies are cu rrently ma k i n g an effort
to train leaders among this people group? The A s s e m b l y of
God, Campus Crusade, Christian and M is si on ar y Alliance, Church
of God, Gospel Mis si on ar y Union, Nazarene, Southe rn Baptists,
El Tejar Quichua Allian ce Church, and HCJB are the primary
ministries working in this area.
How many indigenous pastors are being trained for the
ministry? The number of students varies. At any given time,
there are about 200-300 in some form of training.
How are men selected for and accepte d into the
leadership training programs? Men are selected for or
accepted into the training programs based upon their personal
desire, their testimony, and the recommendation of their
church or pastor.
What leadership training models are being usea?
Cl as sroom-based lectures with some ment or in g are the primary
means of training. The lectures are almost 100% in Spanish.
What perce nt ag e of those who begin the p r o g r a m
graduate? The g ra du at io n is often p o s t po ne d for a few
trimesters or even years due to personal co nsi der ati ons and
needs of the student. Therefore, ic is dif fi cu lt to consider
anyone c om pl et el y out of the prog ram without graduating.
What pe rcentage of graduates are ac t iv el y serving
churches as pastor? Again, in the absence of records and a
157
systematic follow-up program, it is difficult to answer with
certainty.
These questions and their answers, coupled with the
prece di ng extensive description of the EPHQ situation, make it
obvious that leaders are needed. Furthermore, it is clear
that the current efforts are not me et i n g that need. The
church continues to grow, while the training programs fall
w oe fu ll y behind. A method is needed that will train the EPHQ
leaders in depth and in numbers. Not only does the number of
pastors need to keep in step with the number of new
congregations, but there is an immediate need for two thousand
more pastors for existing congregations.
A representation of the need, using figures based on
media reports, is staggering. The El Comercio newspaper
reports that 62% of the Highland Quichuas identify themselves
as EFHQs {El Comercio, 13 March 2000). This would indicate
that there are over 3,300,000 E P H Q s . With only 2,500 EPHQ
churches in the country, the result is one church for every
1,320 believers. As has been noted in chapter 2, each EPHQ
church holds an average of one hundred people. This would
indicate that 33,000 churches are needed, leaving an existing
need for 30,500 churches to be planted. Adding the pastors
needed for these churches to the 2,000 already needed, results
in an immediate need for 32,500 pastors. This is the need
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among the EPHQs and does not even include the work that needs
to be done among the other H ig hla nd Quichuas.
Admittedly, these numbers are speculative and ba s e d
upon extrapolations, and none of the missionaries in te rvi ewe d
accepts the EPHQ numbers as bei ng that high. However, the
pressing need is obvious, no ma tt er which numbers are used,
b ecause all agree that the EPHQ church is growing. Even if
there were only as m a n y EPHQs as would fit in the existi ng
EPHQ churches, 2,000 pastors are needed in order for ev e ry
church to have its own pastor. A commonly accepted fact is
that there are many thousands of EPHQs still without a ch urch
or a pastor and hundreds of thousands of Highland Quichu as
that are net converted.
The existing training programs are to be a p p l a u d e d and
encouraged. However, they are not meeting the need for EPHQ
leadership. The EPHQ church continues to grow, and
increasingly so. The leadership vacuum is a crisis of
critical import. What kind of pastoral training p r o g r a m could
be devised that would be more effective in pr eparing the
quantit y of leaders needed to mi nis ter among this people
group?
This des cr ip ti on of the current situation of the EPHQ
church with regard to leadership and pastoral training serves
to establish the needs and challenges. The information for
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this des c ri pt i on comes from EPHQ, mestizo, an d mi ss i o n a r y
educators. Therefore, the information is from both emic and
etic perspectives. The need for more and b et te r p re pa re d
leaders among the EPHQ churches is obvious an d well
documented. Dr. David Dummer, long-time m i s s i o n a r y and
profe sso r among the EPHQ summarizes the situation.
Obviously, we are only scratching the surface with regard

to p a s si ng on our burden to train nationals (Spanish and
indigenous alike) for ministry. There is still a lot of
resistance to this kind of ministry, but the Lord is at
work and I co nstantly need to be reminded of that fact (1
Th e s sa lo ni an s 5:25). (Dummer 2000)
Findings Relative to Grand Tour

Questions and Sub-Questions
The findings to each of the grand tour questions and
their su b- qu es ti on s are pres en te d in the orde r in which they
are listed. The field interviews were co ns t r u c t e d and
conducted in the same order. Therefore, the field interview s
answer the grand tour questions and their s u b - qu es ti on s frcm
the emic perspectives. The themes, patterns, and
relation sh ip s that have become apparent are p r e s e n t e d in
ad dr es si ng each of the questions. An y anomalies are also
presented.
The Highla nd Quichua are co nsidered "shy" and "quiet"
by the n at ur e of their culture. Th e s e adjec ti ve s are placed
in q u o ta ti on marks to av oid their a cc ep ta nc e as fact. The
Highla nd Qui ch ua people are very m u c h as p e r c e i v e d when around
160
outsiders. When the Highland Qui ch ua people are among their
own clan, or those whom they have accept ed as clan members,
they play pranks on each other, laugh loudly, sing, and play.
The adults act much like children without inhibitions.
However, when those present are ou tsiders and unknown, the
atmosp he re is cold and almost sullen.
The researcher was known to the interviewees or was
introduced to them by mutual acquaintances. This op ened the
door for the interviews to begin. When the EPHQ leaders
di sc ov er ed the purpose of the research, there was enthu si as ti c
support and cooperation; on a nu mber of occasions the
intervi ewee arranged for interviews with other key leaders in
their circle of friends. While almost all of the interviews
were co nducted completely in Spanish, several of the
interviews required some Quichua explanations by interpreters
for clarity.
This process was affirming, enabling, and enh an ci ng to
the research. It was affirming in that each of the informants
recognized the need for the research and its goal. The
research was enabled by the wil li ng par ti ci pa ti on of insiders
to acquire needed key leaders for interviews when the purpose
b ec am e known. This process en h a n c e d the research as the
informants sought to be p a i n s t a k i n g l y precise, realizing the
importance of the research to their own culture and the
161
advanc e of Christ's kingdom among their people. T he re was a
factor that often enter ed into the interviews that the
researcher refers to as the "ray of hope" factor. Although
the Highland Quichuas have been pro mised much w i tho ut seeing
promises fulfilled, the current research's h o p ed -f or
conclusion was clung to as a "ray of hope." The informants
seemed to grasp at the hope that this research w o u l d help meet
this crucial need.
As news of the research and its goal sp re a d through
the Highland Quichua community, key EPHQ leaders be ga n to seek
him out. On one such occasion, the researcher was in a
breakfast meeting in the town of Riobamba with two leaders of
a local EPHQ training program. A message was brough t to the
table that an EPHQ leader was outside the hotel waiti ng for
him. The leader lived in a region of six villages at the base
of M t . Chimborazo. He reported that each of the villages had
EPHQ believers but not a single paster among them. He was not
a pastor, nor did he feel called to be, but others in the area
were so called. The probl em was that none of the m had any
training or Bible knowledge. His insistent in vit ati on to come
and train leaders in their region when the goal of the
research had come to fruition was an en co uragement to pursue
with all diligence the stated end. The vivid image is similar
to the biblical me taphor of sheep without a shepherd.
162
Grand Tour Questions and Sub-Questions
The grand tour questions and their sub-questions are
answer ed ac cording to the following outline. As each point; in
the outline is addressed, the questions are an swe red in a
clear, logical, and systematic way. The outline is first
pr esented in its entirety. This demonstrates that the grand
tour questions and their sub-questions are treated and tells
where their answers may be found. Secondly, the outline
serves to indicate the hierarchical order of the gran d tour
questions, their sub-questions, and any su bo rdinate probing
questions whose answers supply greater detail and depth in the
overall answer.
In answering each point of the outline, the responses
given by the informants are presented and exp la in ed in
narrative form. Next, two charts are pre se nte d in each
question's section. While the research de sign is qualitative,
these bar graphs and pie charts are utilized to allow the
reader to see a summary of the informants' responses at a
glance. This visual summary in each graphic assists the
reader in "hearing" all of the responses in a single
presentation.
The first chart is a bar graph that demon st ra te s all
of the responses given to that pa rti cul ar question, as well as
the number of informants who gave that response. The second
163
is a pie chart that shows the p er ce nt ag e weight cf each
response to the particular question. Finally, the question is
r epe ate d and a summary profile of the informants' answers is
pro vi de d that recapitulates the responses in a succinct
paragraph.
Q u es ti on and Response Outline
1. How are leaders tra di t io na ll y recognized?
a. How are leaders tr ad iti ona lly re cognized among the
Hi gh la nd Quichuas and the EPHQ?
i. Amo ng Highland Q u i c hu a society in general?
ii. Amon g EPHQ churches?
b. What characteristics or qua li tie s are considered
essential to be recognized and ac ce p t ed as a leader?
c. Who determines who the new leaders will be?
d. Who trains and equips new leaders?
e. How are new leaders trained or equipped for leadership
responsibilities?
2. What traditional teaching met ho ds exist among the Highla nd
Q ui ch ua s?
a. How are young people tr ai n e d to perpetuate their
cu l t u r a l l y expected roles?
i. What skills must be taught to the younger
generation?
ii. What bodies of knowledge must be passed on?
164
b. What positive or negative reinforcements are used in the
training process?
c. What values are passed down to successive generations
and how are these values taught?
d. How are new and un familiar methods of teaching and
c ommunicating information viewed from an emic
perspective?
e. What would Highland Quichua people say is the best way
to train leaders?
i. In what language?
ii. By whom?
f. According to the emic EPHQ perspective, what is the
greatest need among the EPHQ church regarding
leadership?
Grand Tour and Sub-au est ion Findings
1. How are leaders traditi on all y recognized?
This first grand tour question was d i v id ed between the
Highland Quichua culture in general and the EPHQ culture in
particular. As a result, the commonalities and pe culiarities
between these two cultures are evident. In this way, the
traditional Highlan d Qui ch ua customs pe rtaining to secular
organizations that have carried over into EPHQ church polity
are readily identified.
165
a. How are leaders tr aditionally r ec og ni ze d in the
Highland Quichua society in general?
The questio n was answered easily by all of the
informants. It proved to be an excellent initial question.
It put the informants at ease since they had all grown up in
the Highland Quichua culture and knew it well. Being able to
speak freely and knowledgeably about their own culture put
them at ease, gave them assurance that they truly had some
information to offer, and set the tone for the rest of the
interview.
The maj or it y of the informants res ponded about both
the qualities necessary for leaders and the me tho d for
selecting leaders in secular Highland Quichua culture. The
two are not altogether distinct so it was dif ficult to
separate them. Chart 1 shows that the m a j or it y of the
responses to this query related to the me th od of selection--
democratic process. However, this is also an indication of a
required quali ty of the leader selected. The world of
campaigning and politics has common elements the worl d over.
The Highlan d Quichua culture selects poli tic al leaders with
confident and charismatic personalities, those who make
promises, and those who give favors. Therefore, this response
regarding the democratic process speaks of require d qualities
for the candidates as well.
166
The responses to this questi on cite the importance of
being a person of good reputation, involved in the community,
a hard worker, older, able, a natural leader, a good family
man, married, and one who values the Highland Quichua
heritage. One leader summed up the qualities of a man that a
H ig hl an d Quichua community chooses for a leader.
He cannot be too young. It would be impossible to be

ei gh te en years old, for instance. He must be a hard
worker, have kids that obey him and live well with his
family. It is primarily a moral matter. The leaders must
m a i n t a i n a good reputation. (12, paragraph 19)
A secu la r Highland Quichua leader from another community
added, that "He must be able to speak well and present himself
better than most of the others. He must be willing to
de di ca te the time that will be required. He must also involve
himself in helping out the com mu nit y." Another informant
emp ha s i ze d the need for w is dom and skills in daily community
life.
He must be a person of older age who has much ability in

matt er s of daily community life, someone who knows how to
w o r k the land and does so, someone who knows how to lead
and prepare new leaders. His family must know how to
car ry themselves in a respectful w a y in the community. It
also varies from community to community. In agricultural
areas they are more c o n ce rn ed about those skills than
commerce. In other areas they look for a leader with some
education. (128, paragraph 1)
These responses indicate the kind of leader who is
sought out and recognized as a leader in the traditional
H i g h l a n d Quichua communities. No one has all of the
167
qualifications but chart 1 and chart 2 represent the responses
and preferences of the informants.
CHART 1
Factors In tho Soloctton or Loaders

Secular Highland Oulchuas
EapMtonc*ft.l9M
Vofcm cuau* ( t. 19%1
Sdffp««pdl*<t ( I. I f M
Hnid p«ii(|<aiin mtne p<nt
so***m canasiimm ««era.j«m
Uat»<«aS7M OemociWc 12U 1M
L**% a H watt W* t*n ayiS J*V
CHART 2
F d c to it in tha S election o(
Sacui.ii Highland Ouichuam
Evoenence 1=3
values eurtura C 3
Sait»orapared r^~~1
Fiesta participation m me peat i
Speaks and ca m e s n im sa iT w e il ^
M am ed C
L/v«« ovaiiwitn nts ramify Q

Acts as a laadar r~~~
Stalled and prepared r~~~
Cannot Dt too young
Harts v*or*er P
tnvorwea m tne co m m u nity C
G ooc raputation Cl
D em ocratic p ro cess P
10 15
Number of Rosponsos
R eproduced w ith perm ission o f the copyright owner. F urth er reproduction prohibited w ith o u t perm ission.
168
How are leaders traditi on all y recognized am ong the
Highland Quichua society in general? The Hig hland Quichua
leaders are sel ected using a democratic process. Several men
are nor mally recognized, and the one who most ex hi b i t s the
qualities me nt io ne d is chosen. He does not n e c e s s ar il y have
all of the qualities but he should not exhibit glari ng
violations. The kind of leader elected should be a person of
good reputation, involved in the community, a hard worker,
older, able, a natural leader, good family man, married, and
who values the Highland Quichua heritage.
As a general rule, there is great co mp a t i b i l it y
between the requirements for a secular leader and the leaders
in the EPHQ churches. However, the responses in the charts
show that fiesta partici pat ion is a requirement in secular
society. As these are often drunken festivals, the EPHQ
church does not particip ate and, therefore, does not include
this requirement. The following response from a secular
leader stresses the commonalities, but also the need for
fiesta participation.
The people are chosen for leadership based on their

reputation in the community. They are chosen b a s e d on how
much they and their parents have pa rt icipated in the
fiesta in the past. The ones whose family has spent the
most on fiestas for the com mu ni ty are most res pe ct ed and
u su all y made the leaders. One has to be m a r r i e d and have
ex perience in life. He must have reached an age of
respect in the community. A young person cannot be
conside red a leader. (117, paragraph 8)
169
b. What cha ra cteristics or qualities are co nsidered
essential to be recognize d and accepted as a leader among EPHQ
churches?
This questio n el icited remarkably simi lar responses
from the informants. This is a primary indication that the
leadership selection practices from the culture have slipped
in the EPHQ churches. The noticeable di ff erences were
specifically church related. The co mmonalities reveal the
EPHQ view of the church pastor as similar to the comm uni ty
leader. An EPHQ leader reveals that this is true.
In the church, they now follow the same de mo c r a t i c process

and have the same officers as the secular bodies in the
community. This has come into the church. In many
churches they follow this process. But we have seen that
biblically it should not be this way. They should choose
a leader based on the calling of God and the gifts He has
given. Also, it is very important to have e d u c a t i o n — both
secular and m i n i s t e r i a l — and pastoral preparation. But
only about 5% of the churches are pr act ici ng the biblical
way. In the maj or it y of churches, the pastors are those
who have the most power. For this reason, there are many
clashes in the churches over power struggles. (127,
paragraph 12)
Yet, there are some churches that have adopted the secular
method of choosing leaders while insisting upon the biblical
qualifications of those elected. One response reveals this
effort.
The churches recognize those among them who have been

touched by God to be their leader. He will have a good
reputation and testimony. Usually, he will be m a r r i e d
with children. Sometimes they are single me n who have a
sponsor to help them in the areas where they lack. He
must show gifts that are ne cessary for m i n i s t er ia l work.
170
In addition to the traits for secular society, he must

dem on st rat e evidence of a calling and a desire for
service. He must also have biblical knowledge. (123,
pa r a gr ap h 20)
A theory of some researchers, which was pre se nt ed and
do cu m e n t e d in the treatment of per tinent precedent literature,
is that Evangelical Pr otestantism has been a useful tool for
ethic solidarity. They hold that the EPHQ church actually
became a m i c r o c o s m of the Highland Quichua culture and served
as a rallying point for the ethn ici ty movement. The findings
regarding the selection and recognition of leaders would lend
support to that theory.
Chart 3 compares the responses to the queries
regarding the qualities nec essary for leadership among
Highla nd Quichua society in general and the EPHQ churches in
particular. Charts 4 and 5 show the total number of responses
and the perce nt ag e weight of each response.
c. Who determines who the new leaders will be?
The rate at which the culture is changing is
increasing. The informants shared that in some ways the
tr ad itional ways are being d i s c a r d e d intentionally, and in
others, it is a subconscious process. The intentional changes
of the Highl an d Quichuas' efforts are pr imarily based in a
desire to be a more mo dern society. The subconscious changes
are those that are inevitable when cultures collide. The 500-
year-o ld juxtaposition of the Spanish mest iz o and the
171
CHART 3
Comparison of Qua lities for Leadership
QUALITY EPHQ RESPONSES SECULAR RESPONSES

G o o d re pu ta ti on/Testimony 29 15
Theol og ica l/ Pas to ra l 19 0
formation
Ca ll in g and gifts 17 0
Acts as a leader 8 6
Marr ie d 7 3
Cannot be too young 7 6
Ch urch involvement 6 0
Experience 5 1
Knows the Lord 5 0
Skilled and prepared 4 7
Involved in the community 3 11
C
Lives well with his 3
family
Hard worker 1 7
Speaks and carries 0 2
himself well
Fiesta pa rticipation in 0 2
the past
Values culture 0 1
172
CHART 4
Factors in fha Selection of Leaders

EPHQ Q u c it Leader*
Hardworker CD
Democratic, Rercmmenced CD
it is amoral maur
Lw*s *«ii with ms family
invnfvad in tne community
Statiod ano prepared C
Experience C
Knows me Lord C
invoiwtd in dia cnurtn C
Mamed C
Canno! oa tooyoung C
Acts as laadar. oarsonatrty C
Calling ana gifts C
rhuoioQicai/castorai formation C
Oood testimony C
T T ~T~ i
10 15 20 25 30
Number of Responses
CHART 5
Factors in the Salaction of Leaders

EPHQ Chuich Laadaia
Hatd w o tkai jDJSM

Oantoct otic. Recommended (0J5%!
It (a a m a u l m aflai
liv e * w aft w itn h it fam ily
Involved In ih e com m unity (2j 6%)
Skilled and p io p jie d (3.42%)
Good testim ony (24.73%)
Experience (4.27%) /\
Knows the Lord (4.27%l /
Invotvad in fha chuich (5.13%)
Theological pastoral faimarion (IS

Cannot bo too young (5.3$%}
Acts as leadei. peisonaltfy (6J4%)
Calling and gifts (14.53%)
173
indigenous Highland Quichua cultures has resulted in many
changes to both cultures. However, the globali za ti on that
reaches to the paramo by means of radio and television is
increasing both the number and rapidity of cultural changes.
The informants talked of a former time in the Highland
Quichua culture when leaders had been selected by the elders
who go ver ned each community. When the Highland Quichua
culture wanted to appear more modern, they ado pt ed the mestizo
culture's ways of campaigning for political office.
The informants spoke of the ear ly days of the EPHQ
church during the 1960s and 1970s. In those days, according
to the informants, the biblical qualif ica tio ns cf aspiring
church leaders were examined by the pastor or by other leaders
of the church. The calling, gifting, and leading of the Lord
was of supreme importance. Of course, the m is si on ar y guided
the process and was very involved. In recent times, the
democra tic process has replaced the old system. None of the
informants came from churches where the old way was still
practiced. O nl y a few of those int erviewed were even aware of
a church where democratic elections had not taken over and
where the old leadership selection procedures were still in
practice.
The m a jo ri ty of the responses revealed that the
current practic e among EPHQ churches is to select leaders
174
bas e d on a democratic process. However, there appears to be
an effort on the part of some churches to retain the old
sy s t e m within the new. In those churches, they indeed have a
dem oc r a t i c election for the church offices but only after the
candidates have been recommended for consideration based upon
the prese nc e of the desired qualities in their lives and
testimonies.
No charts are needed here to reveal how monol it hi c
this phenom en on is in the EPHQ church community. Every
informant responded that the leaders are selected by
dem oc r a t i c process; three of the informants added that this
process is realized after the candidates have been recommended
as de s c r i b e d above. However, the candidates do not
n e c e s s a r i l y have to be trained prior to their selection as a
leader. The next question identifies the options for training
that are available to EPHQ leaders.
d. How are new leaders trained or equipped for
leade rs hi p responsibilities?
The available options for the EPHQ pastors are limited
in scope and number. Thi rt y- ni ne of the responses indicated
that the only viable option was one of the institutes that are
o f f er ed on a periodic basis. These workshops are d e s c r i b e d in
the first section of this chapter, which delineates the
current reality of the EPHQ church with regard to leadership
175
training. Workshops meet for one or two weeks every three to
six months. Attendance is sp ora dic and course options are not
systematic. Many responses echoed one leader: "There is no
u ni fo rm me thod of training indigenous people and so they must
pi ck up a workshop here and there until they are su ffi cie ntl y
trained to lead the people" (121, paragraph 50).
In addition, the de p th and breadth of instruction in
m a n y of these ins titute-workshops is scant, and the retention
rate is meager. One EPHQ leader said, "Within the Quichua
envi ron men t there exist m a n y Bible institutes that are
training a lot of EPHQ young people for the Lord's service.
These institutes give training but nowhere near the level of
seminaries." Even so, the following response shows that even
this institute-level training is seen as necessary.
Speaking from my own experience, he must be called of God.

