INGLÊS - Ciências Humanas, Ciências Sociais Aplicadas, Linguística, Letras e Artes

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CHAVE DE RESPOSTAS

Texto 1

POSTCARDS FROM LATIN AMERICA

The roots of political ecology stretch far back in time – before the great wave of institutionalization of a new
academic discipline in the 1970s and 1980s, before the radical intellectual politics of the 1960s, before the
revolutionary writings of early twentieth-century anarchists, back to the advent of Marxism in the mid-
nineteenth century. Those roots spread far across space too, through Europe, Asia, Africa and the
Americas, in the roots and branches of anglophone, French, German, Spanish, lusophone, Indian and Latin
American political ecology (Leff, 2014; Freitas and Mozine). Here, the main focus is on Latin America and its
multifaceted contribution to this now quite international and intercultural research enterprise.

Latin America, encompassing lands and peoples stretching from the Mexican–US border to the southern tip
of Argentina and Chile, has a fair claim to being the most important region in the history and development of
political ecology. For one thing, it has long been a fertile source of thinking about how power relations infuse
politics, economics, ecologies and cultures through processes of de-territorialization and re-territorialization
that shape landscapes and people’s livelihoods. For another thing, it has long been a favoured object of
attention by writers both from within and without the region. On both counts, Latin America has long
prompted and shaped the political ecology imaginary – with worldwide implications in terms of theory and
practice.

Below, I explore selected Latin American contributions in relation to the epistemological reflection and
emancipation processes that give its identity to Latin American political ecology. While a case can be made
for thinking of a nineteenth-century writer such as Euclides da Cunha (see Hecht, 2008) or even Jorge
Amado (e.g. his 1943 classic The Violent Land) as proto-political ecologists, it is more overtly political
thinkers and activists such as José Martí (1963), José Carlos Mariátegui (1971), Frantz Fanon (2004) and
Aimé Césaire (1955) who are arguably precursors of Latin American political ecology. In Martí’s (1963)
affirmation that struggle was not between civilization and ‘barbarism’ but between false learning and nature,
we find a critical response to European epistemological-political colonization. From Mariátegui’s (1971) Latin
American Marxism, intended to root socialism in the traditions of indigenous peoples, including restoration of
their community life and productive organization, to the liberation pedagogy of Paulo Freire (1970) and the
eco-pedagogy of Leonardo Boff (1997), we can trace a lineage of critical thinkers who have forged this
research field. Meanwhile, Eduardo Galeano (1971) recounted in The Open Veins of Latin America the
history of its exploitative colonialism. Here, he brought to light the production of poverty generated through
exploitation of the earth’s wealth, with feverish extraction of gold and silver over centuries so rapacious that
it had seemingly exhausted the hitherto abundant supply of metals in the crust of Latin American territories

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while oppressing and displacing traditionally resident populations – until, that is, the recent and fiercely
contested reinstatement of this exploitative form of capitalism expressed today via the invasion of
technologically advanced mineral and oil extraction enterprises in the region. Likewise, poverty was
produced in the old agricultural latifundia (large agricultural estates) – for example, sugar cane in Cuba,
rubber in Brazil, bananas in Ecuador and Colombia – that also reappears today with traditional forms of
land exploitation as well as with new transgenic crops, biofuels and other so-called ecological forms of
capitalism. These historical and contemporary manifestations serve to demonstrate the insatiable thirst of
capital for nature that triggers socio-environmental conflict at the core of political ecological processes in
Latin America and more generally in the global South (Svampa and Antonelli, 2009; Svampa and Viale,
2014).

The field of political ecology is thus being forged in Latin America through the welding of theoretical
thinking, empirical research and political action. Indeed, in the emancipatory projects that they formulate,
indigenous peoples in Latin America assert that their struggles are simultaneously epistemological, political
and cultural processes. In the literature, this dialogue between theory and practice has been exemplified
over time by a variety of in-depth landmark case studies – for instance, in pioneering research highlighting
the defence of subsistence ecology by the Miskito Indians in Nicaragua (Nietschmann, 1973), the extractive
reserves of the seringueiros (rubber tappers) in Brazil (Porto-Gonçalves, 2001) and the activism of Afro-
Colombian communities fighting the appropriation of their territories in Colombia (Escobar, 2008). Recently,
scholars have sought to pull together and reflect on some of these historical and contemporary threads,
notably via a working group on political ecology established in 2000 under the auspices of the Latin
American Council of Social Sciences (CLACSO) (Limonda, 2002, 2006).