Then, he must be trained in the Bible. Usually, he will
have his training thro ugh the institute before going tc a
church, or he may still be in the process when he goes to
a church. (127, para gra ph 28)
The only other training option receiving more than
four responses was the c h u r c h- ba se d training classes; there
were just as ma ny suggesting that there is no viable training
option. The church-based trainin g classes are me rel y
dis cip le sh ip classes and are usua lly taught by lay people with
no training themselves. W h e n one leader was queried about how
EPHQ leaders got training in his area, he responded, "They are
176
on their own really. There are some training opportunities in
the churches, but not very deep." Churches in the US usually
refer to such training classes as Sunday school.
The remaining answers revealed the pauci ty of options
available for the EPHQ pastor. The other suggestions offered
included learning Spanish and going to the uni ve rs it y or
seminary, relying on the Holy Spirit to teach him, and
imitating other pastors. Of course, most of the othe r pastors
are without training as well. Charts 6 and 7 show the number
of responses and the percentage weight of what the EPHQ
informants said were available options for their training.
How are new leaders trained or equipp ed for leadership
responsibilities? The answers from the EPHQ comm un ity
revealed that the aspiring EPHQ pastor does not have many
options. He may seek out Bible institutes that are offered by
the various missionaries. In this way, he will receive some
reliable biblical instruction. However, as these courses are
only offered every few months, he may ea sily forget the
salient points of the lectures. He may also attend the
institutes off er ed by several missi on ari es in an effort to get
the most training possible. The inherent danger in such a
practic e is the amalgamation of many dif fering doctrinal
points of view from mi ss ionaries of varying denominations. The
end result is confusion to himself and his hearers.
177
CHART 6
E P H O T R A IN IN G O P T IO N S
A v a i U k U l o i E P H O to k « t t d in o r f
im ita ta th e o ld e r p a s to r *
T h« H o ly Sptrrt tr a m * h im
U n n ro rtity o r S a rn m a ry
M u t t And ov»n tra in in g
T h e re i« no g o o d tra in in g
C h u rc h m e m b e re /p ro g ra m tra in s
8 ib < * in s titu te ts v v o rfa th o p *
0 10 30 40
Num ber of R esponses
CHART 7
EPHO TRAINING OPTIONS

A v .iU iib le lo t EPHO to b « T u in a d
irmtsl* the d o e r paatora (1 a i H |

The Hoijr Sprrit tram * n*m (1 4 1 H |
Uravertity or Sem nary (3 C 3H |
Must tine o«»ntrs>nng IB 49 **)
N o tra m m g a v a ila b le (B.BBH)
Bible aw btuasA N vkshues tS4 S W |
Church m em Aera^rogram tram a ( f t 3 t H )
178
Accepting God's call to ministry is a personal issue
with which each man must come to terms. However, these young
men often find the real struggle begins when they seek to be
accepted by a local church. The churches m a y accept a m a n who
is not actually their elder according to his age, but in such
cases he must have some education. What hope does the young
man have whose only theological and pastoral p r e p ar at io n has
been the church training p r o gr am that everyone else has also
received? Currently, there are very few options for pastoral
training available to the EPHQ leaders.
The informants honestly acknowledged the abse nc e of
training programs that are in harmony with their cultural
models of learning. The suggestions that some informants
offered ob viously require the EPHQ man to move beyond his
culture, learn Spanish, move to the location of the mestizo
seminaries, and learn in a framework that is foreign to him.
If the available options are said to be contrary to cultural
teaching methods, a question naturally presents itself. What
are the traditional cultural methods of teaching?
2. What traditional teaching methods exist amon g the
Highland Quichuas?
The answers to this question mark the be gi nni ng of
the group of findings per tinent to the second grand tour
question. This question probes b ey ond the cultural practices
179
for selecting and training leaders; it identifies the
traditional Highlan d Quichua m e t ho ds of teaching from the
earliest years of a Highland Quic hu a child's life. It also
probes their emic per spective regarding the most effective
ways of training leaders. A final sub-question asks the
informants to state the greatest felt need of the EPHQ church
relative to leadership from their perspective.
a. How are young people trained to pe rpetuate their
cu lt ur al ly expected roles?
As was d e mo ns tra te d in the preliminary backgro und
findings, a common d e n o mi na to r in the existing training
programs is the cl assroom s t r u c t u r e — although the classroom
may be a church office or co mm un it y home. Mis sionaries using
this me thod have been fr ustrated in their attempts to provide
sufficient numbers of EPHQ pastors for the churches. The
researcher began to suspect ea r ly in the research that the
common denomina tor of the cl as sr oo m dynamic may be part ial ly
responsible.
In the interviews, the researcher listened for a
response that would indicate a similar model in some aspect of
the traditional Highland Quic hu a culture. No model was
di sc ov er ed in the past; rather, it is found only in recent
innovations imported by cultural outsiders. Moreover, the
180
West ern world's emphasis on the print ed word must also share
some of the blame for the ineffectiveness of imported models.
The Highland Quichuas had no written alphabet prior to
the coming of the Catholic missionaries. The invention of an
alphabet aided the missionaries in their attempts to learn the
language more than it helped the Highland Quichuas. The aural
Highland Quichua culture depends upon the spoken word.
Therefore, it is logical that the responses would
indicate a model of teaching younger generations in a manner
of dem on st ra ti on and explanation rather than cl assroom lecture
or formal schooling. Indeed, forty-five responses stated that
young people are taught their cultura lly expecte d duties by
on-the-job training. One Highland Quichua man phrased it,
"They learn what they see" (112, pa ragraph 34). Another
informant was more adamant about the process, "They are
trained through practice; there is no other way . . . they
watch and learn" (128, paragraph 32). That is, they follow
their parents, grandparents, older siblings, and cousins
around the house, farm, and comm uni ty from early ages and
learn gender appropriate duties from them. Anot he r response
showed the Highland Quichua teaching m e t h o d beg inning in the
home from the earliest ages.
Hig hl an d Quichuas are trained by going about the actual

process of helping in the work and learning as they go.
They beg in when very young by doing the most simple
things. Their parents train them from their early years.
181
They are also seeing the cultural identity that is a part

of their community and family. They learn this from very
little by watching and doing. (II, paragraph 33)
This points to a more st ructured way of understanding
their cultural training methods. Twe nty-seven of the
responses des cribed an apprentice relationship to refer to the
way Highla nd Quichua young people are taught a job or work-
related task. A typical response is represented by this
EPHQ's explanation.
In the home the children are taught practical matters of

living in the daily practice of doing them with their
parents. When I was little, I began working on an
hacienda with my dad from the time I was seven years old.
I learned to do the same things that the adults were doing
but they did not require as m uc h because I was little and
did not have as much strength. (18, paragraph 34)
Another leader reported how it was in his community.
From very young the children are taught by their parents

by taking them along in their work. The boys are always
at their father's side and the young girls are at their
mother's side. I can remember from the time that I was
three or four years old, my father would take me with him
to the fields to teach me how to plow, how to prepare the
earth for planting, and how to plant. Little by little, I
would begin to learn more by doing more and more at the
side of my dad. In the same way, the girls learn from
their mothers. (121, paragraph 35)
As the rel ationship and ongoing interaction of master and
apprentice was described, the mo der n mentor relationship was
obvious.
The practice of m e nt or ing utiliz ed in business and
ministr y today has been used by cultures like the Highland
Quichuas for centuries. These methods are the traditional
182
CHART 8
TRADITIONAL HO TEACHING METHODS
No formal mathoda (6.19%)
Schools (8.25%)
On-tha-job training
apprantlclng/mantorfng (27.84%)
CHART 9
t r a d i t io n a l h o t e a c h i n g m e t h o d s
No formal methods
I
j Schools
t
Oral methods
Teach Dy aporenticing/mentonng
Orvthe-joO training, watch and do
Number of Responses
______________________________________________
i
183
cultural ways to teach new skills and knowledge. Charts 8 and
9 dem on st ra te the Highla nd Quichua ways to teach.
How are young people trained to pe rp e t u a t e their
culturally expect ed roles? They are trained by a ll owi ng them
to watch and do. The younger Highland Quichua childr en begin
early in life to imitate their parents, grandparents,
siblings, and others in the community to learn gender
appropriate skills. The men toring approach, which includes
on-the-job training, is the traditional Highland Quichua way.
This study focuses upon a training me t h o d that would
prepare EPHQ pastors and leaders in culturally accept ed ways.
Such training incorporates skills as well as knowledge, that
is, the "how" as well as the "what." For this reason, the
preceding questio n was plumbed by means of two probing
questions: What skills are taught to the younger generation?
and, What bodies of knowledge are passed on? The findings to
these questions will reveal whether using tr ad itional methods
would be conducive to success in pastoral training or whether
they represent non-comme ns ura te phenomena.
i. What skills are taught to the younger generation?
The response to this question varied from the
informants depe ndi ng upon their particular background. An
EPHQ leader from Imbabura said, "In Otavalo, parents teach the
younger ones how to weave our cloth, how to pl ay traditional
184
musical instruments, and how to live as responsible families.
We do not teach agriculture as much as we used to" (115,
pa ra gra ph 37). A leader from a more rural area said, "How to
plant, and harvest, and daily matters of life . . . things
that are nece ssa ry to live, like farming and working, so that
we will have our daily bread" (116, paragraph 15). The ways
that this cultural aspect were c ha ngi ng were evident from
several responses like the following answer:
The parents and grandparents teach most of the practical

skills needed. But we are work ing dif ferently than in the
past. The young people are learning new skills from
others that are better than the old ways. For example, we
now have tractors in the country and don't always have to
use cows yoked together. (126, para gra ph 34)
All of the responses shared the common element of domestic
chores and the family's livelihood.
The variations were predictable. The EPHQ men from
Otavalo, a region known for musical talent and beautiful
weaving, raught skills to the young boys related to these
areas. In the more purely agricultural regions, the skills
were in the area of planting, harvesting, taking produce to
the market, caring for animals, etc.
The young Highland Quichua girls begin at a very early
age to care for young children. Girls care for the younger
children and learn to carry them on their backs as their
mothers do. This teaching model also frees the mother to do
her own chores around the home or in the field. Preparing
185
food for the family, feeding the p e n n e d animals, and work in
the field are also the chores of a Hig hl an d Quichua girl.
They often mar ry in their mid-teens and this life of labor is
all many of them ever know. Charts 10 and 11 show the kinds
of abilities taught to Highland Quic hua young people.
What skills are taught to the younger generation?
Skills nec essary for daily life are taught to them. These
skills are essential for the family to survive in the harsh
living conditions of the poorer classes in the Andes
mountains. They are also essential for successive
generations. The way the next ge ner ati on comes to know these
skills is through watching and doing. Each generation watches
che older ones and imitates their wcr.<.
The centuries-old Highland Quichua commandments, "Do
not steal, do not lie, and do not be lazy," dictate that each
me moer of the community be productive in the daily work to the
extent that their age and abilities allow. The "watching and
doing" of the younger ones is coupled with men toring and
guiding from the older ones so that each new generation is
pr epa red to follow in the steps of the previous one. Thus it
has been in Highland Quichua culture for generations,
ii. What bodies of knowledge are pas sed on?
The preceding skills are learned out of necessity;
without them the harsh environment would threaten the
186
CHART 10
ABILITIES TAUGHT TO NEW GENERATIONS
Responsible family living (2.04%)

Weaving (2.04%)
Musical Instruments (2.04%)
Construction of homea (8.16%)
Everyday tasks (36.73%)
Childcare (18.37%)
Agriculture (30.61%)
CHART 11
ABILITIES TAUGHT TO NEW GENERATIONS
Responsible family living
Musical Instruments ^
Construction of homes
C h ild c a re
Everydsy tasks
Number of Responses
137
Highland Quichuas' very survival. This n a t u ra ll y provides a
strong incentive to learn how to work. However, a test cf the
usefulness of traditional Highland Quichua teaching models in
pastoral pr ep ara tio n comes when observing the bodies cf
information transmitted to new generations. Are there any
such bodies of knowledge, and are they succes sfu lly
co mmu ni ca te d from generation to generation?
The responses revealed that the myths, legends, and
knowledge of ancestors are passed on to the younger
generation, although this practice is dwindling.
Values and biblical knowledge that the parents may have

are pa sse d on but we have lost much of the rest. This is
pa sse d on by oral tradition. For example, in the past we
taught our children all abcut our culture. The colors
that we use in our weaving and ponchos, etc. all have
meanings in our culture. The color red symbolizes
heroism. It is because of the blood that heroes must
shed. It has come to mean the color of b r a ve ry and
heroism. Blue represents the unli mi ted sky. Green
represents nature and the hope of life. For the Christian
Highl and Quichua, the color green is the color for our
hope in Christ. There is a folklore song of the Highland
Quichuas called "El Poncho Verde" which means the poncho
of hope. (18, paragraph 40)
The me t h od of teaching this information varies among
the informants. Some revealed that it was the job of the
father to make sure that his children learned and retained
this knowledge by telling them the stories of their past.
Others st ated that the grandfather, or oldest m em be r of the
clan, wo u l d ga ther the young ones and tell them the stories.
188
There is usually a family m e et in g or gathering. There is

no writ ten document of the myths, legends, or family
histories. These are oral traditions passed on by family.
But it is not emphasized as much as it was in the past; we
have lost much of that. (122, pa r a g r a p h 40)
In one instance, an informant revealed that his
c o m mu ni ty had a person whose co m m u n i t y d ut y was to communicate
this knowledge. He would go to the ele me nt ar y school and
teach the children the Highland Quichua history, legends,
myths, and clan knowledge. He would do this by telling the
stories of the past. Some simply trust this process to the
older members of the clan community. "We have older ones in
the families and in the communities who will tell the stories,
myths, and legends to our younger ones so they will know about
our culture. This is passed on in a pu re ly oral manner."
The bodies of knowledge that are the essence of
Highlan d Quichua life are also c o m m un ic at ed by elders in a
re lat ion shi p context. In a coun try where race is largely
self-determined, the Highland Quichua language, the Highland
Qui chu a costume, and the Highland Quichua worl dvi ew determine
cultural identity.
Almost totally in my sector the formation that we pass on

is limit ed to who we are and where we came from. There is
very little beyond this. Up to about six years old we
teach them how to dress as Quichua s and the Quichua
language. After that, they usually start to be very
influe nce d by the mestizo culture. (127, paragraph 40)
These distinctives are han ded dow n in families from
paren ts to children beginning in their youngest years. "We
189
teach th e m to remember the land and how to care for the land.
And do not forget your origin. Do not forget your language."
Another leader responded with similar language.
We teach them that for us everyt hi ng is alive. With

regard to health, we teach the traditional methods for
healing. The children are taught hew to dress according
to our particular people. It is a bad thing, almost
unknown, for a young person not to dress according to the
traditional ways. The person who lives in the city does
not dress in this way and when he returns to the
community, it does not go well for him because he has left
our cultural ways. (117, para gr aph 38)
A significant portion of the informants indicated that
the culture is losing major portions of these legend and myth
bodies of knowledge. Reasons given for this were varied.
Some stated that the earlier missionaries, both Evangelical
Protestant and Roman Catholic, had insisted that they cease
and desist. Others stated that the younger Highland Quichuas
are not interested in the ways of the past and view these
traditions as weights that hinder their forward progress in a
mo dern world.
The fact that these bodies of cultural knowledge that
are p e rp et ua te d in aural stories are dis appearing through
d i m in is hi ng use is cause for much concern. For the purposes
of this study, it is enc ouraging that there are such bodies of
knowledge and that they have tr ad it io na ll y been ef fe cti vel y
t r a n s m it te d to successive generations for centuries. Charts
12 and 13 show the bodies of knowledge that the Highland
190
Quic hua culture perpetuates by transmitting it to the new
generations.
What bodies of knowledge are passed on? Bodies of
information that are ne ce ssa ry for the well-being of Highlan d
Qu ic hu a culture are passed cn. The history, of the Hi g h l a n d
Q ui ch ua people, including knowledge of ancestors, myths, and
legends, are passed on to the younger generation by parents
and designa ted story tellers. In addition to these na rra tiv e-
based bodies of knowledge, ess ential cultural knowledge such
as the Highland Quichua costume, worldview, cou rt sh ip and
marriage, and Quichua language are also transmitted by word of
mou th and by modeling.
Beyond the incentive of cultural expectations, many
young people in every culture need encouragement to re inforce
or di scourage certain behavior. A young Highland Quichua boy
might reason thac he woul d not be starved to death simply
be c au se he did not work. Therefore, cultural methods of
con tr ol li ng behavior were sought.
If the negative reinf or ce me nt s were harsh, then the
cultural teaching methods might not be as fruitful as a first
gl ance suspected. It might ins te ad be a fear of harsh
p un is hm en t that incited the learning. In this case, such
meth od s could not be used in p as to ra l preparation.
If the positive r e in fo rc em en ts used in te ach ing the
191
CHART 12
BODIES OF KNOWLEDGE TRANSMITTED
Quichua language (6.38%)

Quichua costume (8.51%)
Values and biblical

Legends, myths. |
knowledge (12.77%)
Ancestors (40.43%) !
aasswM
We are losing cultural distinctives
(19 .15 %)
CHART 13
BODIES OF KNOWLEDGE TRANSMITTED
Quichua language
Quichua costume
Values and biblical knowledge
Quichua culture
We are losing cultural distinctives
Legends, myths, ancestors i
Number of Responses
192
Highla nd Quichua young people were the cause of their
fulfillment in learning the cultur all y desi red roles, it might
be that this teaching method would not be applicable in
pastor al preparation. In that case, the negative and positive
reinforcements would be achieving the de si red goal in training
young people in the community. Such reinforcements, of
course, would not be useful for adults in theological
edu cation and pastoral formation.
b. What positive or negative reinforcements are used
in the training process?
The findings to this question are promising. While in
and of themselves they are inconclusive regarding the specific
reinforcements used to encourage or discou ra ge certain
behavior, it is the very inconclusiveness that is so
revealing. The Highland Quichua culture has survived
centuries cf conquest, oppression, and abuse, during which the
Highla nd Quichua distinctives have been ma in t a i n e d through all
these years. The findings show that the effective teaching
and learning of these cultural ways has not been forced.
The punishment me t e d out by a father may be corporal
p uni shm ent in the form of a whipping or me r e l y a verbal
rebuke. "If they misbehave, sometimes they are whipped. There
are various methods for doing this but the Christians do not
pu nish in ways so severe" (114, para gra ph 44). Another said,
193
"The children will be pun ish ed if they are net do ing as their
parents are demanding that they do. The punishment will be a
whipping usually" (123, pa ra gra ph 44). One descr ibe d a gamut
of possibilities.
Sometimes the parents will talk to the chi ldr en and

correct them by rebuke, sometimes it is with a switch.
The most severe father might use a paddle on the children.
When the children are very young, they might use a switch
of ortiga, which is a stinging nettle. Among adults, this
type of punishment is seldom used except for a very
serious issue, such as the kind that sometimes occurs
between couples and relationships. It is a severe
punishment that brings great shame as well as pain. (128,
par ag ra ph 41)
Others stressed that the EPHQ men do not punish their
children much anymore. One said, ''We do not punish our
ch ildren hard" (111, parag rap h 42) . Anothe r agreed, "No, we
really do not use such me thods" (116, paragraph 43).
As can be noticed in the chart summaries of the
responses, there was substantial disagreement over the use of
punishment and reward. Some of the informants co ul d only
point back to previous days when the punishments were once
severe.
In the generation of my father, they were still so strict

on this that they would use the ortiga to whip the people
and then put them in the river to make it sting really
badly. They would come at five o'clock in the mo r n i ng to
punis h those who broke one of the rules. (115, par ag ra ph
45)
An ot he r leader remembered the same type of punishment.
In the old days, the p un ish me nt was that the father w o ul d

take the misbehaving child to the owner of the hacienda
194
and ask him to punish him. The hacienda owner wo u ld whip

him or oth erwise mete out the p u nis hm ent to the child of
the h u a s i p i n g u e r o . (127, paragraph 43}
Ap par ent ly there is also a co mm un it y- ba se d type of
punishment that continues the hacienda system. Several men
reported methods of discipline in their clan that resembled
the following response.
In the comm uni ty there is a team of elders who are charged

with discipline. If a person is doing something wrong,
they have the wi sdo m and the auth ori ty to dis ci pl in e the
person in the way they think best. Sometimes this may be
in the form of a reproof. In severe cases, such as
stealing, they may be stripped naked and w h ip pe d with the
ortiga (stinging nettles) and bathed in water, which makes
it like fire. (16, paragraph 42)
The rewards for good behavior were far more common in
the responses and more wide-ranging. However, there was no
consistency in this either. This can been seen in the
following four statements.
One EPHQ man said, "There are not ma n y rewards;
punishment is all we use" (II, par agraph 42). Yet another
stated, "There are net really any rewards" (132, pa ragraph
43). Anot her leader reported just as sincerely, "We do not
punish our childre n hard. There really are no rewards either"
(111, pa ragraph 42). However, others shared, "There are
rewards for a job well done, encouragements for being an
obedient child, and corporal punishment if the child is not
working" (113, paragraph 43). The i n c o ns is te nc y in rewards
was o b v i o u s .
195
The few rewards that were me nt io ne d were fruit or
bread, free time with friends, or permission to visit family
to play with cousins. For tireless efforts in the fields,
there may be a gift of an animal such as an ox, a burro, or a
sheep for their hard work. All the informants said that
private and public praise from the father for being a good
worker was a great reward in itself.
While a few informants stated that there was some
corporal punishment, the majorit y indicated that those who
utilize it learned it from their oppressors. Indeed, several
informants shared that it was the hacienda owner who
disc ipl ine d the children on his estate until very recent
times. Some stated that they knew of no rewards while others
knew of no physical punishment. Charts 14 and 15 show the
number of responses relating to positive and negative
reinforcement in training as well as the percentage weight cf
the responses.
What positive or negative reinforcements are used in
the trainin g process? While there were responses that
revealed some corporal punishment and rebuke, and others that
indicated the presence of rewards for hard work, there is no
clear patt ern that would account for a successful teaching
method. Whateve r the cause of effective Highla nd Quichua
culture teaching practices may be, it has not been found in
196
CHART 14
POSITIVE AND NEGATIVE REINFORCEMENTS
Elders are charged with discipline (8.90%)

Few punishments. .
mainly rewards (6’90%) Corporal punishment (22.41%)
Few rewards, mainly

punishment (12.07%
Animale. food, and

Not much of either
free time reward (13.79%) anymore (18.97%)
Verbal encouragement reward (18.97%)
CHART 15
POSITIVE AND NEGATIVE REINFORCEMENTS
Elders are charged with discipline
Not many punishments, only rewards
Not many rewards, only punishment
Animal, food, or free time reward
Verbal encouragement reward
Not much of either anymore
Corporal punishment T
Number of Responses j
I
197
a positiv e or negative rein for cem en t system. There is no
clear consensus.
c. What values are pa s s e d down to successive
gen erations and how are these values taught?
A substantive portion of theological education and
pastora l formation has to do with teaching values. It is one
thing to train a man how to plow or a girl how to tie a baby
on her back in a shawl, and quite another to teach ethical
values. A question was fo rmulated and incorporated into the
interview that sought to know the values that are pa s s e d down
in Hi ghl and Quichua culture.
The findings to this qu est ion assured that such
abstract teaching is possible and practiced. They further
revealed some insight into the wo r l d view of the Highland
Quichua culture. Great co n s i s t e n c y was encountered in this
aspect of the Highland Quichua aural culture.
It is well attested that the Inca empire was one of
the greate st empires that the W e s t er n hemisphere has ever
seen. T he y acquired vast land holdings stretching over 1,500
miles in less than one hun dr ed years, they conquered every
nation they fought, they built entire cities of stone that
make engineers and architects m ar ve l in the twenty-first
century. Yet they had no alphabet and no hieroglyphics, and
their only inventory system for their warehcuse-storage
198
cities, armies, agriculture, llama herds, and man y lands was a
bundle of knotted strings called a quipu. Even so, the
Highland Quichua people today continue to teach their children
the three commandments that were in use du ri ng the Inca
empire, ama quilla, ama shua, ama llulla, which means, "do not
be lazy, do not steal, do not lie." Every response included
either these three statements alone, or the three statements
with some explanation. The impact of C h r i s t i a n i t y is seen in
responses such as, "We teach them biblical values now, but as
always, do not steal, do not lie, and do not be lazy."
Some o f f e r e d editorial commentary along w it h the
commandment. "Do not steal, do not lie, and do not be lazy.
If you do not work, you do not eat. There are no vagabonds
among the Qu ichuas." The consistency with which these values
are taught today, five hundred years after the Inca empire,
can be seen in charts 16 and 17.
One EPHQ pastor pointed out a warning g l e a n e d from his
experience shepherding EPHQ churches.
Highland Quichua young people learn the values that they

see in their parents. If their father drinks, they will
drink. If he is a good man who cares for his home and
family, they will, too. However, with more an d more
television coming, the kids are learning lots of things
that are not a part of their parents' culture and they are
imitating that. (122, paragraph 47)
This pastor un derstood the truth and the ramific at io ns of a
culture that learns what it sees as that culture comes into
199
CHART 16
VALUES TAUGHT TO NEW GENERATIONS
Morality
no drugs, no stx, no alcohol (8.33%)
The Bible
and Its values (19.44%)
Do not steal, do not lie.

and do not be lazy (72.22%)
CHART 17
VALUES TA U G H T T O N E W G E N E R A TIO N S
Morality, no drugs, no sex. no alcohol
W e now teach the Bible and its values
Do not steal, do not lie. do not be lazy
0 5 10 15 20 25 30
Number o f Responses
200
contact with the unsavory aspects of a new culture.
What values are passed down to successive generations
and how are these values taught? The values that are taught
to the Highland Quichua young people are becoming more
biblical as the EPHQ church spreads among the Highland
Quichuas. However, the consistent value system impressed on
the younger generation is the threefold commandment that has
been a part of the culture for centuries: "Do not be lazy, do
not steal, and do not lie." These are taught in the home by
parents and other community elders.
Many informants said that as the EPHQ church grows,
such values are emphasized in the churches as much as in the
homes. The biblical values and commandments that the culture
is beg inning to adopt as the EPHQ movement continues to spread
and deepen its roots are being incorporated into the body of
values that have been passed on in the homes and communities
for countless generations. Additionally, the local EPHQ
churches sponsor classes for training young people in biblical
values.
Having established that the Highland Quichua culture
has effective ways of teaching their people, any innovative
methods directed at teaching them should seek an emic
per sp ec ti ve of their usefulness.
201
d. How are new and unfami li ar methods of teaching and
communicating information vi ewe d from an emic persp ec ti ve ?
What would Highland Quichua pe op le say is the best way to
train leaders?
For hundreds of years outsiders have brought in
teachings and imposed them on the Highland Quichuas. Not only
have the teachings been foreign, the methods used to teach
them have been strange as well. The methods used by the
Cathol ic missionaries and the Roman Catholic Ch urch resulted
in a syncretism that continues today. The methods used by the
Evangelical Protestants have not resulted in a sufficient
number cf leaders to guide the EPHQ church.
Very few of these foreign teachers, if any, have
stopped to ask what the Highland Quichua themselves think of
their teaching models. This research sought to do that at
this point by incorporating two questions designed to discern
the Highland Quichua emic perspective. The questions drew out
the emic view of the effective ne ss of new and unfami lia r
t ea ch in g methods. They also aske d the informants' guidanc e on
the best model for teaching such information among Highland
Quichuas. Two probing questions were added to de te rmi ne the
best choice of instruction language and faculty members.
The responses to questions about the best me th od of
te ac hi ng were answered in two ways. First, man y informants
202
shared the view that the most important aspect of any teaching
model is that it be in accordance with the oral instruction of
the older Hig hland Quichua culture.
From 198 6 to 1988, we taught and used the me th od s of the

USA. Practically, the Highland Quichua peo pl e did not
gain any thi ng from this experiment. We b e g a n to see that
to teach our peo ple well, we would have to use m e th od s
that they are familiar with. (FI, p a r a g r a p h 31)
Some sugge ste d a bl end of aural instruction c ou pl ed with
modern technology.
For about 40% of the communities, new me t h o d s m a y be

ac cep te d as viable means for instruction. However, in
many areas the mis si o na ry would be rej ect ed along with new
me t ho d olo gi es he wants to use as the peo pl e wo ul d see him,
his teaching, and his whole package as so m et hi ng foreign
to them an d not welcome. (114, par ag ra ph 51)
Another EPHQ leader agreed with this assessment.
There are advantages and disadvantages to these new

methods. On the one hand, they can g r e a t l y help us to
teach the younger people and prepare them. On the other
hand, if the people are not ready for them, they may
reject the me s s ag e as well as the me t ho d and the teacher.
(12, pa ra gra ph 49)
This wou ld avoid alien at ion of the older p as tor s w hi le it
would attract the younge r ones.
The second approach to answering the q u e s t i on was with
regard to format. Some informants stressed that the older
me nt ori ng me th od s w o u l d be most effective, other s saw that
Bible institutes c ou ld be utilized to train m a n y at the same
time, but mo st felt that a b le nd of these w o u l d be best. Two
responses in p ar ti c u l a r represent the t h i n k i n g of m a n y EPHQ
203
leaders. One leader suggested a blen d of methods that would
target the overall EPHQ popula tio n on a national level.
The ways that have been least effective for us have been
the short institutes. I think the best way to train our
leaders is a Highland Quichua semin ar y of some type that
w o u l d use our traditions, our culture, our language, and
Hi g h l a n d Quichuas for teachers. Of course, they would
have to be scattered in exte nsi on centers throughout the
si erra so as to provide op po rt uni tie s for all Highland
Quichuas. This is the idea of the national council of
EPHQ pastors to reach our pe opl e with effective training.
I think that this would be a won derful way to train our
p e o p l e — a training pro gr am that woul d utilize our own
culture, context, and ideology at the national level.
(121, par agraph 52)
An ot her leader lamented the the oretical and abstract basis of
many of the programs that are a v a i la bl e and their failure
among pastors from the Highland Q u ic hu a culture.
We receive a lot of theory and abstract teaching. But

what we need is practical ins tr uct ion and application so
we can plug it in. Many times the people go to the pastor
to find out what to do. Since he is pastor, what he says
must be right. So the pastors must be taught to be able
to reason for themselves in order to help the others apply
the Scriptures to everyday life. (122, paragraph 52)
In short, there is no ready- ma de Western model that
meets the Highland Quichua culture at its point of need. The
e f f e ct iv e pastoral training p r o g r a m is not one that can be
imported and "plugged in." W ha te ve r me t h o d is employed, it
should bear in m in d the following emic suggestions. One
suggested, "A center of training in the church or in the
c o m m u n i t y center. This wa y they learn right at home from
people whos e lives they can watch" (110, para gr ap h 52).
204
An ot he r offered, "A kind of training that would incorporate
our own language and cu lt u r e — teachi ng by example and more
learning by doing" (130, parag rap h 51). Charts 18 and 19 show
the responses and emic views regarding the most effective
model for a progr am of theological education and pastoral
formation.
i. In what language?
A common denominator in the existing pastoral training
programs is the use of Spanish as the language of instruction.
The re are a few programs that use Quich ua on a limited basis,
but there are not enough instructors who speak Quichua. The
Quich ua language is beautiful and expressive, but it is a
dif ficult language to learn. Most missionaries spend their
language learning efforts po lishing their Spanish. The
national pastors do not learn Quichua, largely due to its
difficulty, its limited use, and the existing prejudice
against its natural speakers.
There is very little w ri tt en in Quichua. Theolog ic al
tra ining at any depth would e ve ntu al ly have to incorporate
Spani sh or invest much time translating theological concepts
and books into the Quichua language. The paucity of qualified
Qu ic hu a- s p e a k i n g instructors c o up le d with the scant bo o k
se lection has resulted in virtu all y all programs being in
Spanish. Missionaries have also reasoned that the students
205
CHART 18
HO OPINION OF BEST METHOD FOR TRAINING
Dtnominatlon-nautril instruction (2.82%) —i

Seminary full tints (4.23%) —\ _ -L
Leam in ways that (S.63%)
maintain culture
'lew technology is okay Use traditional oral methods
within reason (9.86%) (30.99%)
Occasional cotrses and

mentoring (12.63%)
Bland of old and new methods

Institutes (16.49%) (18.31%)
CHART 19
H O O P IN IO N O F B E S T M E T H O D FO R TR A IN IN G
D e n o m in a tio n -n e u tra l instruction I I
S e m in a ry full tim e
L e a r n in w a y s th a t m ain tain culture
N e w te c h n o lo g y i s o k a y w ithin re a s o n
O c c a s io n a l c o u rs e s o r m e n to rin g
Institu tes
B lend of old a n d n e w m e th o d s
U s e tra d itio n a l o ral m e th o d s
Num ber of R esponses
206
are somewhat bilingual a lrea dy and, therefore, using Spanish
for the language of instruction was the path of least
resistance. However, history proves that the easiest way is
not always the best way. The common de no minators held by the
ex ist ing training programs continue a patter n of not being
cu ltu ra ll y friendly to the Highlan d Quichuas.
The reasons why the heart language should be used are
d el in e a t e d in the section treating the pertinent prec ed ent
literature later in this chapter. However, the EPHQ leaders
intervie wed have perspectives of their own. They ack no wl ed ge d
that there are many theological terms that do not exist in
Quich ua and, therefore, the great m a j o r i ty say that Spanish
should be utilized along with Quichua. However, a third as
many still felt that Quichua should be uti lized exclusively.
One pas to r said, "Our own language is best. Spanish is a
co mp lic ate d language and we often are not sure what is meant
by a word. 60% or 70% of a sermon or lecture is often all we
get" (125, parag rap h 53).
The ma j o r i t y of EPHQ leaders b e l i e v e d that some type
of bi l i n g u al progra m that employs Quich ua and Spanish would
be best. One pastor suggested, ''There should be two levels.
The ol de r ones and the ones more c u l t u r a l l y bound should be
taught in Highland Quichua. The younger ones w ou ld do fine in
C a s t el la no " (16, paragraph 54). A n ot he r pastor's suggestion
207
hel pe d determine the mix for each area. The pr o g r a m should be
"in the language of the community. Therefore, the p ro gr am
w o u l d have to be bilingual so that each student coul d get what
he needed" (129, paragraph 56). A pastor who was sensitive to
the older pastors' linguistic limitations r e c o mm en de d a
bi l in gu al approach in order to include them. The p r o g r a m
sh ou ld be "bilingual in H i g h l a n d Quichua and Castellano, but
pr i m a r i l y the teaching should be in Highland Quichua bec au se
the older men and the women do not know Ca st ellano" (i 17,
p a r a g r a p h 53).
In what language? Al t h o u g h the ongoing e t h n ic it y
mov e m e n t is leading some to opt for Qui chua-only approaches,
most acknowledge that a b i l in gu al program is best. The CO NAIE
and FEINE leaders are en c o u r a g i n g Highland Quichuas to return
to their native language and cultural ways. However,
informants readily ac kno wle dge d that there would be some
limitations of Quichua in theo log ica l education. The ideal
p r o g r a m would utilize Spanish theological ma terials in
i nc rea sin g measure. This w o u l d also allow the new Hi g h l a n d
Qu ic hua theologians to c o mm uni cat e and interact with the fifth
of the world that speaks Spanish. The bilingual a pp ro ac h
wo u l d be sensitive to the H i g hl an d Quichuas who spea k Quich ua
but also incorporate the EPHQs who speak more Spanish than
208
CHART 20
SEST LANGUAGE FOR INSTRUCTION
Quichua/Spanish/English (1.49%)
Spanish (2.99%)
/ ’ Quichua/Spanish
(70.15%)
CHART 21
BES T LANG UAG E FOR INSTRUCTION
Q uichua/Spanish/English
Spanish
Quichua
Q uichua/Spanish
10 20 20 40 50
Number of R esponses
209
Quichua. The EPHQs are bound by a common past and culture,
but their- language preferences are in flux.
ii. By whom?
The cultural identity of the p r e fe rr ed instructors is
only pa rt ia l ly answered in the choice of ins truction language.
On one hand, it is possible for mes tizoes and North America n
miss io nar ie s to learn the Quichua language. On the other
hand, knowing Quichua well enough to teach in the language may
not suffice. There are cultural nuances and body language
dynamics that a non-Highland Quichua person coul d spend a
lifetime learning.
If an educator wanted to design a su ccessful pastoral
training pr og r am from the ground up, he would seek ways to
make it as effective as possible. Part of the key to doing so
is removing any unnecessary barriers tc learning. The
language of instruction deserves consideration, but also the
instructors. Who should be the teachers in a Highland Quichua
theological education and pastoral training program?
The great majori ty of the responses ind ic at ed that
only Highlan d Quichuas should be instructors. "The Quichuas
themselves should be the teachers" was a repeated response
(FI, pa ra gra ph 40). Almost half as m a n y of the informants
ac kno wl ed ge d that there are few Highla nd Q ui chu as currently
trained and, therefore, anyone could be an in str uct or until
210
sufficient numbers of H ig hl an d Quichuas are trained. Then,
however, only Highland Q u i ch ua instructors should teach them.
The following are a sampling of the responses with the
ma j o r i t y opinion.
The Quichuas should be the teachers. However, the leaders

that have been chosen by the churches right now would be a
failure since they are not trained. (14, para gra ph 57)
Overall, it would be best to have Highland Quichuas

themselves who have be en trained and p re par ed to be
teachers. (127, par ag ra ph 58)
By the Highland Quichua people themselves after they get

trained; they woul d be the best. (128, pa ra gra ph 55)
These are on ly a few illustrations of the most repeated
responses to the query regarding the best choice for teachers
in the pastoral training program.
An insightful ob se rvation was offered by several
informants. They felt that the greatest success would be
realized when the teacher was a Highland Quichua, or even
someone else who knew the language and culture well, but who
was from a great distance f ro m their community.
It is usually be tte r to have a pro fe sso r from outside our

c o m m u n i t y — whet her H ig hla nd Quichua, mestizo, or white.
"A prophet is not without honor except in his own
ho metown." It is better to have someone from outside our
com mun ity because when one of our own teaches, the people
do not value the teaching as much. They reason that he
has nothing to offer us because he is one of us and knows
the same things that we know. (123, p a ra gra ph 61)
An ot her con curred with this statement. "When it is someone
from far away, they are m uc h more a t tr act ed to come. When it
211
CHART 22
Anyone trained (16.22%)
Highland Quichuas.
Mestizoes, and
| Gringoes (16.22%) Quichuas (47.30%)
Anyone
at first, then HQ (20.27%)
CHART 23
TEACHER PREFERENCE
I
Anyone trained
Q uichuas. M estizoes.
and G rin g o e s
I Anyone at first, than

o n ly H ighland Q uich uas
Quichuas
Number of Responses
212
is a local person, they do not want to come because they think
it is the same old teachings" (115, paragraph 57).
Charts 22 and 23 show the responses given to the query
regarding the faculty of the successful EPHQ training program.
The Highland Quichua culture is enjoying a
re vit alization movement. The CONAIE and FEINE organizations
are mo bi li zi n g the Highland Quichua people to stand up for
their rights and celebrate their cultural heritage. Highland
Quichuas have also been the objects of oppression and abuse
for centuries. The Catholic Church itself pa rt icipated in
this abuse for many years. The EPHQ is caught in a web of
history, tradition, renewed cultural pride, and a genuine
desire for effective training. For these reasons, and
assuredly others, the majority of the informants stated that
the effective EPHQ training pro gr am would be staffed with
Highland Quichua teachers almost exclusively.
A final question in the interview allowed the
informants to state the greatest felt need of the EPHQ church
relative to leadership. The felt need response is more than a
mere opinion. It carries the weight of decades of life as a
Highland Quichua Christian in An dean Ecuador. It incorporates
cultural insights that have been attained by virtue of being
Highland Quichua by birth and EPHQ by regeneration. The
213
question allowed the informants to offer personal insight
after du ti ful ly responding to the questions of the researcher.
e. According to the emic EPHQ perspective, what is the
greatest need among the EPHQ ch urch regarding leadership?
The greatest need among the EPHQ church regarding
leadership is training. Train in g was men ti on ed by every
informant as the greatest need. One pa sto r stated, "The
Highland Quichua leaders possess great dreams but they need
someone to help them realize their d r e a m s — through biblical
instruction that leads them to co rr ect ly interpret the Bible"
(13, pa ra gr a ph 7). A leader from another province stated that
the greatest need is "the ability to be trained. They cannot
afford the current opportunities. They des perately need
training somehow. We have about seventy churches in
T ung ura hua and only twenty-four pastors. Only 5% to 10% of
them have had any training" (132, par agraph 61).
One third of the responses stated that training was
ne eded in every area of life and not just pastoral training.
One shared, "Training the leadership in an integral manner,
not only in Bible but in all areas of leadership" (14,
p ar ag ra ph 60). Others said that the greatest n ee d was broad-
bas ed education.
The greatest need is to be trai ne d an d be taught how the