Fonte: adaptado de: Leff, H. Encountering political ecology: epistemology and emancipation. In: Bryant, Raymonf L. (orgs.) The
International Handbook of Political Ecology. Cheltenham, UK: Edward Elgar Publishing, 2015, p. 44- 54.

RESPONDA ÀS QUESTÕES CONFORME INFORMAÇÕES CONTIDAS NO TEXTO 1.

QUESTÃO 1

Trata-se o texto acima de

(A) uma resenha crítica sobre obras de escritores clássicos do século XIX, pioneiros na literatura eco
política na América Latina.
(B) um resumo sobre as raízes da disciplina de ecologia política na Europa, África, Ásia e Índia.
(C) uma reflexão geral voltada para o papel da América Latina na história e desenvolvimento da área
de ecologia política.
(D) um contraponto do autor a uma obra científica sobre a colonização político-epistemológica da Europa
na América Latina.

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QUESTÃO 2

Quais as principais razões para a América Latina ser reconhecida como a região mais importante na
história e desenvolvimento da área de ecologia política?

Primeiro porque desde muito tempo a América Latina é um campo fértil para o pensamento sobre
como as relações de poder permeiam a política, a economia, as ecologias e as culturas através dos
processos de desapropriação e reapropriação territorial que configuram as terras e os modos de
vida. Outra razão é que a AL, há tempos, vem sendo objeto de interesse/atenção de escritores locais
e de todo o mundo e compõe, assim, o imaginário da ecologia política com implicações na teoria e
na prática.

QUESTÃO 3

O que há de comum entre escritores como Euclides da Cunha, Jorge Amado, Martí, Mariateguí,
Galeano, dentre outros, segundo o autor?

Foram autores que contribuíram para a reflexão epistemológica e para os processos de

emancipação que dão identidade à ecologia política da AL. Foram pensadores críticos que deram
forma à ecologia política e que trouxeram à tona a história do colonialismo exploratório e a miséria
por ele gerada. Ele alega que escritores como Euclides da Cunha ou mesmo Jorge Amado eram
protótipos de ecologistas políticos e que, para o público em geral, os precursores foram os
pensadores políticos José Martí, José Carlos Mariátegui, Frantz Fanon, Aimé Césaire, Eduardo
Galeano dentre outros.

QUESTÃO 4

Analise as seguintes afirmativas e assinale a seguir:

I. Likewise e also, grifados no 3º parágrafo, podem ser intercambiados no contexto do parágrafo no qual
são empregados, sem prejuízo de significado ao parágrafo.
II. Meanwhile e hitherto, grifados no 3º parágrafo, podem ser, respectivamente, substituídos por in the mean
time e until this time, sem prejuízo de significado ao parágrafo.
III. The insatiable thirst of e the welding of, grifados no 3º e 4º parágrafos, estão empregados em sentido
figurativo.

(A) Todas estão corretas.

(B) Apenas II e III estão corretas.
(C) Apenas II e IV estão corretas.
(D) Todas estão incorretas.

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QUESTÃO 5

Na América Latina, as bases epistemológicas e o ativismo sócio-político na área de ecologia são

agendas

(A) simultâneas.
(B) inconciliáveis.
(C) contestadas.
(D) desassociadas.

Texto 2
THE SEEDS OF DESTRUCTION

Smashed stained glass windows, defaced religious statues, ashed portraits slashed with knives, sculptures
blown up, watercolours defaced, art objects doused in acid, destroyed with axes, defaced, or burned. As an
exhibition at Tate Britain reveals, iconoclasm has taken many turns throughout the centuries in the United
Kingdom, from savage destruction during the Reformation to more recent actions by contemporary artists.

In 1957 the artist Gustav Metzger mounted an exhibition of damaged art in King’s Lynn. Treasures from
East Anglican Churches was a selection of sacred artefacts that had been attacked during the period of
iconoclasm between the English Reformation in the 1530s and the Commonwealth of 1649-1660 when
Britain, under the Puritan Oliver Cromwell, was effectively a republic. Metzger already knew plenty about
annihilation. Born to Jewish parents in Nuremburg, he was evacuated via Kindertransport to England in
1939 at the age of twelve, just as Nazi Germany was engaging in genocide against its own people. His
parents disappeared soon after. In the 1950s he was involved in activism, first with the Committee for
Nuclear Disarmament and then as a founder of the Committee of 100. Later he made art born of material
violence - nylon panels that he corroded with acid, and liquid crystal projections that melted and reformed
under the heat of the projectors. He called it Auto-Destructive Art.