Hi ghl an d Quichua people can move forward. The y really
need a holistic training system. There are leaders out
214
there but there are no ways for them to get trainin g to

know how to be a good leader. (16, paragraph 60)
The greatest need is pre pa re d leaders. We have man y

churches that have an existing church but who have no
trained or prepared leaders. They cannot be trai ned ma ny
times because they have no schools close to them. They
also have a lack of funds for books and materials. There
is a lack of education in secular matters also. We need
to train our people to be trained i-n theological matters
and in the secular world. (127, paragraph 61)
Traini ng for .the Highla nd Quichua leaders is the greatest

need. It needs to be a holistic training program.
Speaking for myself, I have twenty years as a bel ie ve r and
I nave managed to get training and be ordain ed but it has
been very difficult. We need a way for the people to be
thorou ghl y trained and in a way that they can afford.
High school is very expensive. We need a way for a
thorough training that reaches all our Highland Quichua
people. (118, par agraph 61)
A holistic ed uca tional approach was su ggested by
these, but all informants stated that the EPHQ church lacked
trained leaders as well as training opportunities for leaders.
CHART 24
GREATEST NEED OF THE EPHO CHURCH
Pastoral trainingwith holistic preparation included
T ra in in g in th e o lo g ic a l e d u c a tio n , p a s to r a l fo rm a tio n , an d Bible
0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35
Number of Responses
215
CHART 25
Pastoral training
wit*•. holistic
preparation
included (29 79%)
/ Training in theologies
/ educaion. pastoral
lotmsion. anoB itle
(70 2t%)
Recapi tu lat io n of Interview Findings
The interviews revealed the current real it y of the
EPHQ church in An dea n Ecuador from an emic perspective. The
leaders i nt erv ie wed pain te d a portrait of the c hu rc h by
sharing their years of experience and cultural he ri t a ge as it
comes to bear on the EPHQ leadership needs.
The findings from the interviews show that the leaders
of the Highla nd Quichua culture in general, and the EPHQ
church in particular, are selected by a d e mo cr at ic process.
In some cases the candidates are recommended by pastors,
elders, or their churches for consideration ba s e d upon the
216
qua lities that characterize their lives. The predominant
qua lities sought in a leader are a good reputation, someone
involved in the community, a family man, a hard worker, a
natural leader, and someone who is prepared for the task.
The existing options for being trained are Bible
institutes, church-based di sc ipleship programs, and seminary
or u ni v e rs i ty level training for those who are able to make
the adjustment. University or seminary level training
cu rr en tl y require a mastery of S p a n i s h , . urban work skills,
financial resources, and usually relocation to the city. Most
of these considerations preclude this option for most Highland
Qu i ch ua pastors and candidates.
The traditional Highland Quichua me th od of teaching
their young people is on-the-job training, mentoring,
apprenticeship, aural narrative storying, and "watch and do."
The Highl an d Quichuas are taught gender appropriate daily
tasks around the home or farm by following others and doing
what they see them do. The Quichua language and culture is
taught to the children by living out e ve ry da y life.
Additionally, Highland Quichua young people are
taught by family and community elders the myths, legends, and
anc estral history, although this practice and knowledge base
is dwindling. There is very little use of consistent positive
or negative reinforcement for behavioral m o d i f i c a t i o n among
217
the E P H Q s . The non-EPHQ Highl an d Quichua s do pr act ice strong
negative reinforcements, but the informants be lie ved that this
is a result of receiving such treatment from others and that
it is not a cultural characteristic.
Highland Quichuas teach cultural and ethical values to
their children. There is great con si st en cy in this teaching
that has spanned the centuries. This is an indication of two
pro mis in g aspects of Highland Quichua culture. First, they
are able to communicate v a lu e- lad en truth to younger
generations. Second, it dem onstrates the existence of an
effective teaching method.
The majority of the informants believed that the
traditional aural methods that have been used in home and work
settings for centuries would be the best me thod of
instruction. They acknowledged that a blend of me th o d o l o g y
would serve to unite the age groups ana minimize alienation.
They further believed that while the most effective training
p r o g r a m wou ld be bilingual, more than mere oc casional use
should be made of the Quichua language; indeed, many felt that
Quich ua should be the only language of instruction. The
m a j o r i t y also held that the EPHQs themselves should be trained
first and then be the only instructors in the program.
Every informant spoke readily when asked about the
greatest need of the EPHQ church. Every response was that the
218
greatest need is training. Of course, they ac kn ow l e d g e d that
in order for this to come to pass, a prior need is g r e a t e r — a
cultur al ly app rop ri ate pastoral training program.
Findings Relative to the Pertinent

Precedent Literature
As expl ai ne d in chapter 3, a groun de d th eory researc h
design employs a review of the pertinent pre ce den t literature
in the findings. The prim ar y reason for this is to avoi d the
pre su pp os it ion s and prej ud ic e that may bias the resear ch er in
the initial stages of the research as he encount ers the
findings and co nc lusions of others. A second reason for the
pl acement of a review of the pertinent pre ce den t li terature in
the findings chapter is that it is actuall y a tri an gu la ti on
tool. That is, the findings from previous research in similar
fields of study should r esonate with the findings of the
current research.
In this way, the researcher stands on the sho ulders of
the researchers of the past. The current research should not
only concur with the findings of previous studies, but
bui ld in g upon them, it should provide new light and
information to the portion of the bodies of knowledge that
they hold in common.
There are four bodies of literature to be considered.
First, since the study focuses on an eff ective pastoral
219
training pr og r am for men without access to a traditional
seminary education, Theological Ed ucation by Ext en si on (TEE)
is reviewed. Second, the dynamics of training Highland
Quichua people by North American m is sio na rie s and dominant
culture mes tizoes draw more sub-topics into the study. The
interface of pastoral training, literacy, and bi li ng ua li sm
among the Highland Quichua aural culture, and intercultural
education must be considered. In addition, some of the
research among similar cultures in Af rica is in clu ded to show
the congr uen ce of those findings with the current study.
Third, the difficulties inherent in training
preliterate aural culture peoples have been e n c o u n te re d for
centuries. For these, and other reasons, techniques such as
using mentoring, storying, and m a s t e r - a p p r e n t i ce relationships
for pastoral training have arisen. Therefore, the literature
treating these specific topics is included.
A no th er source of literature reviewed is found in the
Old and New Testaments, specifically where they present
men tor ing relations hip s for training leaders. The training
models and relationships found therein that utilize the
met hod olo gie s reviewed in this section are considered.
Specifically, the training meth odo log ies e m pl oy ed by Jesus
Christ and the apostle Paul are co nsi der ed in order to show
these metho ds in practice. Finally, chap ter 4 is summarized
220
to present the findings from all three legs of the
triangul at io n in a succinct presentation. The theory that
grows out of these findings is pre se nte d and explained in
chapter 5.
Theological Education by Extension
The need for a pastoral training model presented
itself when mi ss ionaries realized that utilizing the Western
models of their own seminary days was not successful. Indeed,
many m i s s i o n a r y educators were simply translating their own
seminary notes and teaching them to the national seminary
students. In the 1960s, a corrective movement began and grew
rapidly in popularity; it came to be known as Theological
Education by Ex tension (TEE).
TEE was devised and developed in Latin America,
prim ar il y among the Presbyterians in Guatemala (Winter 1965,
A nde rso n 2000). A crisis existed that was not unlike the
current one among the Highland Quichuas. A survey revealed
that after twe nty-five years of seminary operation, only ten
pastors had been trained and provided for the leadership of
the churches.
The faculty of the seminary, Ralph Winter, Jim Emery,
and Ross Kinsler, recognized the p r o b l e m and sought drastic
me asu res to correct it. An obvious p r o bl em existed in that
the students and churches were not in the city where the
221
se minary was located. The students were not able to make the
move to the city for ma n y of the same challenges shared by
their mo de r n -d ay Highland Q u ich ua counterparts. Therefore,
the se mi nar y was restructured in order to go to them. Kinsler
sums up the assessment.
Th e o log ic al education exists to train those who will lead

the whole people of God in the fulfillment of His
m i s s i o n a r y task around the world. Traditional theological
in sti tutions are far too l i m i t e d in their o u t r e a c h , and
they have inherent f a l l a c i e s . Ne w alte rnatives are
urg en tl y needed, a n d theological education b y extension
has ope ne d the way to fundamental changes in training a n d
m i n i s t r y for mission. (Kinsler 1977, 24; emphasis in the
original)
New curriculum was writt en and a TEE system that
ope ra te d at three different levels was developed*. TEE
incorporates a system in which the pr ofessor goes to the
student, introduces material, and leaves the ma terial co be
read and reflected upon. After a period of time, the
profe ss or returns to repeat the process. The three most basic
elements of TEE are s e lf -s tu dy materials, practical work, and
regular encounters or seminars (Kinsler 1981, Winter 1969).
The TEE program grew and was soon being studied by
other missio nar ie s around the world. There were five
ad vantages of TEE that the mi ss io na ri es recognized.
First, the door was op en e d for leaders who desir ed to

reach a higher level of training. Second, the leaders
could receive theological training in the context of their
own subculture. Third, the syste m perm it ted those
students who had low mo ti v a t i o n to leave without losing
face. Fourth, instead of lowering academic levels, the
222
ext ension student learns better and develops b et te r study

habits in his or her home. Finally, ex tension is much
more economical than the conventional seminary, and it
saved time for the professor. (Anderson 2000, 944)
Of course, there was opposition from the traditional
seminary professors, yet there was no arguing with the
results. Critics poin ted to the absence of a library for
research and the absence of the traditional c l a s s r o o m dynamic
of learning from others, yet leaders were being p r e p a r e d and
the churches were benefitting. Indeed, the success of TEE is
undeniable in that it is found on mi ss ion fields thr ou gh ou t
the m a jo ri ty world.
Th ough Wi n t er and Kin sl er take pains to insist that
TEE should be seen in no way inferior to traditional seminary
education, neither of them dare to say that TEE is a viable
a lt er nat ive for training theologians or seminary professors.
None of the authors deals with the problems brought about by
the varying quality and qu ant ity of TEE faculty, the absence
of a roving library, or the inconsistency that plag ues such
programs. They are simply ma kin g the case that wit h regard to
training ministers for churches in certain circumstances,
these programs are equal to, and in ma n y ways su per ior to,
traditional formal seminary edu cation (Kinsler 1977, Winter
1969).
In 1977, Ross Kinsler wrote that there were "300
programs with 30,000 to 40,000 ext ension students in 75
223
countries around the globe" (Kinsler 1977, xii). One of the
reasons for its success is that it "targets established
leaders rather than prospective leaders" (Andersen 2000, 944).
TEE allows the current systems of leadership recognition and
selection to continue without seeking to change them. Kinsler
says, "It would be misleading and erroneous to set up a single
model of leadership; every society and sub-culture has its own
patterns, roles, and qualifications" (Kinsler 1977, 12) .
Sam Rowen was one of the first to transplant the
pro gra m when he established a TEE program in the Dominican
Republic (Rowen 1969, 129). An interesting and applicable
concept is put forth by Rowen. He advocates a return to a
system that educates the right peopie in appr opr iat e ways in a
section entitled, "A Return to the Peripatetic School: The
Extension Seminary" (Rowen 1969, 131).
The detractors of TEE slowly began to accept it as a
viable alternative for students who could not be trained in
the traditional way for various reasons, e s p e ci al ly as they
came to see that it was an extension of the seminaries and not
a replacement for them. TEE has been remarkably effective in
providing trained leaders to the church in the ma j o r i t y world.
Kinsler wrote almost ten years after Winter 's massive
600-'page gro und-breaking work that introduced TEE to the
waiting mi ss iol ogi cal world. Kinsler had the benefit of a
224
decade of trial and error, correction, and adaptation. He
ably reports on many of the changes that have be en needed. He
points out two major concerns that began to rear their heads
as TEE made its way through the countryside of the majority-
world. First, "In Latin America one of the most crucial
questions has been, Can and will theological educ at io n be
adapted to the very low level of many local leaders?" (Kinsler
1977, 136). Here he cites Conservative Baptist m i s s io na ry to
Honduras George Patterson, who raised the ch allenge of
training leaders among the semi-literate. Second, Kinsler
notes the people movements among the indigenous peoples of
Latin America, including the Highland Quichuas.
Over the past 10 to 30 years several very sizeable 'people

movements' have developed among the maj or Indian
populations of Latin America, and this presents another
important challenge to the extension movement. (Kinsler
1977, 137)
The p r o b l e m of how to train the leaders in this
culture is exac erb ate d by the exponential growth of the
church. All of the tens of thousands of new Christi ans are in
need of church leaders. But the numbers are not the only
reason for a need for more leaders. Many traditional
religions have been mixed together with Christianity. The
lack of tra ine d leaders leaves no voice to counter the
insidious process of watering down the gospel and mi xing it
with folk religion, animism, witchcraft, and n o n - C h r i s t i a n
225
worldviews. Many Christians are held in bondage by these
sy ncr et ist ic belief systems that have infiltrated the
fledgling churches.
TEE is flexible and can be shaped to almost ever y
student. The pro gr am is focused on the individual students in
their mi n i s t r y environments and not on a cla ssroom in an
institution setting. The length of the classes or p r o g r a m can
be a dj ust ed to meet the p ar tic ul ar situation of any student.
The ac a d e mi c level is flexible and can be tailored to the
student in ways that a cla ss ro om lecture cannot. Wi nter makes
a case for "functional equivalence of different academic
'levels'" (Winter 1969, 29). Here he stresses that students
learn at their own level and rate and that a program can be
suited to that student.
Trad it io na l seminary education is one me th od that has
been used to prepare pastors and ecclesiastical leadership.
TEE has also been used and has been proved to be very
effective. However, both of these methods require the student
to be literate and conversant in the methods of Wes te rn
education. This usually entails learning the language of the
dominant culture. Even so, in itially it appears that
tra di ti on al TEE would be the answer.
Tr a d it io na l seminary education has been used for
centuries and has produced some of the world's finest
226
thinkers, theologians, philosophers, and m i n i s t e r i a l
practitioners. However, traditional seminary e d u ca ti on
demands the ph ysi cal presence of the student. He or she must
live at or near the seminary in order to p a r t i c i p a t e in the
program. This enables the student to ma in ta in co ns i s t e n t
class attendance, have regular access to the library, and
profit from the ac ad em ic fellowship that such an e n v i ro nm en t
provides.
For several reasons, traditional se mi na ry e d u ca ti on is
not a workable so lu ti on to the need for trained leaders in the
areas co ns i d e r e d by this study. It requires that the student
move from his villa ge or town to the urban m e t r o p o l i s where
the seminary is located. The student must n e c e s s a r i l y be
fluent in Spanish, the language of the seminary. The students
must also have study and literacy skills that are b e y o n d the
maj or it y of Hi gh l a n d Quichuas.
The s e m i n a r y exists to train the gr ea t e s t po ss i b l e
number of students for ministry. Therefore, in co u n t r i e s with
more than one language, the business and t e a c h i n g of the
sem inary must be re al iz ed in the lingua franca of the country.
The student wh os e m o t h e r tongue is not Spani sh m u s t first
learn the language to the degree that he or she ca n read,
write, study, and cr it i c a l l y reflect upon the classes. The
use of Spanish as the language of instruction in E c u a d o r has
227
been followed by missionaries for m a n y years and for several
reasons.
One reason for using Spanish is the number of
languages and dialects spoken in Ecuador. It would be
impractical to create a seminary for every language, culture,
and dialect in the country. Another reason is the readily
ava ilable curri cul um in Spanish and the time and effort that
would be involved to translate these works into the other
language options. Yet another reason is the fact that very
little has been written in most of the other dialects and
languages. Indeed, some still have no Scriptures in their
dialect. This dilemma has been faced by other mi ss ionaries in
other countries as well.
Edwin Smith, a linguist who served in Zambia, stated
in his 1S28 book entitled The Golden Stool that missionaries
often used other languages to assist the task of training
leaders of varying languages.
Every dialect cannot be p e r pe tu at ed in literary form.

C er ta in expansive languages will no doubt displace the
m ore local forms of speech. The schools will help the
process of selection and perpetuation. It will mean in
m an y cases that pupils will have to learn and be taught
through a me di um of an Af ri can language which is not their
own m o t h e r tongue. This is not an ideal arrangement, but
a co mp rom is e forced upon us by cir cu ms ta nc es . . . . But
this is a very different thing fr om teaching English, as
some peo ple advocate in order to solve the difficulty.
(Smith 1928, 302-303)
228
While using Spanish in the seminaries has been accepted
practice, this is net the only d if fi cu lt y of the EPHQ in
existi ng seminaries.
A n ot he r unfortunate aspect of young Highland Quichuas
in a formal seminary is that the very process alienates them
from their home culture. Th e y must learn a new culture to
survive in the city and, once learned, this culture becomes a
part of them. This results in assimilation and a d i f f u s i o n of
cultures. Yusuf 0. Kassam is quoted in Theological Ed ucation
in Context: 100 Extension Progra mm es in C o n t e m p o r a r y Africa.
First, formal education is ba sically elitist in nature

ca tering for the needs and interests of a very small
propor ti on of those who manage to enter the hierarchical
pyram id of formal schooling. Secondly, the nature of the
subject matter that is taught in formal schooling
alienates its participants from the society for which they
are supposed to be prepared. Thirdly, the formal system
of education breeds the notion that ed ucation is
synonymous with formal schooling and people are judged on
the basis of their paper qualifications alone. (Hogarth,
Gatimu, and Barrett 1983, 5)
Removing people from one culture and educ at in g them in
anoth er results in the inevitable brain drain. Young men
living in subsistence farming areas who remove to the city,
learn the nece ss ar y skills for survival there, obtain city
jobs to support themselves, worshi p in the large churches,
become conversant with the language and lingo of the urban
sprawl find it very difficult to return to village life. The
small churches in the village could never support th e m fu l l
229
time, and these churches will never be the large We st er n-s tyl e
churches that they knew in the city. The draw of the city is
v i r t u a l l y irresistible for those who have tasted its benefits
and advantages.
In addition, once graduated, they have much less in
common w ith those from their former life. Hogarth, Gatimu,
and Barrett admonish their readers to be careful to make the
d i s ti n c t io n between extension education and ex traction
education. The educational process can become a means of
ali en a t io n for some. For instance, Kinsler points out that in
Latin America, "the ideal is to offer a Licenciatura in
theology, which in many countries is an academic level reached
by less than 1% of the pop ul ation" (Kinsler 1977, 16) .
Herbert Klem says that m an y of those trained in traditional
se mi na ry who do return home find it extremely difficult to
c o m m un ic at e with the church members there (Klem 1982).
In addition, traditional seminary education is often
cost prohibitive. This is due to the fact that the seminaries
have been set up after the mod el of seminaries in the Wes te rn
wo r l d and are not similarly su pported in their new home
(Kinsler 1977). Ted Ward is quoted in Kinsler's b o o k as
be l i e v i n g that "theological edu ca ti on is one of the most
expensive fields of education, comparable to the t ra ini ng of
p s y c h i a t r i s t s and astronauts" (Kinsler 1977, 19). In the
230
context of a country in e co nom ic meltdown, it wou ld be folly
to suggest bigger and more c os tly seminaries to meet the
leadership vacuum.
TEE has been used w i d e l y for many reasons, not least
of which is the e c on om ic factor. TEE became wi d e l y po pu lar
due to arguments that are pres en te d regularly in the TEE
literature. One of the reasons regularly re pe a t e d is the
ability of TEE to train more leaders at less cost per student
since it allows a smaller faculty to teach a g r e a t e r n um be r of
students. Furthermore, TEE allows professors to instruct on
several different ac ad e m ic levels at the same time. Kinsler
e mp hat ica lly states, "Let's be quite clear about one thing.
Not one in ten of these people who make up our e x t e n si on
family could ever study in a traditional residence seminary,
even with full sch olarship" (Kinsler 1977, 29) . The wi de ly
varying academic levels is a recurring factor in the less
dev elo ped ma jor ity wo rl d countries. One of the most
attra cti ve aspects of TEE is that students are a l l ow ed to stay
in their home villages and continu e to care for their
families.
In Donald Mc Gav r an 's foreword to Ralph W in ter 's
Theological Education b y Extension, he makes his case for TEE
by referring to a c o n v er sa ti on that he had wi th a m i s s i o n a r y
principal of a the ological trainin g school in Africa.
231
We have a church of 50,000 ba pt ize d be li eve rs doubling

every twelve years, and yet for the last five years we
have been graduating an average of onl y nine and a half
ord ai ne d pastors per year. Of our pr ese nt 609 churches
with buildings, less than fifty have a d e q u a t e l y trained
ministers. (Winter 1969, xiii.)
Mc Gavran's argument was that TEE was the hope of the hour.
TEE offered the most students pr e p a r e d for the effort
and resources ex pen de d in a crisis situation. Ch ur ch es needed
as many leaders as they could get, and as q u ick ly as possible.
TEE has bee n uti liz ed widely in hundreds of pro gra ms involving
tens of thousands of students around the world with man y good
results.
There is no doubt that TEE has made pas tor al training
and biblical instruction available to many who never would
have been able to be trained for ministry. However, TEE is
not the panacea ma n y had hoped for. One of its significant
problems is the literacy requirement. Kraft points cut that
the Wester n familiarity with a lite rac y-b ase d culture has
lulled ma n y mis sionaries into an unc onscious beli ef that the
only way to know of and grow in Christ is throug h the written
word. Spe aki ng of this tendency in most missionaries, he
states incredulously, ". . .we can hard ly imagine how (or
that) God could have worke d before Gu ten ber g" (Klem 1982, ix).
However, even the TEE met ho d is c h a l l e n g e d by the
economic woes of the mis sionaries and their target countries.
Traditio nal TEE is severely wea kened when there are no funds
232
for the professors' travel and lodging. It readily appears
that TEE has its own problems that hinder it from being the
panacea for the EPHQs' pastoral training woes.
A new me thod must be found to address the need for
EPHQ pastors. TEE has met the need for more trained pastors
in many cultural context s and continues to be a viable m e th od
for training leaders today. However, like all good ideas and
solutions, TEE has its limitations. While it can be adjusted
to embrace many kinds of students, there is one level of
student that traditional TEE cannot include— the pre li ter ate
pastor from an aural culture.
Literacy and Bilingu ali sm

Among Aural Cultures
Many indigenous groups are preliterate because they
are an aural culture people. These groups do not use the
written word as symbols in their culture. While they have
certainly been mentally capable of devising some writ te n form
of communication, they have remained de pendent upon the spoken
word.
When missionaries train using the written w o r d — in the
dominant langua ge — it communicates that one cannot learn about
God using aural teaching methods in one's m ot he r tongue. The
vicious cycle results in newly trained teachers who m a y be
from the host culture but now on ly know how to teach their own
233
people using foreign methods and, inevitably, a foreign
language. Is it possible to devise a met hod of training
pastors and spiritual leaders in preliter ate aural cultures
using me th ods that do not require literacy skills?
Many indigenous groups in "reached" countries are
m a r gi na li ze d because of their distinct culture, customs,
language, lack of skills in the dominant language and culture,
and sel f-i den tification preference. The bridge to cross into
the large cities that host our formal traditional seminaries
is difficult to find for many of these people. In fact, among
those who find such a bridge, most are hesitant to cross it;
one cannot go to the other side without being changed. A
m et ho d to train preliterate aural culture indigenous people in
their own context is needed in this type of situation.
One of the bridges that has been found by a few of
Ecuador's Highland Quichua po pul ati on is bilingual ability.
However, this skill is acquired with great difficulty.
A l th ou gh efforts have been taken to prov ide bilingual
e du cat ion in the public school system, they have failed
through out the highlands. The failure resides in the pauc ity
of trained bilingual people who could be the teachers. Given
the fact that the Highland Quichuas had no writ ten alphabet
pri or to the arrival of the Spanish, there is ob vi ous ly no
high pri or it y placed upon literacy.
234
The pu bl i c school system was saddled with a national
law from the M i ni s tr y of Education and Culture in Ja n u a r y 1981
that aimed at e st ab l is hi n g bilingual ed ucation for Ec uador's
indigenous people. Ani ta Krainer provides a copy of the
Ministerial Agreement, num be r 000524.
To make of ficial bilingual, bi-cultural education, by

es ta blishing in the p re do mi na nt ly indigenous p o p u l a t e d
regions, both pr im ar y and intermediate schools, w he re
instruction is imparted in the Spanish and Qu ic hu a
languages or in the vernacular ianguaae. (Krainer 1996,
33)
Krainer also cites a 1980 law that initiated for the first
time a literacy ca mp a ig n that utilizes Quichua in the Highland
Quichua areas (Krainer 1996).
The u n f o rt una te reality is that there are not
sufficient numbers of bilin gu al teachers to br in g the plan to
fruition. Ecuador's El Com ercio newspaper reports that after
all the years since these plans have been the law, the
bilingual system still lacks hundreds of tea che rs to ma k e the
plan work (El Co me r c i o 16 September 1999). The ne w s p a p e r
further reports that hundreds of mestizo te achers have been
employed instead of p u s h i n g for Highland Q u i c h u a tea che rs so
that the ch ildren w ou ld not be left alone in their classrooms.
Al though an of fi ci al E c u a d o r i a n Bilingual De par tme nt was
created over ten years ago, El Comercio states that in the
last ten years the num be r of bilingual teachers has not
increased at all (El Co me r c i o 16 September 1999). Therefore,
235
although bil ing ual skills are of great use in Ecuador, they
are di f ficult to acquire, ma king bilingual pastoral
pre pa r at io n ex t r em el y complicated.
W hi l e TEE and traditional seminary ed ucation have met
the needs of the church in many cultures, there are specific
needs and challenges presented by pr el iterate aural cultures,
e s p e c i a l l y when these cultures exist as the mi n o r i t y culture
under a literate dominant culture. Francis Bradley supports
this idea in his work on minori ty cultures under dominant
cultures and the specific educational needs that they have
(Bradley 1978). When the church grows in such aural culture
situations faster than leaders can be provided, there are the
c oncomitant challenges of syncretism, leadership vacuums,
competit ive denominationalism, and aberrant doctrine (Hogarth,
Gatimu, and Barrett 1983, Johnstone 1993, Klem 1982).
Ma ny authors have researched similar aural cultures.
They have stress ed the unique aspects of aural cultures and
literac y and the interface between them. Some authors
m a i nt ai n that "literacy exists as a social pract ic e rather
than a technology" (Marsilio 1999, 1). Herbert Klem deals
with Afr ic an aural societies ex te nsi vel y and dem onstrates that
this is the tie that binds ma ny cultures together. He further
d em ons tr ate s that some cultures are defined by their aural
nature and any attempt to force literacy upon such groups will
236
be met with limited, and only temporary, success. Some
cultures are aural-oriented but open to change, while other
groups see any attempt at li teracy as invasive and threate ni ng
(Hiebert and Meneses 1995). Many attempts to assimilate the
aural Highla nd Quichua culture into the dominant culture, even
for EPHQ pastoral training, "are often one-sided, arbitrary,
disruptive, if not brutal or cruel" (Turner 1964, 204).
Klem argues persu as iv el y that first-century Palestine
was largely an aural culture and that Jesus minis te re d and
train ed leaders according to that cultural reality (Klem
1982); that is, Jesus did not need the Weste rn model of
educa ti on to train leaders. The intercultural c om mu ni ca ti on
dynamic among aural cultures has been ad dressed by David
Hes s e l g r a v e and Paul Hiebert in their research on such
cultures.
Paul Hiebert and Eloise Meneses have dealt with the
various types of societies that are found throughout the w or ld
in "Incarnational Ministry: Planting Churches in Band, Tribal,
Peasant, and Urban Societies." In this work they point out
that aural societies are no less viable than literate
societies.
Cu ltural information is stored in many ways. Ma n y of us

store it in writing. We turn to books, newspapers,
billboards, and even sky w r it in g to retrieve it. Other
cultures store most of their information in stories,
songs, riddles, and other forms of oral tradition that are
eas i l y remembered. (Hiebert and Meneses 1995, 39)
237
Far from being ignorant savages, aural societies are said to
have large bodies of information regarding their past and
legends in the form of stories and songs.
A proper method of mini sre rin g to and among aural
societies must include these same methods. It is not
surprising that many efforts are ineffective when missi on ar ie s
translate centuries-old hymns, preach sermons based on precise
logic, and insist that leadership must be elected by the
majority. Missionaries and pastoral training programs must
und er s t a n d that these cultures are different, not pr im iti ve
and worthless. Hiebert and Meneses summarize the p r ev ai li ng
attitude of many missionaries:
We have no doubt that literacy is better than oral

culture, that guns are better than stone axes, and that
permanent homes are be tter than nomadic life.
Consequently, we immediately set about to improve the
materi al life of people. (Hiebert and Meneses 1995, 79)
Several decades ago a movement stressing theological
e du ca tio n by extension was seen as an answer for pr ov id in g
more mi nisters for the churches. This m e t h o d has been very
succes sful and has served effectively. However, the numbers
pro d u c e d are still inadequate to the need. Furthermore, an
un f o rs ee n dynamic is ap pearing after these few decades. The
ethnic revitalization moveme nt among many cultures, including
the H ig hl an d Quichuas, causes m a n y to bristle at the
requirement of literacy in a foreign language (Klem 1982).
238
Indeed, traditional seminary education and TEE by their very
nature require that the student be able to read, write,
cri ti c a l l y reflect, and engage in self-study. In cultures
where these ways of learning are not tr ad i t i o n a l l y v a l u e d as
they are in W e s t e r n cultures, the results have been
disappointing.
A new approach needs to be found and u t i l i z e d to train
the C h r is ti an leaders that the Spirit of God is c a ll in g out to
serve his people in pre li te ra te aural cultures. The
m i s s i o n a r y educators of the past are not to be b l a m e d for
seeking to educate the church leadership in the best way that
they knew. However, when a need is di scerned w h o s e resolu tio n
would result in the advance of the kingdom of God in a large
part of his world, the church must address it. A c c o r d i n g to
Charles Kraft's foreword in "Oral Co mm unication of the
Scripture: Insights from A fr ica n Oral Art", he b e li ev es that
this portion of the w o r l d made up of aural culture peopl es is
"70% of the world's p o p u la ti on " (Klem 1932, ix). W es te rn
m i s s i o n a r y educators are no more justified in forcing them to
learn the Weste rn wa y in order to serve the Lord than they
wo ul d be to make them forsake their traditional mu s i c a l
instruments, languages, clothing, and leadership styles to
wo r s h i p him. The literature shows that the current me t h o d s of
239
leadership training of pastors in preliterate aural cultures
are not only inadequate, but are increasingly so.
As the preparation of leaders in the church is
examined, Hiebert and Meneses' contrast of aural culture and
Western worldviews is interesting. They show that the aural
culture w o r ldv ie w is sound-oriented and tends to believe what
it is told by reliable people. These cultures hold that
sounds put us in touch with the invisible, the powerful, the
mysterious, and the sacred (Hiebert and Meneses 1995).
West ern culture, on the other hand, is visually-
oriented and prefers to accept only what has be en seen
firsthand. Aural culture people traffic best in concrete-
functional thought. For this reason parables and stories are
highly ef fective in such a setting. Western culture tends
toward abstrac t- ana ly tic al thought and enjoys rational debate
(Hiebert and Meneses 1995). These differences should be kept
in mind and factored into any me th o d o l o g y of theological
education or pastoral training. It should also be evident
that tr adi tional ministerial pre pa ra ti on is wo e fu ll y lacking
in such a context.
Aural cultures are said to be based on strong face-to-
face relationships. Great trust is p la ce d in the messenger.
The ac cep ta nce or rejection of the me ss a g e has much to do with
the rel ati o ns hi p between speaker and hearer. Since they
240
think, learn, and live in concrete and functional terms,
missionaries would do well to meet them at their point of
need. Both the presenting of the gospel and the pr e p a r a t io n
of the leaders should incorporate stories, ill ustrated talks,
drama, and other forms of narrative presentation.
Hiebert and Meneses present the various levels of
cultures found throughout the ma j or it y world, band, tribal,
and peasant, and finally come to urban societies. Urban
societies are based on very complex systems of government,
international economic realities, highly de ve lo pe d religions,
mul tinational business, tr ansportation systems, and trained
militaries. Unfortunately, this grouping of urban societal
forms has been the mindset in which theological ed uc at io n has
been realized and perpetuated. The incongruence of this truth
vis-a-vis the reality pres ent ed is alarming.
It is no wonder that the church lacks leaders when
people from such widely different societies are trained in
only one culture's metho d of t r a in in g— and that is the met hod
understood and used by the dominant culture of the land.
After learning a new culture and language, and being trained
by the foreigners, often the old culture does not ac cept the
leader (Sills 1997). He now is neither of the new cu lt ure nor
any longer of the former culture, "ni chicha, ni limonada."
He is suspect.
241
The rapid growth of the church yields a n e e d for
leaders in terms of sheer numbers. The p e cu li ar it ie s and
dif ficulties inherent in intercultural m in is tr y ma k e the work
slow down. There is an eve r-present temptation to drop all
efforts to train these leaders and simply co ntinue to let the
missio nar ie s handle it as they can. History shows the great
danger in such an approach.
The fledgling churches in China were e x t r e m e l y
dependent upon the miss io na ri es who had plant ed and guided
them. When a new Communist regime required the d e p a r t u r e of
the missionaries, the young churches were left to fend for
themselves. For decades, Western missiologists w o n d e r e d what
had become of the churches left behind. In recent years, a
door has been cracked open that allows a peek inside. Instead
of the few Christians that were left behind, m i s s i o lo gi st s
have found many times the numbers of believers that existed
when missi on ar ie s were forced to leave. The ch u r c h had
continued to grow in the absence of the missionaries.
The trage dy is that most of these churches are
tainted, and in some cases even saturated, with ab errant
doctrines and practices. The missionaries had spent their
efforts bringi ng peo pl e to the Lord. Therefore, that was all
these people had learned how to do, and they s u c c e s s f u l l y
continued this aspect of Ch ristian ministry. However, the
242
m is s i o n a r ie s never stressed the need to teach the nationals,
mu c h less to teach them how to teach.
The churches that were left b e h i n d became a growing
mass of new converts who were left to devise their own
the ology and church order. Those who felt called to the
mini st r y were bereft of teachers and so were left to teach
themselves. It is no wonder that the faith and pr ac t i c e of
leaders are often far afield of what the Bible prescribes.
In ad dition to church growth, cultural distinctives,
and hi storical evidence, there is also the cry from the voices
of the churches themselves. Hogarth, Gatimu, and Barrett
descri be the great need for trained leaders in their book
treating TEE programs in Africa. They quote the Reverend John
Gatu, who was mo de ra to r of the Presbyterian Chur ch of East
Africa in 1973 when he said in a speech to the Bangkok
Assembl y of the Commiss io n on World Missi on and Evangelism:
In a situa tio n such as we find in Africa, where it is

expec ted that of a total popul at io n of 800 m i l l i o n in the
year 2000, there is likely to be a total of 370 milli on
Chris ti an s and that the leadership of the church will be
in the hands of lay people, edu ca ti on of the congregations
and the p r e p a r a t i o n of the laity for the m i s s i o n of the
Church has never been more necessary. (Hogarth, Gat im u and
Barrett 1983, 1)
The situ at io n among the EPHQ is re ma r k a b l y similar.
Clearly, there is a need for trained leaders. It is equal ly
clear that these leaders must be traine d in a m a n n e r that is
consistent with their cultural realities. Finding a m e t h o d to
243
meet this need should receive the highest priority by those
charged with preparing leaders for the churches. The methods
d is co v er ed and employed must incorporate the aural aspects of
their cultures.
In aural cultures, by very definition, communication
is p r e d o m i n a n t l y realized by the spoken word. Of course,
these cultures include body language, dance, music, and dress
to c o mm un ic at e as well. It is a logical conclusion that their
traditional methods of training and teaching are per formed
using these same modes of communication.
Using various methods of telling stories such as
songs, proverbs, riddles, and na rrative retelling of ancient
legends, the children learn from their elders what is
important in their culture, and these lessons are qui ck ly
learned by heart (Hiebert and Meneses 1935). In additi on to
pastoral training, the selection of leaders should respect and
incorporate as much as possible the same type of qualities
de m o n s t r at e d to be valuable to these cultures. Many times the
youth who is willi ng to dedicate himself to theological
educat io n for service in the church will not be the best
leader. The end result of mission ari es forsaking this crucial
aspect is the perception that the biblic al and traditional
H igh lan d Q ui ch ua ways are antithetical, and an un ne ces sar y
244
stumbling block and offense is added to the gospel. It
becomes the foreigner's religion.
In aural cultures, the communication systems that
exist are central to the cultures themselves (Klem 1982) .
Indeed, in many respects this aural communication is the sine
qua non of the culture. This me t h o d o l og y for relating history
and teaching skills is what makes their culture as it is. It
would do violence to the culture to preclude these traditional
ways.
The traditional me t ho do lo gy used for teaching history
and skills in aural based cultures is simple storytelling, cn-
the-job training, and a cen tu ri es -o ld process that mod er ns
have come to term "mentoring." Through the various ways of
telling stories such as songs, narrative dances, and proverbs,
the young people are trained in the history of their
forebears.
The mothers train the daughters to tend the crops as
they do, to make flour and bread as they do, and to care for
the little ones as they do. Thro ugh hearing, watching, and
doing, the young people learn to take over these tasks as they
mature. Fathers teach the young men to farm, build houses,
and wor k through stories and on-the-job training. This has
been the pattern for generations in such cultures. How
245
foreign it would seem to these people to send their daughters
to a school to learn to cook or care for babies.
For more spe cia li ze d positions in the socie ty such as
curandero, musician, or weaver, the younger men are
a pp r en tic ed to an elder skilled in the art or vo ca ti on to be
learned. The specialists make sure that the younger ones gain
the needed skills and knowledge to continue the practice.
This entire process of apprenticing is sometimes re ferred to
as mentoring.
Even though traditi ona lly Highland Qu ich ua culture is
this way, the current met hodologies for theological ed uc ati on
and pastoral training in Ecuador are traditional se minary
education and TEE. Even though Highland Quich ua culture is
aural, both of these models require high levels of literacy.
Missi ona rie s have given great value to literacy in m i s s i o n a r y
efforts in spite of the cultural verities of the Highland
Quichuas.
Mi ssi on ar ie s have held so tightly to the beli ef that
if people were to come to know the Bible they must read it for
themselves that many missio nar ies have made lit era cy a
requirement for church me mbe rsh ip (Klem 1982) . However, many
years must pass before an aur al- bas ed culture changes to the
degree that literacy is highly value d among them, sought
246
after, and utilize d as a t ea chi ng methodology. Indeed, Klem
noted the reality in Africa.
However, after nearly one hundred years of m i s si on and

governm en t literacy training programs, the number of
p eop le who can or will read to gain vital information is
very small. In some areas literacy approaches 25 percent,
but in mosc rural areas it is likely to be less than 5
percent. (Klem 1982, xvii)
Bible knowledge can be taught and learned without literacy.
In fact, m u c h of Klem's work is spent making the argument that
Jesus m i n i s t e r e d to, taught, and trained people who could not
read or write.
To make matters more com pl ic at ed in the challenge to
train pastors in aural cultures, there is also substantial
ev i d e n c e that certain cultures are so far from preferring
literacy that they actually reject it and revert to aural-
base d culture. Klem states that in areas where literacy
prevails, "those who want to par ti cip at e in the common life of
those who com mu ni cat e orally, switch to oral co mm unicat ion"
(Klem 1982, 17). He also cites instances where there appears
to be an unco nsc io us avoidance of or resistance to literacy
efforts beca us e they are seen to undermine the culture.
A n o th e r culture- cla sh p r o b le m of TEE, which it shares
with tr ad itional seminary education, is the tendency toward a
reversal of traditional leade rs hi p patterns. The Highla nd
Quic hu a leader is usually an elder among the society's men.
Traditional seminary education and TEE both appeal to the
247
younger men. There are ma n y reasons for these attractions,
and not all of them are unworthy. Yet the ambitious desire to
go against tradition and cultural norms creates an imbalance
that is often seen to be the fault of the gospel. In cases
where literacy begins to be hi gh ly valued, the traditional
elders are often embarrassed wh en the younger men become
literate and it becomes evident that they themselves cannot
read or write well (Klem 1982).
It is clear that the EPHQ church is ch ar ac ter ize d by a
lack of trained leadership. This predicament finds echoes
throug hout the precedent li terature regarding the church in
the m a jo ri ty world. James Engel and Wi ll i a m Dyrness have
recent ly researched and written on the failure of missions
efforts and strategies to correct them. They find this
failure to train indigenous leadership to be among the weak
spots in Western mission ar y efforts.
Leader sh ip development, tragically, has been almost

entirel y absent in the worl d missions strategies of this
century. This, of course, is yet another damaging
ex t en si on of the grea-t om i s s i o n of spiritual fo rmation in
pr eva il in g concepts of the Grea t Commission. The
shepherds have not been t r a i ne d to disciple and equip the
flock. We are con vinced that leadership de ve lopment is
today's greatest priority, an d we will have m o r e to say on
this subject in the remai nin g chapters. (Engel and Dyrness
2000, 105; emphasis in the original)
The Highland Quichua cult ur e of Andean Ecuador is
a u ra l- b as e d and preliterate. Therefore, the utilization of
wr it te n materials and sel f- s t ud y methods is impossible or
248
extrem ely difficult for these in the initial stages of
pastoral training. However, there are several esse nt ia l
skills that the EPHQ pr e l i t e r a t e aural culture has for
training and being t ra in ed for the ministry: a t r a d it io na l
heritage of stories, on- th e- jo b training, and mentoring.
Me ntoring and Storying Among Aural C u l t ur es
The pertinent prec ed ent literature shows that
prel it er at e aural cultures benefit from the use of storying,
mentoring, and o n- the -j ob training. The re pe at ed p h r a s e heard
in the interview phase of data gathering was "Cur pe o pl e learn
what they see; they w a t c h and do." Much of the inf or ma ti on
pertinent to this topic has been woven into the pr e c e d i n g
section on literacy and bi li ng ua li sm among aural cultures.
Indeed, historically, they are intertwined. As Hiebert and
Meneses demonstrated, aural cultures place great em ph a s i s upon
telling stories.
Storying is a re la tiv el y new term in m i s s i o l o g i c a l
taxonomy. It refers to the pr ac ti ce of telling stories,
especi al ly in aural cultures, to communicate the gospel, plant
churches, and disciple believers. Tom Steffan ab l y ma ke s the
case for using stories in m is si ol og ic al strategies.
No more powerful te aching or research tool exists than

that of storytelling. Wh et h e r in cultural, psychological,
or organizational analysis, preaching or te ac hi ng
theology, and mo r e recent ly evangelism and follow-up, this
communication mode is trans-historical, trans-
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generational, trans-gender, trans-cultural, and trans-

d i s c i p l i n a r y . Stories move the world. (Steffan 2000, 909)
Chr on ol ogi ca l Bible storying was d e v e l o p e d to
com mu ni ca te the gospel to aural culture p e o p l e "by relating to
them, in a cultura lly suitable manner" (Garrison 1999, 59).
This process of using the storying me thod to com mu ni ca te
biblical truth has been well documented. A m o n g the scores of
m is si o n a r y accounts of the success of this m e t h o d is the well-
known video from New Tribes Mission entitled E a - t a o w (Cross
1986). This video recounts the story of m i s s io na ri es who used
storying to reach the Mouk, a preliterate aural cult ur e in
Papua New Guinea. However, the aspect of storyi ng empha si ze d
in this study takes the next step of using the me tho d for
pastoral education. Therefore, the literature reviewe d is
limited to this particular consideration.
This cultu ra ll y suitable ma nner has b ee n used to tell
the stories of the Bible in eva ng el is m and pastor al training.
Steffan explains the development of storying.
Th eol ogians and teachers have noted God's interest in