Metzger, argues Tate curator Andrew Wilson in the catalogue for the exhibition Art Under Attack at Tate
Britain, was not an iconoclast in the classic sense. Rather, he understood something that iconoclasts have
often failed to grasp. Breaking an image does not eradicate it; it merely replaces it with another. Destruction
is part and parcel of creation. Treasures from East Anglican Churches demonstrated just this fact: cruelly
mutilated artworks had transformed into powerful warnings against the latent violence of political and
religious dogma.

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Not all iconoclasts are naïve to the generative potential of destruction. When iconoclasm is a form of political
or religious protest wrought by a minority against the face of the status quo (rather than a state-sanctioned
process of societal reform), the creation of powerful new images may well be the intended outcome. In 1866
high-spirited vandals made nocturnal additions to John Nost II’s equestrian statue of King George I, located
in Leicester Square. A contemporary newspaper photograph shows the king’s horse adorned with black
spots, and both the monarch and his mount wearing conical dunce’s caps. It is a wonderful image;
apparently it was born of no particular complaint except a general derision towards the former king. (The
British antipathy towards false idols - religious, political or cultural - remains one of the nation’s
defining characteristics.)

‘What has happened that has made images… the focus of so much passion?’ asks Bruno Latour. ‘To the
point that being an iconoclast seems the highest virtue, the highest piety, in intellectual circles?’ The
answer, surely, lies somewhere between the mired conflicts of British religious history and the instantaneity
of today’s globalised digital media. Images are important, says Latour, not merely as ideological ‘tokens’,
nor as ‘prototypes’ for whatever it is they represent. Images, through their inevitable destruction, allow us ‘to
move to another image, exactly as frail and modest as the former one - but different’.

Fonte: adaptado de: Griffin, J. The Seeds of Destruction. Art Under Attack: Histories of Iconoclasm at Tate Britain. Disponível
em: http://www.tate.org.uk/context-comment/articles/seeds-destruction> Acesso em: 22 mar. 2017

RESPONDA ÀS QUESTÕES CONFORME INFORMAÇÕES CONTIDAS NO TEXTO 2.

QUESTÃO 6

A mostra Treasures from East Anglican Churches exibiu

(A) obras da arte sacra inglesa.
(B) obras de arte mutiladas.
(C) a arte iconoclasta contemporânea.
(D) obras da arte sacra anglicana restauradas.

QUESTÃO 7

Qual a relação entre o histórico de Gustav Metzger e sua arte?

Metzger conhecia bem a história da aniquilação. Ele era filho de judeus alemães de Nuremberge e
aos 12 anos em 1939, quando a Alemanha Nazista iniciava o genocídio contra os judeus, foi
evacuado com a família para a Inglaterra. Seus pais desapareceram logo em seguida. Em 1950, foi
ativista do Comitê do Desarmamento Nuclear e depois, fundador do Comitê dos 100. Mais tarde,

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começou a fazer arte a partir da destruição de materiais; nylon corroído com ácido, projeções de
cristal líquido aquecido e derretido, ao que chamava de arte autodestrutiva.

QUESTÃO 8

Por que Metzger não é considerado um iconoclasta tradicional pelo curador do Tate, Andrew
Wilson?

Porque Metzger compreendia que a destruição de uma imagem não a elimina por completo;
simplesmente a substitui por outra. A destruição faz parte e é uma parcela da criação. A mostra
Treasures from East Anglican Churches demonstrou que obras de arte que haviam sido cruelmente
mutiladas se transformaram em denúncia contra a violência latente de dogmas político-religiosos,
algo que os outros iconoclastas clássicos não conseguiam ver.

QUESTÃO 9

O episódio com a estátua do Rei George I, ocorrido em 1866,

(A) justifica a idolatria dos Britânicos a imagens.
(B) reforça o poder destrutivo e cruel dos vândalos da época.
(C) explica que o vandalismo da época não tinha motivações políticas.
(D) ilustra o quanto a arte mutilada pode gerar imagens interessantes.

QUESTÃO 10

Para Bruno Latour, o iconoclasta, entre os intelectuais, é

(A) comparado à instantaneidade da mídia digital.
(B) quase objeto de devoção.
(C) antipatizado.
(D) a própria imagem da destruição.