narrative. Discovering that the Holy Spi rit d e s ig ne d
Sc ripture so that approxim ate ly 75 percent is in a
na rrative genre, and recognizing Jesus' p r e f e r e n c e for
storytelling, they now promote the Bible as God's sacred
Storybook. (Steffan 2000, 909)
M is sio na rie s have dev el op ed pictures to be u se d in the
communic ati on of the stories of the Bible. M i s s i o n a r y Blair
Faulk and Charlie Bone have designed a scarf w i t h a series of
250
biblical scenes silk -sc ree ned onto it. This was the answer to
the need for a portab le and dura bl e set of pictures to use
when storying the biblical me ss a g e in Af ri can villages. Faulk
des cribes the storying process.
Ch r o no log ic al Storying consists of telling Bible stories

in the order that they are give n in the Bible. Stories
are told in a series over a long p er io d of time to a
relatively constant group of people. The goal of storying
is that the listener s will learn, understand, and be able
to co mm unicate the stories, c on sis te ntl y and
interestingly. (Faulk and Bone 1999, 3)
It is not surprising that a nu mber of mi ss ionaries began to
use this same m e t h o d o l o g y for di sc i p l i n g and training leaders
in addition to evangelism.
Men to ri ng is a concept that sounds new to the modern
ear because it has become a buzz word in le adership circles.
This new emphasis upon the practice gives it a faddish nuance
althou gh the practice is thousands of years old. John
Mal l i s c n describes Ch ristian me n t o r i n g as "a dynamic,
intentional r el at io ns hi p of trust in which one pe rson enables
anoth er to ma x i m i se the grace of God in their life and
service" (Mallison 1998, 8). G ar ri so n' s explanation, "a form
of teaching that includes wal ki ng alongside the person you are
teachi ng and inviting him or her to learn from your example"
further shows the usefulness of m e n to ri ng in pastoral training
(Garrison 1999, 60).
251
Mike Welty has dev eloped a pastoral training model for
use among the EPHQs of Imbabura, Ecuador, using me n t o r i n g as a
primary m e t h o do lo g y (Welty 1998). In keeping with the
preceding findings from the missionaries, EPHQ interviews, and
the pertinenc precedent literature, Welty also found, "Most of
the Indians didn't even have an e l eme nt ary school education
and couldn't meet the academic demands of existing seminar ie s"
(Welty 1998, 1). Concern over this p r o bl em drove We l t y and
other missionaries to search for a training pro gr am that would
be effective in the Highland Quichua culture.
W e l t y noticed that his denomination's EPHQ training
institute, which had operated for years, was failing to
produce the required number of leaders for the EPHQ work in
the province. He cites statistics that stress the need.
Eighty-four men and women have graduated from the six-year

institute but only nine have become ordained pastors.
Many of those who have gra duated from the institute have
become discoura ged and have drop pe d out of the ministry.
The Indians themselves realized that a continuing
ed ucation program which implements the principles of
m en tor ing could help change the situation and we started
working together to design such a program. (Welty 1998, 2)
Wel ty incorporated m e n t o r i n g into a training p r o gr am
with the EPHQ. He was a seasoned missionary, with almost two
decades of experience in the EPHQ work, and well knew hew
ment ori ng fits into the Highland Quichua culture. A
recognized and embraced aspect of the culture woul d have a
high probabil ity of success.
252
Welty's thesis records in abundance the scholars and
ministry veterans who credit their ministerial success to
having been me nt or ed by a pro ve n leader. Indeed, Welty's work
is a veritable anno tat ed b i bl io gra phy on the subject of
mentoring in m i n i s tr y today. He demonstrates from current
writings the value of me n to ri ng in training leaders. His
actual field experience with Jacob Klassen in the Agato
training program also demonstrates that this is a viable
training met hod for EPHQ leaders (Klassen 1986, W e lt y 1998).
Welty and Klassen d e v el op ed a program that ut il i z e d
mentoring among the EPHQ of the Imbabura area of Ecuador.
However, their pr og ra m continues the pr ogr am of module s
offered one week every three months for the EPHQ men. The
subject matter of the courses offered is ta ilored to the felt
needs of the students rather than being a syste ma ti c p r o g r a m
cf study. The findings of this study reveal that a more
systematic, intentional, and regular progr am of study is
necessary for the nee de d pastoral training program.
Intercultural Education
The issues regarding intercultural e d u ca ti on are also
dynamics that must be consid er ed in the review of the
literature. Michael Paige has edited an excellent volu me on
intercultural edu cation in which he defines the topic. He
says, "Intercultural edu cation is a highly spe ci al iz ed form of
253
instruction d e s i g ne d to prepare pers ons to live and work
eff ect ive ly in cultures other than their own" (Paige 1993, 1).
Margaret Pusch has edited a work in whicn she defines
intercultural ed ucation in similar terms.
I nt er cu ltu ra l (cross-cultural) educ ati on is educational

ac ti vi t y whic h fosters an und er st an di ng of the nature of
culture, wh i c h helps the student deve lo p skills in
i nt er cu ltu ra l communication and which aids the student to
view the wo rl d from perspectives other than one's own.
(Pusch 1988, 6)
These def in it io ns are consistent with the ma j o r i t y of
definitions and approaches of the books on the subject.
Therefore, the issues per tinent to this study are not
sp ec if ic al ly treated in most of the literature that is placed
under this heading. However, the truths that their authors
emp hasize are ne cessary when considering ether ways of
learning. M an y of the books and dis se rt at io ns that are
cat ego ri zed under the heading "inte rc ul tu ra l education" have
more to do wi th multicultural educa ti on- -a c l a s s ro om setting
in the US A whe re the students represent more than one cuiture-
-than w ith u nd er st an din g how other cultures learn. This
m u l t i c u l tu ra l edu cation literature focuses on helping
educators fairly and skillfully instruct groups of students
from dive rs e cultural backgrounds at levels from kindergarten
to po st - g r a d u a t e education.
These books also concentrate upon help in g the educator
dealing with intercultural communic at ion and bilingual
254
educ at ion gain an awareness of cultural differences. In this
sense, the emphasis in m uch of the literature is more on
s en sit ivi ty training for educators. Some books in this
ca teg ory are "Reading Ladders for Human Relations" (Reid
1972), "Approaches to International Education" (Backman 1984),
"Multi cul tu ral Education: Issues and Perspectives" (Banks and
Banks 1989), and "Illiberal Education: The Politics of Race
and Sex on Campus" (D'Souta 1991).
However, some of the literature under this heading is
very helpful for un der st an di ng the intercultural training that
is sug gested by this study. Richa rd McGonigal dev el ope d a
mode l for intercultural in te raction in the training of adults.
He stresses that there are certa in variables in the ed uc at io n
process that must be co nsi de red when training those from o t h e r
cultures. McGonigal found that the most important variables
ir. the successful training program, in the order of
importance, were "self awareness, empathy, tolerance for
ambiguity, self esteem, low dogmatism, high regard for the
value of equality, the ability to communicate non-verbally,
genuineness, warmth and ope nness" (McGonigal 1971, ii). Th e s e
variables, whic h are present in greater or lesser degree in
all training programs, tend to determine success w he n c ul tu res
come into contact with one another.
255
Muriel Elmer cond uct ed research in an effort to devise
a scale that would be helpful in determining which candidates
of m is si on ar y agencies and other mu ltinational or ga niz at ion s
woul d be most successful in intercultural interaction and
living (Elmer 1986). This intercultural co mpetency scale
contains twelve factors that are me asu red in the candidate. A
listing of these factors reveals that the same types of
co nsi derations found by McGonigal are alsc identified by Elmer
as important for effective intercultural interaction and
impact. The intercultural co mpe ten cy scale measures the
twelve factors: approachability, positive attitude,
intercultural receptivity, realistic orientation,
forthrightness, social openness, enterprise, respectfulness,
perseverance, flexibility, cultural perspectivism,
ve ntu res ome spirit, and social confidence. Again, these
ch ara cteristics are not only important for intercultural
communication, they are also nece ss ary for eff ec tiv el y
impacting people from other cultures.
In "Teaching Culture: Strategies for Intercultural
Communi cat ion ," Ned Seelye treats the issue of un de rst and ing
other cultures in order to ef fe c t i v e l y teach them or learn
from them. He discusses the intercultural communic at ion
challenges that are often to blame for blocking success in
intercultural education. However, he goes beyond this and
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helps his readers with tools for gaining necessary insights
into other cultures. Seelye presents six instructional goals
when teaching students about other cultures. These goals can
also be used by those who teach students of ether cultures.
His six goals are as follows:
Goal 1--Interest: The student shows curiosity about

another culture (or another segment or subculture of one's
own culture) and empa thy toward its members.
Goal 2--IVho: The student recognizes that role expect ati ons
and other social variables such as age, sex, social class,
religion, ethnicity, and place of residence affect the way
people speak and behave.
Goal 3— What: The student realizes that effective

co mmunication requires discovering the cultur al ly
con dit io ned images that are evoked in the minds of people
when they think, act, and react to the world around them.
Goal 4 - -Where and When: The student recognizes that

situational variables and convention shape behavi or in
important ways.
Goal 5--Why: The student understands that people generally

act the way they do because they are using options their
society allows for satisfying basic physical and
psycholo gi ca l needs, and that cultural patterns are
in te rrelated and tend m u t u a l l y to support need
satisfaction.
Goal 6— Exploration: The student can evaluate a

genera li za ti on about the target culture in terms of the
amount of evidence substantiating it, and has the skills
needed to locate and organize information about the target
culture from the library, the mass media, people, and
personal observation. (Seelye 1993, 31)
Seelye stresses the need to understand the target
culture in order to eff ectively educate those who represent
it. He makes the reader aware of the images that words
257
connote in various languages while illustrating that words do
not have a one-to-one correla ti on from one language to
another. A ls o essential to a proper understa ndi ng of cultures
is the characteristic be havior of distinctive cultures
dep en di ng upon the location and type of event. Seelye
illustrates that cultures react to the same stimuli in vary ing
ways, each of which is c on sid er ed appropriate according to
each culture. These issues must be factored into the
awareness of each faculty me mb er in a successful pastoral
training prog ra m that seeks to train men from other cultures.
Mildred Sikkema and Agnes Niyekawa have researched
i nt ercultural education and pre sented a design for cross-
cultural learning that seeks to help educators realize their
cultural biases and limitations. They call for the reader to
be aware that seme cultures tend to think and learn utilizing
convergent thinking, which "refers es se ntially to logical
thinking, with a number of facts leading to one conclusi on"
(Sikkema and Niyekawa 1987, 12). Other cultures tend to
process new information in more divergent ways. This is
thinking that "using a fact or a stimulus as a starting point,
can go in different directions. There is no one correct
answer in divergent thinking" (Sikkema and Niyekawa 1987, 12) .
This one observation alone can account for much of the culture
clash that often occurs when the instructor and the students
258
represent more than one culture. Their design is helpful for
bringi ng these intercul tur al considerations to the conscious
awareness of the educator.
In the very helpful bo ok edited by Michael Paige, he
stresses that intercul tur al edu cation is usually intense and
gives five reasons why this discipl ine must receive special
consideration, es pe c i a l l y by those who are ac cus tom ed to
teaching in traditional settings. First, he says that the
learners are having to reflect on matters that are cul tu ra ll y
foreign. Second, the learning process is not as impersonal as
it is in traditional education; the process becomes a mu ch
m ore personal experience. Third, many of the students must
learn "how to learn" even as they are learning new material.
Fourth, for most students, learning extra-cultural information
also requires basing truth upon new foundations, that is,
"epistemoiogical ex plo rat ion s regarding alternative ways of
knowing and valida tin g what we know" (Paige 1993, 3). Finally,
he shows that cultures are inventions of societies that have
co ns tru cte d an u nd er st an di ng of reality and a knowledge base
acco rdi ng to felt needs and experiences. These cultural
considerations are a vital part of the way people learn as
well as what they de e m w o r t h y of learning. To change or
ch allenge these beliefs, can create stress and tension.
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Con sid er ing these truths and the resear ch that has
been conducted in the area of intercultural e d u ca ti on informs
this pastoral training program's design and supports the
information gained from interviews with m i s s i o n a r y educators
and the culture informants. The mi ss io na ry educators
consistently stated that in their experience, the most
ineffective way of training leaders has been straight lecture
by cultural outsiders in Spanish.
The dynamics that are consi st en tl y pr e s e nt ed by
scholars in the discipline of intercultural ed u c a ti on would
account for the failure of this method. The Spanish language
is not only poorly understood by many of the EPHQ men, but it
uses grammatical construction, syntax, terms, and concepts
that often have no correlation in Quichua. Additionally, the
classroom setting of m a n y of the traditional progra ms is a
cultural alien. It has no precedent in Hi ghl and Quichua
culture and therefore adds an additional bar ri er to the
learning process.
The grading and testing processes in traditional
classroom education are also foreign to the H ig hl an d Quichua
culture. It was the regular experience of the researcher as
well as the tes timony of other educators that cheat in g was
rampant in class. This cheating was not p e r c e i v e d by the
260
students to be sinful or unethical. Rather, it was a way to
help one another in the typical cultural reciprocal fashion.
The failure of the tra ditional seminary education
model in the Highland Quichua context in Andean Ecuador is
eas ily un derstood when these intercultural education
pr inc ipl es are considered. M i s s i o n a r y educators sought to
train leaders in the way they knew best, which was the way in
which they had been trained. This m e t h o d needlessly
incorp or at ed too many foreign elements ana clashed with
tra dit ional models of instruction and training.
Theologians and Disciples
The Western model of tr ad itional seminary education
has pro duc ed thousands of pastors, professors, theologians,
authors, and ministry executives. The Hebrew and Greek
scholars, historians, and theo log ian s of today were trained by
Hebrew and Greek scholars, historians, and theologians of
y es ter day in traditional sem ina ry settings. However, the
pastoral training programs, including some seminaries, in the
m a j o r i t y w orl d usually reflect the e d uc at ion level of a Bible
school or chu rch-based di sci ple shi p pr o g r a m in the US. An
ob je cti ve scale would be helpful to di ff er ent iat e and compare
various levels of scholarship in diffe ren t training methods.
Wi tho ut such a scale, the com pa ri so n of non-commensurate
ph en ome na threatens to un de rmi ne the ab ili ty to communicate.
261
Therefore, for the purposes of this study, a
nontechnical discussion of the various levels is prudent. The
point here is to clarify that there are dif fe ri ng levels of
education afforded by the various models discussed; they all
serve but they are not equal. Traditional seminary education
as is found in the US is rarely enc ou nte red in the ma jor ity
world. When it is found, it is usually in the major language
and, therefore, is often not accessible to mi no r i ty cultures
found in the country.
To communicate clea rly about training leaders and
preparing pastors, the various levels of educ ati on must be
clarified. A pa rticular p r o g ra m of pastoral ed ucation may not
be at an extensive, in-depth, academic research level, but it
can still serve the pastor who receives it. Storying biblical
narratives will prepare the pr el iterate aural culture pastor
by providing him with a mental Bible. However, the researcher
does not pretend to equate this cultur al ly appropriate
pastoral training with a Ph.D. in systematic theolo gy or a
D.Min in pastoral ministry. Yet, the ed ucation that he has
received serves him and the church in his culture context.
All of the train ing programs are c om bi ne d with one or
more of the others. Even US-ba se d traditional seminary
education utilizes ment or in g as the student learns from and
often seeks counsel from a professor, who models what he
262
teaches. The practicum, or field education, in co rporated into
many semina ry programs uses the "watch and do" and feedback
found in on-th e- jo b training models. Storyin g is encountered
throughout the Old and New Testaments as well as in many
lecture styles. There is no pure sy stem of any one of the
pres en te d models of training; they are intertwined. However,
the levels of scholarship and academic training vary.
Biblical Models of Leadership Training
The training models and techniques c al led for by the
Highland Quichuas' needs, abilities, and cultural
cha racteristics have biblical precedents. In fact, Howard and
Wil lia m Hendricks show this truth in a book entitled, "As Iron
Sharpens Iron." Regarding men toring as a biblical training
model they state, "It was the primary means of handing down
skills and wi sdo m from one generation to the next" (Hendricks
and Hendricks 1995, 180).
The Scriptures are replete with examples of ment ori ng
relationships being used to train leaders. Included among the
many found in the Old Tes tament are Jethro and Moses, Moses
and Joshua, Samuel and David, and Elijah and Elisha. Of
course, these are only a few of the more pro minent examples.
The me nt or in g dynamic is a way of life for the Hebrews in the
Scriptures.
263
M e n t or i ng has ma n y more examples and proponents in the
New Testament. Of course, Jesus and his dis ciples and Paul
and Ti mot hy readily present themselves. However, since these
are so ins tructive for und ers tan din g rhe use of mento rin g in
training, they are considered separately. First, some other
examples are presented.
The relationship of Barnabas and Saul, who became
known as Paul, is an example of develo pin g leadership through
mentoring. Paul used his me nto rin g-s tyl e of encouragement
with Priscilla and Aquila, and then all three of them at one
time or an ot he r men tored Apollos. This pattern is
c h a r ac te ri st ic of mentoring; it tends to reproduce and
perpe tua te itself in the lives of those mentored. Having
ex pe rie nce d its worth and effectiveness, they ment or others
around them.
These biblical examples yield great insight into this
study for several reasons. First, the Bible is the very Word
of God, d i v i n e l y inspired, infallible, and inerrant.
Therefore, its teachings, by precept or example, are
trustworthy.
Second, the cultures of the Bible parallel the
Hi ghland Qu ich ua culture of this study in many ways. The clan
structure of families and communities within a larger ethnic
group is commo n to both. Also found in common is the
264
a g r i cu lt ur al context of the lives of God's people in the Bible
and of the Highland Q u i c h u a s . Fer ti li ty cults have
flourished, competing with wo rs hip of Yahweh alone, in the
lands of both. Many of the cultures of God's people in the
Bible lived during times of great oppression. There were
c on qu er in g and occupying forces over God's people in biblical
times, just as there have b e e n in the history of the Hi ghl and
Quichuas. Neither culture is highly literate, or written-
word-based, throughout the population, or has access to
researc h libraries. In addition, the leadership training
ba s e d in the New Testament does not find parallels in the
current we st ern model of trad iti ona l seminary education.
Finally, the church was e x p an di ng during Jesus'
e ar th ly life and the life of the apostle Paul just as the EPHQ
church is expanding today. Thac sh ared historical aspect,
c ou ple d wit h the common cultural traits, makes any effective
bi bli cal leadership training mode l attrac ti ve to the m od ern
m i s s i o n a r y educator confr on ted with the EPHQ challenge. The
exam ple of Jesus training leaders to continue his min is tr y
after his ascension may be g l e a ne d for use today. Also, the
tra in in g methods of the apostle Paul that have been pr e s e r v e d
in Sc ri pt ure are helpful. Th e s e sh ou ld be considered in a
sea rch for a training p r o g ra m among the EPHQs.
265
Paul's Leadership Train in g Met hod
The apostle Paul is seen as the mentor to m a n y New
Testament figures: Timothy, Titus, Silas, Onesimus, Luke,
Apollos, Philemon, and m a n y others. Paul taught them the
gospel that he had received from the Lord. His doc tr ina l
teaching was not in the context of a classroom, but in the
pattern of Deuteronomy 6:7-9; that is, Paul taught t he m as
they went about everyday life, traveling, eating, working, and
ministering. Paul mod el ed for them effective leaders hip
practices. Those being m e n t o r e d by Paul were exh or te d to
imitate his example in 1 Cor in th ia ns 4:16.
Paul stayed in touch with those he was m e n t or in g and
sent letters to encourage, correct, or exhort them as needed.
Beyond the reading of the Scriptures, this appears to be the
only other aspect of Paul's leadership training model that
required literacy skills. Since the letters were r eq uir ed to
be read aloud to the. churches, even literacy would not be a
p re req uis ite for leadership, as others could do the reading.
Paul's disciples found in him a leader who was
com mit ted to both their growth in Christ and the churches'
leadership. Paul told Titus that his duty on Crete was to
esta bli sh the leadership in the churches (Titus 1:5-9). Paul
also sought to perpetuate his teachin g to and through the
lives of those he mentored. He instructed them to train
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leaders who could also train other leaders. He st ated in 2
Ti mo thy 2:2, "The things which you have heard from me in the
prese nc e of ma ny witnesses, entrust these to faithful m e n who
will be able to teach others also."
This exhortat ion contains the m u lt ip li ca ti on pri nc ipl e
that is desperat ely needed in the training of EPHQ leaders for
the church today. The mis sio na ri es are frustra ted — by
language and cultural barriers at least--in their efforts to
train sufficient numbers of pastors. The nature of the
traditional Highland Quichua training methods ne ce ssitates
one-on-one ment ori ng or m e n t o ri ng with small groups. This
process must find a way of m u lti pl ica ti on to meet the need for
the large number of pastors needed.
Paul's Multip lic ati on Tr ain ing Me thod Illustrated
The following situation is devised for the purpose of
illustrating the m u l t i p l i c a t i o n principle. In such a
m u lt ip l ic a ti on model, a m i s s i o n a r y educator mentors a small
grou p of nine EPHQ leaders in as many churches. As agreed
upon at the outset of the m e n t or in g process, each par ti ci pa nt
selects a mentoree to begin me nt or in g after six months of
training. At that time, the original training relationships
continu e and are deepened, but new men toring rel ationships
also begin.
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At this poin t there are twenty people involved in some
level of training in the ment or ing model of training. These
mentorees are learning through the mentor in a master-
apprentice model. They also are learning by trial and error,
"watch and do," and on -the-job training. The me nt or will
ce rtainly also incorporate storytelling into the learning
process. Afte r six months, each of the pa rt icipants chooses a
new mentoree, and the process continues.
Now there are forty mentors and mentorees at some
point on the training continuum. Those teaching are often
learning as much or more than those they are teaching. Of
course, the safety net of this system is that the original
mis si o n a r y instructor has input into the entire process. He
keeps his finger on the pulse of the program and checks for
aberrant doctri ne and practice as the p r o gr am develops.
In this example, the process begins with a me ntor and
nine m e n t or ee s in as many locations. It continues and divides
into new pairs every six months while the original me ntorees
continue thei r m e n t o r i n g relationship on an as ne ed ed basis.
In this way, after five years of this program, there woul d be
10,240 EPHQ pastors and church leaders at some level of
m e n t o r - t r a i n i n g in the p rog ra m scattered throughout as m a n y
EPHQ churches.
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Beginning the p r o g ra m ............................... 10
After six m o n t h s ...................................... 20
After one y e a r ........................................ 40
After eighteen m o n t h s ................................. 80
After two y e a r s .................................... 160
After thirty m o n t h s ............................... 320
After three y e a r s ................................. 640
After forty-two months ........................ 1,240
After four y e a r s ............................... 2,560
After fifty-four months ........................ 5,120
After five y e a r s ................................. 10,240
Of course, this is only an example for illustration.
In actual practice, some will very likely fall away or lag
behind. However, this il lu stration of the multi pl ic at io n
prin ci ple is provided to demo nst rat e its ability to produce
many times more leaders than the current systems train. The
me t h o d of multiplic at io n was the me t h o d of Jesus.
Jesus' M u lt ip li cat io n Traini ng Me thod
Jesus led by example. He ca lled twelve men to be his
followers. The Gospel of M ar k says, "He appointed twelve, so
that they would be with Him. . ." (Mark 3:14). Jesus knew
that his earthly life was of limited duration and chose men to
continue the expansion of his kingdom after he returned to his
Father in heaven. Jesus taught through his example as these
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men traveled with him and served him, and were se rved by him.
Jesus also sent his m en to ree s out occ asionally in their on-
the-job training. T h e y reported back and went thro ug h times
of debriefing with him.
Jesus also taught them through stories. He rec ounted
Old Testament teachings, told m a n y parables to illustrate the
truths he emphasized, and p r ea ch ed sermons. The aural
cultures of today w ou l d fit pe rf ect ly into the leader shi p
school of Jesus Christ. He used object lessons and
illustrations from ev er y d ay life, and He did not require a
printed page for t ea ch in g the next generation of c hu rc h
leaders. Jesus was the perfect mentor as he taught with his
being, his words, and his deeds. Jesus' followers learned the
truth, how to live and die for the truth, and how to teach the
truth to o t h e r s — ail from following and im itating their
mentor.
Jesus also reg ul ar ly referred to the H eb rew Sc riptures
of the Old Testament w it h phrases such as "It is w r it ten ." In
the same manner, the p r o p o s e d pastoral training p r o g r a m will
also make frequent re ference to the Bible with similar
phrases. Additionally, the ultimate goal of the p r o g r a m is
that the pastors will be literate and bilingual. In this way,
not only will the Bible be cit ed in the oral in st r u c t i o n in
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the manner of Paul and Jesus, the students will one day be
studying their own copy in personal study.
Summary
The findings of the research are di vi ded into three
main divisions, the current EPHQ situation regarding
leadership training, the data gathered from the EPHQ leaders
through interviews, and the pertinent precedent literature.
The findings are summarized in this order and then compared.
The findings regarding the realities of leadership
training in the EPHQ context were provided by those
missionaries and nationals who work in this area. The
situation is daunt ing to those who cur rently strive to provide
leadership for the EPHQ churches.
The EPHQ churche s number around 2,000 to 2,500 in
Andean Ecuador, but there are oniy ar ound 500 pasters. The
church is growing, in part among unco nve rte d Highland Quichuas
who are identifying themselves with the EPHQ as a step of
ethnic solidarity. The numbers of EPHQs ne ed i n g churches is
growing rapi dly while the number of pastors remains fairly
constant. The training programs are not p r o d uc in g the needed
leaders.
Some of the reasons for this are the nature of the
existing programs and the nature of the culture. The schools
are located in the cities, operate largely in Spanish, and
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presume high levels of literacy. The majorit y of the EFHQ
churches are in the campo, are led by men who speak mostly
Quichua, and are steeped in their aural culture. There is at
least one EPHQ seminary, with three students, that is run by
EPHQs. Unfortunately, it is located in the capital city.
Relocating to the city to attend seminary is fraught with
challenges for the EPHQ.
An EPHQ man who attends a seminary in the city needs
to learn urban work skills since most of his traditional work
skills are base d in agriculture. The costs of living in the
city, pa ying matricu la ti on and tuition, and supporting a
family make the step impossible for many. Additionally, the
cla ss ro om model of formal instruction with the reading and
research that is required is a difficult adjustment for
someone from an aural culture.
A subsequent problem for those who are able to attend
seminary in the city comes after the seminary experience; it
is very di fficult to return to the harsh pa ramo where the
churches cannot pay a salary. Additionally, they must live as
poor farmer-preachers after becomi ng accustomed to the
advantages of city life. The proverbial brain drain that
sometimes occurs when students from poorer, less de veloped
areas mo ve to mo re affluent surroundings for schooling is
often the case. The benefits for one's children in the way of
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education and medical care are hard to leave behind. Wealth
has been d es cr ibe d as having a m u lt i p l i c i t y of options. For
this reason alone, leaving the options of the city for a rural
s u b s i st en ce -f arm in g existence is a difficult choice. It is
under st an da ble that man y do not take it.
The programs that operate in the rural areas are
b as i ca ll y discipleship programs. The programs are not
consistent, ongoing, systematic training schools. Bather,
most meet once every four to six months for one or two weeks.
The c ur ri cu lu m is based upon a current crisis in someone's
church or what happens to be the mi ss io na ry educator's area of
interest. There is little in the way of in-depth biblical
instruction or doctrinal formation in a systematic schema.
Many missionaries and their agencies have opted out of
min i s t r y among the EPHQ communities. The language barrier,
Highland Quichua culture, lack of medical care, few schools
for families, and harsh climate have led some to other areas
of service. For these same reasons, with historic cultural
pre judice added to them, many me st i z o pastors choose not to
work with the EPHQ effort.
Most of the current t ra ini ng models are either over
the heads and abilities or out of the geographic areas of the
EPHQ leaders. The training options accessible to many of them
are b a s i c a l l y discipleship progra ms that operate on the
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c l a ss ro om model. In these classrooms, the level of
instruction is lowered to a ch ie va bl e levels and the geographic
location is within reach, but the model does not attract or
keep the ones who need training.
The findings of the in terviews with the EPHQ and
Highland Quichua leaders are insightful as they reveal the
emic perspective on the current crisis. The findings reveal
that the EPHQs de mo cr ati cally select leaders base d upon
maturity, good reputation, hard work, involvement in the
church and community, and family life. These leaders are
ge n er al ly on their own to find adequate training for their
ministry. However, the m a j o r i t y stated that the best option
available is the quarterly on e- w e e k seminar-type workshops.
The informants shared that the traditional m e t h o d of
teaching young people to pe rp e t u a t e culturally expect ed roles
was through mentoring, on -t h e - j o b training, and master-
apprent ic e relationships. It was regularly stated that
Hi gh la nd Quichua young people "learn what they see." Since
Hi gh la nd Quichua culture is an aural culture, the pr in t e d word
is not as effective in traini ng as stories and m o d e l i n g the
desi re d behavior or skill.
The Highland Qui chuas have continued the knowledge of
the traditional legends, myths, and ancestral records through
the aural instruction of the elders in the communities. This
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practi ce is diminishing due to pressure fro m some mi ssi ona ri e s
to leave it behind with traditional animism. An ot her reason
for the disappea ran ce of this practice in m an y comm uni tie s is
the impact of globalizat ion through television and the
internet. The Highland Quichua habit is to "learn what it
sees." In this way, television and the internet are bringing
new values, norms, aspirations, and practices to the Highland
Quic hu a people.
In the midst of mo u n t i n g pressure upon the younger
Highlan d Quichuas from the el ectronic media to d i s c a r d the old
ways and become mo dern and sophisticated, there is a
bu rg e o n i n g ethnic re vitalization movement. Spurred on by
CONAIE and FEINE, the moveme nt calls for renewed de di ca ti on to
age-old traditional costume and use of the Quichua language.
The reticence of the older EPHQs to let these old ways
disap pe ar coupled with the pride of the younger EPHQs'
newfou nd et hnicity makes the training programs that utilize
Spanish less popular than ever.
The findings of the interviews further reveal that the
sugg es te d model of training would utilize the aural methods of
tra di tional Highland Quic hu a culture and a b i li ngu al approa ch
of Spanish and Quichua as the instruction language (if not
Qui ch ua exclusively) and wo u l d e mp lo y on-th e- job training,
m a s t e r - a p p r e n t i c e relationships, and "watch and do" as the
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primary basis of the training program. The EPHQs are seen to
be the best choice for instructors in the program, but only
after they have been thoroug hl y equipped for the task. The
final observation was shared by every informant: leadership
training is the greatest need of the EPHQ church.
The review of the pertinent precedent literature shows
that there are findings in previous research that resonate
with the preceding findings of the field research. TEE was
begun for the very reasons that a new progr am is needed in
Ecuador. However, the limitation of TEE in the current
context is the fact that by its very nature, it requires
literacy in the seminary system's language of instruction.
The TEE programs meet some of the needs by taking seminary to
the regions where the pastors are, making it more affordable,
and even being flexible regarding academic levels. Still, one
must be able to read, reflect, and write to successfully
pa rt icipate in a TEE program.
Literacy and bilingual education are revealed in the
literature to be helpful in some cases, but not the answer.
Areas of the aural culture wo r l d where literacy campaigns have
been pr omo te d for decades still face the same challenges that
confront the EPHQ church. Bilingual abilities are valuable
and open m an y doors in Ecuador, but this skill is not easily
attained.
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The most promising alternative for a leadership
training pro gra m of a growing church among aural culture
people is seen in the men to ri ng methods of Jesus, Paul, and
others in the Scriptures. These cultures have many
commonalities, and this style is readily adaptable in any
language. In preliterate aural cultures the best m e t h o d of
training leadership is one that is culturally appropriate.
This makes the me thod acceptable, portable, and embraced. It
must be culturally acceptable if the EPHQ leaders are to adopt
it and perpetuate its use by the m ul ti pl ic at io n principle.
The theory that has emerged from the findings of the
data gathered in the field research and the findings of the
pertinent precedent literature is presented and discu sse d in
the conclusions and recommendations of chapter 5.
CHAPT ER 5
C ON CL US ION S AMD RECOMMENDATIONS
The purpose of this study was to discern the
traditional Hi ghland Q ui ch ua ways of recognizing n e w leaders
and the traditional m et ho ds for learning and te aching new
information. With these data, the researcher sought to
identify emergent themes in which to ground a th e o r y for a
more cu lt ura ll y ac cep ta b l e way of recognizing and tr ai n i n g new
pastors for the EPHQ churches.
Based upon the findings, a theory has e m e r g e d that is
grounded in the ga th er ed data regarding the question, In what
ways and to what extent do traditional methods for rec ognizing
and training leadership among Highland Quichuas relate to
effective pastoral training? Specifically, in what ways can
traditional cultural te ac hin g models inform a mo r e ef f e c ti ve
pastoral training model among the EPHQs of Andea n Ecuado r in
order to meet the growin g leadership needs of the b u r g e o n i n g
church?
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The Theory
Based upon a thorough analysis of the data, the most
effective man ner in which to train EPHQ pastors and leaders
utilizes cultur al ly appropriate methodologies. More
specifically, the progr am must seek to train me n who have been
selected to be leaders by their churches according to
traditional cultural criteria. Spanish and Quichua will be
the languages of instruction in most areas while Quichua will
be used exc lu si ve ly in the communities that work and worship
in Quichua. The methods of teaching will be mentoring,
"watching and doing," on-the-job training, and master-
apprentice relationships with m is si on ar ie s or older pastors.
The m en to r relationship will be the foundation of the
program, which will be realized in the communities where the
EPHQ live and worship. The men being mentor ed will become
mentors by prog ra m design, thus incorporating a mu lt ip lication
principle as well as making EPHQ leaders who have been trained
the faculty of the program.
The curric ul um will be cyclical a n d sy stematic and use
the Bible as the primary, and in most cases the only,
textbook. The stories of the Bible will be told
ch r o no lo gi ca ll y to provide a me ntal Bible and to be the
textbook for other disciplines.
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279
The nature of the p r ogr am will be interdenominational
and will therefore focus on the fundamentals of Christianity.
Finally, the successful progr am must maintain consist en cy and
un if o r m i t y to be effective.
The The or y Explained
C ult ur all y appropriate me th odologies preclude the use
of c l a ss ro o m based instruction. Hi gh lan d Quichua culture uses
m e n to ri ng relationships iike those that are found in the
m a s t e r - ap p r en ti c e relationship in an employment context or a
father -son relationship in the home. These relationships are
natural and are therefore appropr ia te to use in training new
leaders in the EPHQ context.
Using Spanish as the language of instruction to the
ex clusion of Quichua has been a barri er to training EPHQ
pastors. EPHQ men who are in leadership positions are older
than the average EPHQ male and may not have had the
op p o r t u n i t y to learn Spanish fluently or attain a high level
of literac y in the language as ma n y of the younger men have.
In addition, the language of EPHQ homes and hearts is Quichua.
Tr ai n i n g m e n in Spanish unw it tin gly co mm unicates that they
cannot know God, worship Him correctly, or teach about Him
unless they learn another language. C h r i s t i an it y becomes a
foreign r e l i g io n— the religion of their conquerors.
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The instructors must be EPHQ men as soon and as
exte ns iv ely as possible. A me n t o r i n g methodology that employs
the mul tip lication .model will allow truth to be taught at the
heart level in Quichua by H ig hl an d Quichua men. As these men
enter the training program, it must be with the understanding
tnat they recruit a pastor or leader who desires training.
Within six months, they must begin meeting with their new
charge and mentoring him just as they were, and continue to
be, mentore d by their mentor. This will result in thousands
of leaders in a few short years. Additionally, these pasters
will not need to be cajoled into continuing education after
receiving a diploma for att ending a handful of one week
workshops; his education continues as long as his mentor is
available. It is common for mentoring relationships to
continue for a lifetime, albeit with diminished time
requirements.
The mentor will meet with the "student" on a regular
basis to discuss his ministry, church's health, crises,
decisions, and how to apply God's Word to these situations.
Of course, time will be spent praying together and building
the relationship. On-the-job training is the method of
appre nt ice sh ip that is seen in the ministry of Paul and the
training of his .young assistants. He trained leaders by
co ns is te nt ly modeling how to be, do, and say the gospel.
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Aural cultures place high value on face-tc-face relationships
and give greater value to information received in such
contexts.
The course mater ial should be cyclical. That is, the
me nt or -t e a c h er should spend time covering very b r o a d themes
and bodies of knowledge in a spiral fashion, ho ni ng in upon
the main topic for the lesson. For example, ea ch session on
ev an g e l i s m could be p rec ed ed by a review of the fall of man,
man's separation from God, the reason for the c om in g of
Christ, his righteousness, his vicarious work on the cross,
the resurrection, ascension, and second coming of the Lord in
glory. In this way, the student who misses a lesson or is
askec a question in his church regarding a lesson he has net
covered understands the broader scope of the discipline. An
approach that divides all of the aspects of r e de mp ti on intc
separate classes on each part often causes students to become
confused about how the whole pic tu re comes together.
The material should also be systematic. This
statement is not meant to be the antithesis of the preceding
paragraph, nor do they have to be contrad ic to ry in any way.
The systematic plan simply ensures that there is a plan. Some
training programs have adopted a curriculum m e t h o d that simply
answers the crisis of the week at the time of the q u a r te rl y
class. SI MNOW magazine reports that an EPHQ church in Peru
that had been meeting for more than ten years was asked the
name of Adam's wife in order to test their biblical knowledge.
Their response was, "We don't know who Ada m is" (SIMNOW 1995,
13). There must be a plan that is flexible and cyclical, but
which is also systematic ally teaching the pastors the whole
counsel of the Word of God.
The historical narratives and legends that the
traditional Highland Quichua storytellers recount to teach the
culture's past and clan knowledge lends itself perf ect ly to
Jesus' teaching m e t h o d — storytelling and mentoring.
Chronological storyi.ng of the Bible would provide aural
culture leaders with a mental Bible. Th ey may not have a
.translation of the Bible in their own dialect or they may not
be able to read due to preliteracy. Storying will teach them
the grand themes of Scripture. The Bible could also be the
textbook for evangelism, Old Testament survey, New Testament
survey, preaching, reading, etc. Since the Bible is one of
the few printed resources in some of the dialects, it must
also serve as the textbook. In addition, the Bible will serve
to illustrate truth taught in doctrinal classes.
Since the EPHQ people are not divided along strict
den omi national lines, except when taught to be so by others,
the training pro gr am should be interdenominational. Ano th er
reason for this emphasis is that hundreds, or even thousands,
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283
of pastors need to be trained immediately. The Evangelical
Protestant mi ssionaries and churches should pool their
resources and efforts to provide a training progr am for their
EPHQ brothers and sisters. The fundamentals should be taught
in the training program. Individual churches could emphasize
de no mi na ti on al distinctives such as speaking in tongues or
p r e d es ti na ti on at the local churc h level. Another motivat ion
for this is to aid the necessary requirement of uniformity and
consistency.
The successful and ef fective training progr am should
be uniform. An EPHQ leader who has been training in Guaranda
and relocates to Otavalo should be able to continue his
training with a new mentor in the same program. This would
also allow a church to comfortably accept a pastoral candidate
who has completed the basic level of training in this program
in anothe r region.
Additionally, costs could be reduced by printing in
bulk any training materials -for mentors or students. Ideally,
the Bible wo uld be the only tex tbo ok in the beginning stages
of the program, but as the pr og r a m develops and expands,
pr int ed mater ial s will become useful. Instructions for new
instructors could be produced in bulk to maintai n uniformity
and equal orientation to their tasks.
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Pastor-instructors and missionaries could also
participate in the program as they move around different parts
of the country without having to learn a new system. This
uniformity would help the pr og ram quickly gain cr ed ibility and
confidence from the EPHQ churches and leaders as they came to
see a uniform, nationwide traini ng program designed for their
benefit.
The program's success is also dependent upon
consistency. This program must have me nt or -instructcrs and
students who have a long-term commitment level. The program
depends upon relationships that are regular, genuine, and
dependable. The on-the-job training must be ongoing if the
student is to learn and grow. Two often quoted maxims come to
bear on the EFHQ situation: "Spaced repetition is the best
teacher," and "inconsistent disci pl in e is worse than none." A
sporadic attendance or effort will not yield the desired
results.
The principles that grow out of the theory require
consistent application if the truths and skills are to be
ef fe cti ve ly passed on. Each of these methods could be
utilized by missionaries wi th results almost from the
beginning. However, success requires more than missionaries.
For any training- m e th od to be successful, the EPHQs
must embrace it and utilize it themselves. This requires that
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it be a cultu ra ll y appropriate teaching method. Wi l l i a m Carey
is often quoted as having said, "If India will be won to
Christ, the Indians will have to do it." Similarly, there is
no way to bring enough missionaries to train the number cf
EPHQ pastors cu rrently needed, much less to keep up with the
growth rate. The EPHQ church and the missi on ari es must learn
the wi s d o m of 2 Tim oth y 2:2 and m ul tip ly their min is tr y
efforts by training others to train others, who in turn will
train others, and so on.
To summarize, the best me thod for training preliterate
aural culture people groups is to utilize the training methods
that are already found irn their cultures. It is a mistake to
seek to teach them another language in order to train them to
be ministers. The end result of this practice is a trained
leadership that oniy knows how to train people in a foreign
tongue.
Evangelical Protestant Highland Quichuas are first of
all products of their culture. Therefore, any successful
training p ro gr a m must incorporate the traditional teaching
methods of the Highland Quichua culture. The traditional
teaching meth ods that must be employ ed are mentoring, watching
and doing, and on-the -jo b training. Spanish and Quic hua must
be the languages of instruction. A l t h o u g h the instructors
must n e c e s s ar il y be cultural outsiders in the beginning, a
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pr og ra m that incorporates EPHQ teachers as qui ck ly as possible
must be devised and employed. The pastoral training pro gr am
must be based in the areas of the Highland Qui ch ua churches
and not in the major cities. The p r o g r a m must be built upon a
mu l t i p l i c a t i o n principle that will result in both greater
numbers of trained leaders as well as greater numbers of EPHQ
teachers training new leaders as soon as possible.
The program must be bib li ca ll y based, in most cases
using the Bible as the sole textbook. The c ur ri cu lu m must be
b a l a n c e d and systematic so as to teach the whole counsel of
the W or d of God. Understanding that attendance is sporadic
and that personal crises can hinder regular attendance in any
training program, efforts must be made to make the course
mater ia l cyclical. The broad base of biblical and doctrinal
b ac k g r o u n d should be presented and reviewed at every
opportunity.
The cultures of the world that are preliter ate aural
cultures woul d benefit from such an approach to leadership
training. The missionaries should extract the principles
found in this program, test t he m in their target culture, and
em ploy a ppl ic abl e aspects to other pre li ter at e aural culture
groups. The leaders in training woul d not only learn on the
job with their mi ssionary mentors, they woul d be learning how
to train other leaders. The m e nt or in g process, which
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continues for many years, w ou ld also be multiplied through the
others whom the new leaders wo uld train from their own
congregations. The process is natural, biblical, replicable,
affordable, and practical.
R e com me nda ti ons
The degree to whi ch this theory for an effective
pastoral training progra m among the EPHQs of Ecuador is
a c tu al ly successful is subject to further research to test the
theory among them. Therefore, it is recommended that the
theory be tested among the EPHQ populations of Andean Ecuador
in a pastoral training program. The specific details of the
study should be moni tor ed and co mp a r ed with existing training
programs. In addition, there should be follow-up with the
graduates and instructors after complet ion of the basic course
in order to make any adjustments that would enhance the
prog ra m' s overall effectiveness.
The Highland Quichua peo pl e are found in greater or
lesser populations throughout the And ea n countries cf South
America. Since they are also aural culture peoples who are
largely preliterate, the theory m ay prove applicable for
tra ini ng leaders in their context. The degree to which this
theo ry is actually successful in that culture context is
subject to further research to test the theory among them.
Therefore, it is recommended that the theory be tested among
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the EPHQ populations of those countries in a pastoral training
program.
In addition, it is recommended that the th eory be
tested among other pr el i t er at e aural culture societies around
the world to find the best m e t h o d for training leaders
wherever they are needed. The emphasis on reaching the
unreached by A.D. 2000 has resulted in thousands of
preliterate aural cultures who are now eva ngelized but remain
without their own leaders or ways to train them.
The researcher recommends that a scale be dev is ed by
which all of the diverse programs on the wide ranging
co ntinuum of theological ed ucation and pastoral train in g could
be placed. Various programs could be then be m e a s u r e d and
evaluated without the present danger of comparing non-
commensurate phenomena. Such a scale would ne ce s s a r i l y be
complex in order to avoid the subjective spec ula tio n that
attends many comparisons at present. That is, the scale wou ld
have to take into account factors such as faculty strengths,
size, and availa bi li ty as well as facilities, library, and
budget. Average student profiles and student b o d y size must
be consi de re d as well as the seminary setting, that is, urban
or rural, resident, commuter-based, mentored-TEE, etc. The
scale could account for the strengths and weakne ss es of these
various aspects and rank the level of education available.
289
The researcher also recommends that an internet
website be e s t a b li sh e d for co mm u n ic at io n and for encouragement
of those who seek to train leaders in p r e l i t e r a t e aural
culture con texts around the world. The results of testing
this theory, improvements, and e n ha nc em en ts could be added to
the we bs i t e by mi ssi onaries and nati on als aro un d the w or ld in
similar situations. In this way, thousands could tap into the
knowledge and research base to add to it or to gain from it.
Cu r r i c u l a that have been written, utilized, adapted, and made
avail ab le could be placed on the web site for others to use.
An e - gr ou p forum discussion group could be m a i n t a i n e d in
varying areas of interests and d i s c ip li nes for seeking
inf or ma ti on or sharing ideas and insights. A listing of
pert in en t books, dissertations, and theses could be made
avai la bl e and include options for online ordering. Links to
helpful online websites could also be emb ed de d in the site.
Furthermore, it is rec ommended that all pa rt icipants
in the le ade rsh ip training of pastors from pr e l i t e r at e aural
cultures should initiate and support symposia and conferences
as adv ocates of the approach that seeks to train pastors in
c ul t u r a l l y suitable ways.
A final recommendation is a goal of the researcher: to
publi sh this work in the US and make it avai lab le to
researchers, pastors, missiologists, interc ul tur al educators,
290
and mi ssionary strategists. More importantly, the
dissertation should be tr ans lat ed into Spanish and pu bl ish ed
in Ecuador to make the fruit of the research available to the
EPHQ church leaders and m i ss io na ri es working among them who so
desperately need such a training program. This Ecuadorian
publication in Spanish, and Lord willing, ultimately in
Quichua, is recommended so that Christ's church might expand
and be led by biblically p r e pa re d pastors and teachers.
APPENDIX A
SAMPLE INTERVIEW PROTOCOL
I am doing research as a part of the Ph.D.
Intercultural Studies pr og ram at Reformed Theological
Seminary. This research involves interviews of Highland
Quichua leaders. Because I understand that you are a Quichua
leader, I would like to ask you about how leaders are
traditionally chosen and trained among Highland Quichua
people. With your permission, I would like to record the
interview in order not to miss anything you may tell me. Of
course, your participation is entirely voluntary. The results
of this research will be written and published in a form that
will protect the privacy of the participants.
In the interview, I will ask you some questions about
how leaders are chosen and recognized among Highland Quichuas
and how they are trained and by whom.
I. FACTORS IN SELECTION AND RECOGNITION OF LEADERS
A. How are leaders tra di tio na lly recognized?
1. Among Highlan d Quichua society in general?
2. Among EPHQ churches?
a. Is there a pastor in your EPHQ church?
291
292
b. Has he received any formal training?
c. How long did the training take?
B. What characteristics or qualities are essential
to be accepted as a leader?
C. Who determines who the new leaders will be?
D. Who trains and equips new leaders?
E. How are new leaders trained and eq u i p p e d for
their leadership re sponsibilities?
II. TR AD ITIONAL HIGHLAND Q U I CH UA T EA CH IN G METHODS
A. How are young people trained to fulfill their
culturally expected roles?
1. What skills are taught to new generations?
2. What bodies cf knowledge must be passed on?
B. What positive and/or negative reinforcements are
used in the training process?
C. What values are passed down to successive
generations and how are they taught?
D. How are unfamiliar methods of teaching vi ewed by
the Highland Quichua community?
E. What wo u l d Highla nd Quichua pe op le say is the
best way to train leaders?
1. In what language?
2. By whom?
F. What is the greatest need among the EPHQ church?
APPENDIX B
SAMPLE FOCUS GROUP PROTOCOL
You have been invited to p a r t i c i p a t e in a focus group
that will discuss together some que stions about the selection
and traini ng of leadership among the Hi gh l a n d Quichua people.
Your p a r t i c ip at i on and responses will help explore the
tr ad itional and cultural Highla nd Q u i c hu a ways of recognizing
and pr e pa r in g leaders to fulfill their roles in society with a
view toward finding a better manner of pr ov id in g the needed
Highland Quichua pastors for EPHQ churches. With your
consent, the focus group discussion will be recorded in order
to ensure that important ideas are not lost. Of course, your
p a r t i ci pa ti on is entirely voluntary. The results of this
research will be written and pub li she d in a form that will
protect the priv acy of participants. This research is being
c on du cte d under the oversight of the Mis si on s Department
faculty of Reform ed Theological Se min ary in Jackson,
Mississippi, USA.
I. FACTORS IN' SELECTION A N D RE CO GNI TIO N OF LEADERS
A. How do you recognize new leaders?
1. Among your Highland Qu ic hua community?
293
294
2. In your church?
a. Is there a great need for more Highland
Quichua pastor s?
b. Should pastors be trained before beg in ni ng
their mini str y?
c. How long s h ou ld the training take?
B. What characte ri st ic s or qualities are essential
to be accepted as a leader?
C. Who determines who the new leaders will be?
D. Who trains and equips new leaders?
E. How are new leaders trained and equipped for
their leadership responsibilities?
II. TRADITIONAL HI G HL AN D QUI CH UA TEACHING METHODS
A. How are young pe ople trained to fulfill their
culturally e xp ec te d roles?
1. What skills must be taught to the younger
generation?
2. What bodies of knowledge must be passed on?
Genealogies, history, legends?
B. What positive an d/or negative reinforcements are
used in the traini ng process?
C. What values are pa s s e d down to successive
generations, and how are they taught?
295
D. How are unfamiliar methods of teachi ng v ie we d by
your Highland Quichua community?
E. What would your people say is the best way to
train leaders?
1. In what language?
2. By whom?
F. What is the greatest need among the EPHQ church?
APPENDIX C
INFORMAL E-MAIL SURVEY TO MI SS IONARIES

WO RK I NG IN HIGHLA ND Q U I C H U A TRAIN IN G
Dear Brothers and Sisters in Christ:
I am conducting research for a Ph.D. d is se rt at io n at
Reformed The ological Seminary. This research addresses the
issue of theological and pastoral leadership p r ep ar ati on among
the Qu ichuas of the sierra in Ecuador. This summer I have
already cond uct ed extensive interviews with over fifty Quichua
pastors and leaders in Ecuador.
In order to establish the current state of education
programs available for Christian Quichua leaders, could you
please answer briefly the following questions? This is
b ac kg r o u n d information only and your responses will be held in
the strictest confidence. Please feel free to answer as
b ri ef ly or as extensively as you wish. I will be grateful for
your wi sd om and insights.
I will be glad to provide you with a copy of my
findings, conclusions, and recommendations if you woul d like.
296
297
Than k you so much for your help with this informal survey. M ay
the Lord bless you as you seek to advance His kingdom among
the Highlan d Quichuas of Ecuador!
Under the Same Wing,
David Sills
1) What is your organization, and is it cu rrently
wo rk i n g in the area of theo lo gi ca l/ pa st ora l training among the
Qui ch ua s?
2) With how many Quichua churches is your mi n i s t r y
asso ci at ed ?
3) How many of these churcnes have pastors?
4) How many of the pastors have t h e ol og ic al /p as to ra l
training?
5) What is the duration and normal class schedule of
your training program? (2 weeks per quarter, night classes,
full time, etc.)
6) How m an y pastors are cu rrently being trained?
7) How are students select ed or approved for
ac ce p t a nc e into the training program?
298
8) What percentage of the faculty is foreign
missionary? Mestizo? Quichua?
9) What percentage of the instruction is in Spanish?
Quichua?
10) How many students has your program graduated in
the last ten years?
11) How many of these graduated students are curr en tly
pastoring?
12) What have you found to be the most successful
model of leadership training among the Quichuas?
13) What models or programs have been unsuccessful in
your experience?
14) Based on your experience, which model or p r o g r a m
of theological educ at io n/l ea der sh ip training offers the best
hope for Highland Quichua pastors and church leaders in the
sierra of Ecuador?
Again, may God richly bless you for your help. I thank
you. I pray that together we can find the most ef fective model
for training the Highland Quich ua s in Ecuador for the
advancement of Christ's kingdom and to the glory of God.
APPENDIX D
MAP OF ECUADOR
GA U P A G O S is l a n d s
(Archipelago de C o lin )
GALAPAGOS COLOMBIA
PACIFIC
& OCEAN
Tumaco
p»»iS
ECUADOR
B*ht» a*
? v ■ Cj}*“ Ancon dr
B iq u in io Mortno San Lorenzo Pasto
Esmeraldas
i E S M E R A L D A S ^ ^ V 'Tulca
Cato de ««
Son Francisco Mutsne s K -. S San Gabriel
Kurt
P A C IF IC '^oSl.^ilbarra? Carmen
Nueva Lcja Putumayo
OCEAN Cayamb
PICHINCHA
C ato rasado
Quito* SUCUM
MANa B , S anto^^S*
Bahia de
>D6mlngjoXVv
) £/ TPMachachi Baeza
Caraquez •W AHr. ✓ ^ Pto Francisco
de Orellana
Bthis dr iV fi'iK
Chone
'fcotopajoT r
Manta / latacungalff / NAPO Nuevo
Cato Quevedo . * Rocafuerte
San Loreruo
Portoviejo Ambato
C9P2f**+.
La Plata J'pijapa 1^ n.B O U VN-
A-
RfX .W*
'JR A H Ua
^
WBabahoyo/'’ C “ Riobamba
PASTAZA
T,
N ; r o Montalvo «PJ
- r Punta CUAYAS
Santa Elena Rio Tigre
Salinas Guayaquil ^Macas Rio C omcrltes / PERU
®\
Playas J O ^ u CAJVIAR
Pcsorja’ / w n i p f Naranjal
Golfc de
Guayaquil AZUAY
* M achala
Santa Clara
ECUADOR
T u n itie s
o National capital
Provincial capital
Q City, tow n
— —— International boundary
Provincial boundary
LOJA Pan American highway
acara
Primary road
Talara Secondary road
Railroad
-.Zumba^ Major airport
Sullana PERU W., 50 100 150 tm
OoundUrm «ntf fw m n s/vmm on mis map do not tfnpty

or acopeanc* ey tf» (Awed iWaoon* 100 mi
Mao No 1878 UWTED NATIONS Dopartim nt oT P u tt* information

M * eft 1996 Cartograpfuc Sacaon
299
APPENDIX E
C o m p arative R e lig io n C h a rt f o r Andean Ecuador

Basic ♦Protestant19 ♦Roman ♦Animism HIGHLAND
Relicrious Catholicism OUICHUA
Beliefs Svncretistic
Animism
Supreme Being One God, Same as Creator god. Creator,
revealed and Protestant Empowers Viracocha.
experienced lesser God of Roman
as Trinity; beings. Catholicism,
Father, Son, Mary,
and Holy animistic
Spirit spirits.
Key Figure in Jesus Christ Jesus Christ None Virgin Mary

History
Teachings on One divine Same as No interest Christ is

Christ person, Protestant in Christ. rarely
eternal with mentioned.
two natures, If so, He is
divine and either dead
human. on the cross
Supreme ex. or a baby in
of God's love His mother's
for humankind arms.
and His Catholic
intended doctrine
pattern of subjugates
living. God Christ to
was in Christ Mary. She
reconciling makes Christ i
the world to and His work
Kimsei f . iVaiiSCiy CO
men.
Holy Spirit Eternal Same as God's Same as

member of the Protestant presence and animism.
Trinity. influence,
Guide of active in the
Churches and world,
Christians especially in
nature.
'’A s t e ri sk s indicate that this information was obtained

from a pa mph let printed by the Home Mis si on Board of the
Southe rn Baptist Convention, p u bl ic at io n 363-40P.
300
301

Holy Writings Bible (Old Bible Oral (some Catholic and
and New inspired and written) animism mixed
Testaments). authoritative tradition, with greatest
Authoritative Canon folklore, empnasis on
unique, includes 7 accumulated oral
inspired Word O.T. wisdom of tradition
of God. Norm apocryphal tribe. since there
of faith and b o oks. was no
practice. Tradition written
reflects and alphabet
interprets before
Scripture. Spanish.
Doctrine of Created in Persons able Humans are Same as

Man Gcd's image. to respond to subordinate animism. God
Since Adam's God with love to and Mary must
fall, sin is or rejection; supernatural be appeased
inherent, ail unable alone forces and by man's
relationships to avoid all spirit- efforts
are damaged si n . beings. through
beyond human sacrifice,
ability to fiestas, and
repair. penance.
Doctrine of Willful Guilt of sin Acts which Failure to

Sin rebellion inherited upset the offer to
against God. 'Mary harmony of Pachamama,
uniquely nature, gods, attend
excepted;; cr community. fiestas, obey
pride is priests,
basic sin. honor the
virgin, shame
clan and
community.
Doctrine of God's gift God's grace Well-being of Tempora i

Salvation through through the salvation/
Christ's Christ's individual or well-being
atonement, atonement. tribe. found through
received by Received Gained by traditional
grace through through the prayer, religion.
faith in sacraments, pledges and Eternal
Christ. works through sacrifice. salvation is
the Church. Helps of through
Mary is the spirits or CatholLc
key. ancestors. church and
Mary. Works,
obedience.
302

Life After Eternal Purgatory, Existence in Combination
Death communion intermediate life is of
with God state of patterned Catholicism
(Heaven) or cleansing after this and animism.
eternal before world, but The future is
separation Heaven. free of pain never
from God Heaven and and emphasized.
(Hell) Hell are suffering. The here and
almost Wicked are now is more
identical forgotten or important
with annihilated. than eternal
Frctestantism life.
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Corporation.
CUR RI C U L U M VITAE
Name: Michae l David Sills
Address: 606 Mc Do na ld Drive

Clinton, Mississippi 39056
Date of Birth: May 12, 1957
Place of Birth: Jackson, Mississippi
Wife: Ma ry Phillips Sills •
Children: C hr is to ph er Michael Sills

Born: June 15, 1983
M oll y Catherine Sills

Born: June 25, 1986
licensed to Ministry: Briarwood Drive Baptist Chu rc h

Jackson, Mississippi, No ve m b e r 1986
Ordained to Ministry: Briarwood Drive Baptist Ch u rc h

Jackson, Mississippi, July 1988
Education: Bachelo r of Arts, Biblical Studies

Belnaven College, Jackson, Mi ss iss ipp i
December 1988, Summa Cum Laude
Ma st e r of Divinity, Biblical Studies

New Orleans Baptist Theological S e m i na ry
May 1991
Doctor of Missio lo gy
R efor med Theological Seminary, Jackson, MS
June 1997
Experience: Pastor, Lula Baptist Church

Jackson, Mississippi, June 1988 to 1991.
325
326
Mi ss io na ry to Ecuador, Foreign Mission

Board, Southern Baptist Convention,
General Evangelist, Ambato, Ecuador,
May 1991 to A.ugust 1993
Professor of Biblical Studies and Acade mi c

Dean, Seminario Teologico Bautista del
Ecuador, Church Planter, Quito, Ecuador,
August 1993 to October 1995.
Pastor, Wo od l a nd Hills Baptist Church,

Jackson, Mississippi, October 1995 to June
1999.
Adjunct Professor, Biblical Studies and

Spanish, Belhaven College, Jackson,
Mississippi, November 1998 to present.
Missi on ar y to Ecuador, Global Outreach

International, June 1999 to present.
Pastor, Grace Baptist Church,

Jackson, Mississippi, May 2000 to present.
Rector, Seminario Teologico Bautista del

Ecuador, Quito, November 2000 to present.
Awards: Summa Cum Laude, Belhaven College, December 1988.
The Awa rd in Biblical Studies, Belhaven College,

December 1988-1989.
Who's Who Among Students in America n Colleges and

Universities, 1989.
Woodward Scholar, New Orleans Baptist Theologi cal

Seminary, 1990.
Nelson Bell Missions Honors Scholar, Reformed

Theological Seminary, 2000-2001.

Sills David

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INFORMATION TO USERS

The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the

Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are reproduced by

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Bell & Howell Information and Learning

APPR OP RI AT E PASTORAL TRAINING M OD EL

Michael David Sills

B.A., Belhaven College, 1988

Su bmitted to the Faculty

Jackson, Mississi ppi

All rights reserved.

Bell & Howell Information and Learning Company

Dissertation topic: HIGHLAND QUICHUAS: DISCOVERING A CULTURALLY

Author: Michael David Sills

Committee Chair/Faculty Member

Dr. Samuel H. Larsen

Dr. Elias Medeiros

Date: Mav 2001

To Mary, Christopher, and Molly. You have encouraged

me and supported me through the good times and the bad,

through the times of separation during my field research and

and wor ke d in the Highland Quichuas' world and seen the

research and dissertation possible. Gracias por todo.

To my Lord and Savior, Jesus Christ. You gave me the

burden, the vision, and the strength to do everything you have

have made this a reality. jGlorificado sea Tu n o m b r e !

"Achcacunapaj haupajpi nuca yac hac hishcacunataca

"Lo que has oido de mi ante muchos testigos, esto encarga

"The things which you have heard from me in the presence

Ecuador and the Quichuas have been in m y heart and on

my min d for over fifteen years. Wi th my first reading of

Elizabeth Elliot's Through Gates o f Splendor, God began to

capture my heart and imagination for these people. We move d

to Ecuador to live and work among the Highland Quichuas in

1992 and arrived on Resurrection Sunday in Semana Santa.

Hundreds of people have been used by God to bring me

to this point in my minist ry to Highland Quichuas. Under

God's guidance, I have been led to adopt a life mission

statement that bears the fingerprints of all these people.

To preach and teach God's W o r d to my family, church,

I cannot name everyone, of course, but I must

ack no wl ed ge the most influential ones. I want to thank my

professors and mentors at RTS who have guided me throughout my

mi s s io lo gi ca l education: Drs. Sam Larsen, Elias Medeiros, Paul

Long, Enoch Wan, Michael Payne, and John McIntosh. I have

My classmates at RTS have also enriched my missi on s formation

by sharing of their rich cultural backgrounds and emic

My Ecuadorian friend and colleague, Joselito Orellana,

has played an essential role in my understanding of the

Ecuadorian context and ministe red to me during m y mi nis try

there. Fellow missionaries Alan and Fabiola Gordon, Allen

Thompson, Shedd and Kris Waskosky, Mike Welty, and Dan

Winkowitsch have each been a great help. Thank you.

The dozens of Highland Quichua informants who gave of

what is contained in these pages. A few were so helpful, I

feel as if their degrees have been earned as well. Thank you,

The support we have received through Global Outreach

International and our faithful minis tr y partners brought our

common desire to advance Christ's kingdom among the Highland

Quichuas this far. Our directors, Drs. Sammy Simps on and

Randy Von Kanel, were constant encouragers. The others in the

office have cared for us like we were family; and we are.

Thank you, Leshia, Lynette, Lynn, Marla, Merle, and Norma.

my families. Mary, I could never have done this without you.